XXVIII.
The month of September ’78 was remarkable for the arrival in America of Michael Davitt. He had been released from Portland Prison on ticket-of-leave several months previously, and having travelled through Ireland in the meantime, now came to the States with the ostensible object of lecturing. This first visit of his differed from the second one paid in 1880 by reason of the change which his opinions underwent in the interval. When in September 1878 Davitt landed in America to be met by Devoy and others, and welcomed in an effusive address, he took pains, in replying, to state he was still faithful to the principles of his youth, for which he had suffered imprisonment, and that the dungeon had not changed his political convictions in the least. Apparently not, for during his visit Davitt put in an appearance at several Clan-na-Gael camps, and took part in their proceedings as a duly accredited brother and representative. Contact with Devoy, however, and with the theories on the subject of the “New Departure,” to which Devoy at this time was giving prominence, must have changed Davitt’s views somewhat, for references to past principles, life-long convictions, &c., soon made way for pleasant pictures and prophecies of the development known as the “New Departure,” which was at last to bring the Irish political plotter within sight of his Mecca.
There is no need for me at this late day to deal at any great length with what has since been known as the “New Departure.” It proved to be nothing more or less than the scheme which found its development and outcome in the Parnellite movement, viz., the bringing together the two forces of Irish discontent—the Constitutional and the Revolutionary sections—and, while allying them for strategic and financial purposes, yet so arranging the compact that each was allowed to work in its own way for the accomplishment of the object which all had in view—the repeal of the Union between Great Britain and Ireland.
The exact terms of the treaty or alliance proposed by the American Fenians, after consultation with Davitt, were set forth in a cable sent to Mr. Parnell by Devoy and some of his fellow-trustees of the Skirmishing Fund in the month of October 1878, at a time indeed while Davitt was still in the country. As the cable has a historic interest, I will quote it in full here:—
“The Nationalists here will support you on the following conditions:—
“First, abandonment of the federal demand, and substitution of a general declaration in favour of self-government.
“Second, vigorous agitation of the Land Question on the basis of a peasant proprietary, while accepting concessions tending to abolish arbitrary evictions.
“Third, exclusion of all sectarian issues from the platform.
“Fourth, Irish members to vote together on all imperial and home questions, adopt an aggressive policy, and energetically resist coercive legislation.
“Fifth, advocacy of all struggling nationalities in the British Empire and elsewhere.”
Following up this proposal, to which, by the way, no direct public reply was ever given, there appeared in the press letters from John Devoy advocating the new move in arguments which I think I can best summarise by using the following extracts from one of his epistles:—
“The question whether the advanced Irish National party—the party of separation—should continue the policy of isolation from the public life of the country, which was inaugurated some twenty years ago by James Stephens and his associates, or return to older methods—methods as old at least as the days of the United Irishman—is agitating the minds of Irish Nationalists on both sides of the Atlantic just now; and certainly no similar incident has aroused such wide discussion in Ireland for many a day as the publication of the views of the exiled Nationalists resident in New York on the subject.
“The object aimed at by the Irish National party—the recovery of Ireland’s national independence, and the severance of all political connection with England—is one that would require the utmost efforts and the greatest sacrifices on the part of the whole Irish people.... I am not one of those who despair of Ireland’s freedom, and am as much in favour of continuing the struggle to-day as some of those who talk loudest against constitutional agitation. I am convinced that the whole Irish people can be enlisted in an effort to free their native land, and that they have within themselves the power to overcome all obstacles in their way.... I am also convinced that one section of the people alone can never win independence; and no political party, no matter how devoted or determined, can ever win the support of the whole people if they never come before the public, and take no part in the everyday life of the country. I have often said it before, and I repeat it now again, that a mere conspiracy will never free Ireland. I am not arguing against conspiracy, but only pointing out the necessity of Irish Nationalists taking whatever public action for the advancement of the National cause they may find within their reach, such action as will place the aims and objects of the National party in a more favourable light before the world, and help to win the support of the Irish people.”