XXXI.
So matters progressed and developed, the only important incident of the interval being the discovery that James J. O’Kelly, late M.P. for Roscommon, after being despatched by the Revolutionary Directory of the Clan-na-Gael to England with moneys to attend to the shipping of arms to Ireland, had thrown in his lot with the advocates of the New Departure in Ireland, and been returned to Parliament with the funds placed at his disposal by the Revolutionary chiefs in New York. This, of course, was not the only occasion on which the moneys subscribed for blowing up England went to subsidise the New Departure. Davitt and Devoy had both drawn upon them to a large extent, though Davitt conscientiously paid every farthing of his share back in 1882.
In the month of November 1880, John Devoy issued a very peculiar circular to the Senior Guardians of the V.C., or Clan-na-Gael camps, which was remarkable as showing how loyal after all this author of the New Departure was to the methods of revolutionary work, and how he regarded the Land League but as the stepping-stone to more decisive things. This is how he put the matter:—
P.O. Box 4, 479.
New York, November 1, 1880.
“Dear Sir and Brother,—I propose to give a course of lectures this winter on the subject of “The Irish National Cause and the Present Crisis,” with a view to stirring up our people here and increasing the resources of the National movement. I will stipulate beforehand that the proceeds shall either go to the Revolutionary Fund of the V.C. or to the National Fund, so that we may be better prepared to meet any emergency that may be forced upon us by England. While believing that all our efforts should be directed to restraining the people in Ireland from any premature insurrectionary movement, I think the excitement at home should be utilised for the purpose of procuring the funds necessary to enable the National party to complete the preparations for the struggle for independence. The time for that struggle must be selected by us and not by England; but one must not forget that our hand may be forced in spite of all our endeavours; and it therefore behoves us to commence stirring up our people in America now. I think the Land League has now money enough for present purposes, and that the state of things prevailing in Ireland demands that all money that can be got from our people here should be devoted to revolutionary purposes. I am convinced, in fact, that the doing of this is the best help we can at present give the Land League. The prosecutions have already given the agitation a more decidedly national tone. Let us help to broaden it into a truly national movement, and make it serviceable to the cause of independence.
“If you agree with this view of the situation, I should be glad to receive your assistance in organising lectures in your vicinity, provided your doing so would not be detrimental to the interests of the V.C.
“I intend to begin in the New England States, then to go through a portion of New York State and Penna, and thence west. Communicate to the P.O. Box mentioned.—Fraternally yours,
“John Devoy.”
I was only too willing to arrange for such a lecture as Devoy wanted, for thereby I should be bringing Devoy and myself into contact, with every probability of getting useful information. Accordingly, Devoy lectured for me somewhere about January or February ’81, and during his stay visited and addressed my camp. He made a visit of some three or four days to my district, and as I had hoped and anticipated, we had many and long confidential chats together. The position of affairs was fully discussed. Devoy was very pronounced in his views about money subscribed for Land League purposes. What had been only hinted at in his letter, he gave very plain utterance to in his speech. The money subscribed for the Land League, he contended, should not all go for bread, and in this connection he outlined to me the ideas of the Revolutionary Directory of the Clan-na-Gael (of which he was a member) at this time. These were, to put it shortly, to strike and damage the British Government where and when they could. “The organisation on this side,” said he, meaning America, “have agreed to furnish the means, and the organisation in Ireland have signified their willingness to carry out a system of warfare, characterised by all the rigours of Nihilism.”
All, however, was not plain sailing to him, and with amazing frankness he explained to me what his fears were. There was, he admitted, no possibility of a rising, as the leaders in Ireland were all against such a movement in the weak condition in which the organisation was. But, on the other hand, all attempts made to restrain the fire-eating elements would be met with failure, unless something practical was done. The attitude of Rossa and his followers had also to be considered. If no active work was done, some of our best men would flock to Rossa’s standard and so weaken the organisation (Rossa, I should explain, had by this time taken up an independent attitude, and was working in connection with the fragments that remained of the old Fenian Brotherhood). It was thoroughly understood that work had been done by Rossa’s emissaries or rather some of them; hence the danger. The name of Boyton, whom I did not know at the time, but who was, as I learnt, a brother of Boyton the swimmer, engaged as a League organiser in Ireland, then came up, and I was informed that Boyton was one of those occupied in developing the new policy. By this I mean active warfare aux Clan-na-Gael as distinct from the constitutional work openly advocated by the Land League. Devoy remarked regarding this active policy that it was being well looked after, but would take time to complete.
Devoy’s confidences were in fact most exhaustive, and enabled me to send quite an interesting budget by the next mail to Mr. Anderson. I learnt, as a further item of news, that much trouble was being experienced in keeping the I.R.B. (the sister society) men in some parts of Ireland, notably in Mayo, where they had the best organisation and most arms, from making what Devoy described as “fools of themselves.” He, it appeared, feared attacks on the military when the latter were attending evictions. This striking interview between the Clan-na-Gael leader and the Secret Service agent concluded with the important announcement on the part of the former that he had received a letter from Mr. Parnell, through a friend, in which Mr. Parnell stated he was exasperated and was willing to do anything. He (Mr. Parnell) had agreed to the calling of the 1882 Convention, and to its being a National Movement Convention; and, in conclusion, Devoy said Mr. Parnell’s personal attitude towards the National (i.e., Revolutionary) party was well and satisfactorily understood.
This was, indeed, a time of confidences with me. I had communications with Alexander Sullivan and Meledy within a very short period from this, and from them—Sullivan being one of the Executive, and Meledy a leading member of the Clan-na-Gael—I learnt, though at different times, that a new plan of campaign was coming into force, nothing more or less indeed than one of cold-blooded murder and destruction. It appeared that a man called Wheeler had invented a new hand-grenade, and had offered a supply to the organisation. They were of such a portable character as to be easily carried in a satchel, and were especially adapted for the purpose in view. Meledy told me he had offered to take part in the work of placing them in Ireland and England.
The significance of the matter was lost upon me at the time, but was fully appreciated by me later on, when I learnt of the informer Carey’s evidence in connection with the Phœnix Park murders and the Invincible conspiracy, in the course of which he confessed that he and his confederates had arranged to kill Earl Cowper, the Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland, by a hand bomb just perfected in the organisation, which could be easily thrown from a window in a house in Cork Hill, Dublin, which they had selected for the purpose.