XXXVIII.
The month of August at length arrived, and with it the Great Dynamite Convention of 1881. It was pretty well known that “active” work was to be the order of the day, when the future plans and schemes of the organisation came to be discussed. Nothing was talked of throughout the camps but the utter lack of practical effort which had characterised the past few years; and now, when funds were pretty large, and the organisation itself in a very flourishing condition in every way, it was determined that some outward and visible sign should be given England of its power of doing mischief. The stories which were daily reaching America of the alleged brutalities being practised by the British Government, only served to inflame the blood of the rank and file of the conspirators, and to make them the more eager to force on some exhibition of their strength. The leaders, however, were in no sense behindhand in the way of bloodthirsty sentiment; indeed, as will be seen by what I have already stated about Devoy and others, arrangements had ere this been completed for giving expression to the popular desire.
The Convention, which assembled in the club-room of the Palmer House, Chicago, lasted from the 3rd to the 10th of August 1881; and although the word dynamite finds no single place in the official records of the assembly, it was in the air and in the speeches from start to finish. The whole question of active operations came up and was debated at great length in connection with the statement of accounts furnished by the trustees of the Skirmishing Fund. Many of the delegates present attacked both the Revolutionary Directory and the Executive Body for having practically done nothing, while an enormous amount of money had been spent from this fund; and wild demands were made for particulars. The fight raged so fiercely that disclosures were made compromising people on the Irish side of the water; and, in order to prevent a complete exposé, a resolution was suddenly passed forbidding the mention of names and other compromising particulars. Explanations were, however, tendered as to the schemes which had been discussed and in part arranged. These included the treaty with Russia, the supply of officers to the Boers, the torpedo-boat, the hand-grenade, the purchase and shipment of arms, the purchase of 200 six-pound cannons at $25 each, and the attempt to rescue Michael Davitt on two occasions.
In the end a resolution in the following terms was adopted which, read by the light of the many and excited debates, was a clear instruction to the Executive Body to be up and doing at once in the way of “active” warfare:—
“That it is the sense of this Convention that, while we do not dictate to the F.C., whatever action they may inaugurate, however decisive, will meet the full approval of the delegates present and the V.C. at large.”
This, however, was not the only important resolution they recorded. While the fight over an active policy was being engaged in, I secretly attended by request before the Committee of Foreign Relations, and explained to them the views of Mr. Parnell and Patrick Egan. As the result of what took place in connection with this matter, the following resolution was proposed and adopted in open convention:—
“That it is the sense of this Convention that both branches of the S.E. (i.e., the Irish and the American members of the Revolutionary Directory), in so far as they can give their time and energies to it, should devote themselves to the work of revolution; and if such bodies cannot give their approval to public movements that are intended to promote the political and social regeneration of Jsfmboe (Ireland) when they are supported by a large proportion of the Jsjti (Irish) people, they will at least refrain from antagonising them, and that the members of the I.S.C. (the Irish Republican Brotherhood) and the V.C. (Clan-na-Gael) should not arbitrarily be prevented from exercising liberty of action in regard to such movements.”