Ancestry in England—Brains in America.
In this country no one cares about ancestry. The spectacle of Mark Twain weeping at the tomb of Adam is a humorous expression of American opinions on this general subject of ancestry. To save time he paid his devoirs to the fountain head without stopping at the Guelphs, the Tudors, the Bourbons, the Hohenzollerns, the Hapsburgs, or the Romanoffs. There is no time, if there was any wish in this great country—shaking to the tread of gigantic business—to inquire, “Who was his father?” There is only time for such questions as, “What do you know?” “What can you do?” “How have you succeeded?” Integrity and ability stand a man in better stead in America than show of purple veins of Norman blood. Even in the aristocracy (so to speak) of brains, ancestry in one sense, so far from being an advantage, is apt to be precisely the reverse. A son of Henry Clay or Daniel Webster can never hope to attain the lofty pre-eminence of the sire, and suffer by comparison. Great men do not always have great sons. For one Pitt, the son of a great Chatham, there are hundreds of sons who intellectually dishonor great fathers. Brains, intelligence, industry, energy, and pluck; these are the talismanic words which stand for success in America, where no ghost of a dead feudalism hovers over the land, darkening it by its blighting presence. In England the first question, a silly echo of centuries, is, “Who is his father?” But who are the nobility? Have they any title as such to the respect of right-thinking persons? The nobility is running to seed, or rather the once noble tree is withering and dying; it has borne its fruit and its time has passed away. In Scriptural language, Why cumbereth it the ground? How many of the nobility are now worthless roues, habitual seducers, dried up or half consumed by the fires of passion and debauchery! They are dying as the fool dieth, with a drunken leer on their shrunken faces and the stain of dishonor on their escutcheons. The Commons of England will yet redeem the nation from the thraldom of a worthless aristocracy. America is the true field for the human race. It is the hope and the asylum for the oppressed and down-trodden of every clime. It is the inspiring example of America—peerless among the nations of the earth, the brightest star in the political firmament—that is leavening the hard lump of aristocracy and promoting a democratic spirit throughout the world. It is indeed the gem of the ocean to which the world may well offer homage. Here merit is the sole test. Birth is nothing. The fittest survive. Merit is the supreme and only qualification essential to success. Intelligence rules worlds and systems of worlds. It is the dread monarch of illimitable space, and in human society, especially in America, it shines as a diadem on the foreheads of those who stand in the foremost ranks of human enterprise. Here only a natural order of nobility is recognized, and its motto, without coat of arms or boast of heraldry, is “Intelligence and integrity.”
CHAPTER LI.
ARBITRATION.
How the System of Settling Disputes and Misunderstandings by Arbitration has worked in the Stock Exchange.—Why not Extend the System to Business Matters Generally?—Its Great Advantages over Going to Law.—It is Cheap and has no Vexatious Delays.—Trial by Jury a Partial Failure.—Some Prominent Cases in Point.—Jury “Fixing” and its Consequences.—How Juries are Swayed by their Sympathies.—A Curious Miscarriage of Justice before a Referee.—The Little Game of the Diamond Broker.
Wall Street has derived great prestige and character from the New York Stock Exchange. In fact, the Stock Exchange is Wall Street, so to speak, so much so that if the Exchange moved to any other locality, the latter would become the new Wall Street, to the utter oblivion of the old, which would soon be eclipsed and regarded as a thing of the past.
The New York Stock Exchange has distinguished itself in many respects, but there is probably nothing for which it is likely to become more famous in history than its solution of the great problem of settling disputes and misunderstandings by arbitration. Other financial bodies have tried the same substitute for ordinary law proceedings, but it would appear that greater success has crowned the efforts of the Stock Exchange in this particular experiment than any other corporate body.
The large number of cases on record that have been amicably settled by arbitration within the past few years, in which law would have been formerly considered indispensable, seem to point to a period, probably not far distant, when arbitration will be the great and ultimate court of appeal in the large majority of civil cases. Several considerations will make it the most popular. It is cheaper, less complicated, not subject to vexatious delay; it is more equitable, and the members composing the Arbitration Committees are business men, who are quick to discern, accurate in perception, sound in judgment and decisive in drawing their conclusions on business principles.
The expense of arbitration is a mere trifle compared with the enormous sums swallowed up in litigation.
Transactions involving millions of dollars annually in the Stock Exchange are made subject to settlement by this method of arbitration in the event of any difference of opinion arising in any particular case. Very few instances occur in which there is any necessity to carry the case beyond the jurisdiction of the Arbitration Committee.
The number of cases actually settled in this way would probably cost half a million dollars annually if they had to be brought into court, to say nothing of the incidental expenses, which would amount to as much more, arising from delay, on the scale of present charges by the legal profession, even leaving out our own Evarts, who is probably the Boss charger of the Bar.
The success attending the system at the Stock Exchange, I think, goes far to prove that the method might be universally extended to the great pecuniary interest and personal comfort of business men throughout the country, for the adjustment of their misunderstandings and grievances among one another.
My object in writing upon this subject has for its basis the hope that this chapter may catch the eye of some of our great merchants in this and other large cities, and that it may suggest to those of them who have not contemplated the subject already, the advisability and necessity of establishing for themselves a similar method of arbitration to that which has been so successful in the Stock Exchange, to be final and without appeal, in their respective business affairs.
Experience has fully demonstrated that trial by jury is in innumerable instances a signal failure; especially has this been so since what is known as “jury fixing” has become so common in the courts. The practice of bribing jurors has now become a secret profession, and is so ably conducted that it is almost impossible, except in rare instances, to expose it.
But apart from this vicious and criminal practice of tampering with juries, there are many other reasons why it is next to impossible, in a large variety of instances, to obtain justice from an ordinary jury.
Human sympathy plays a very important part in the verdicts of juries generally. I mean by this, class sympathy. A business man who is regarded by the community as rich and powerful, can hardly expect justice from a common jury unless the party opposed to him occupies a similar station in society. Where the position of either the plaintiff or defendant calls forth sympathy with regard to worldly means, in the large majority of cases the ordinary jurors will bring in a verdict in favor of the man of small or moderate means, believing that they are in duty bound to sympathize with the oppressed. In a case where a clerk or a woman, for instance, is a party to the suit, it is next to impossible for a man of means to receive equity at the hands of the great palladium of our liberty. I am sorry it is so, but I speak feelingly in this matter, as I have myself been a victim of this unworthy class prejudice, in a country where all men are theoretically equal.
Counsel usually make a great display over the cases of impecunious clients, out of all proportion to their magnitude. Mole hills become ostensibly transformed into mountains in the eye of the highly imaginative lawyer, who works himself up into such a dramatic pitch of enthusiasm about the wrongs of his client, that he appears to be in dead earnest. He infuses the same feeling into the jury, who are beguiled into solemnity by the force of forensic oratory, and fail to appreciate the farcical side of the case, but are totally swayed by sentiment and prejudice, to the utter exclusion of the evidence.
There are many objections, also, to trial or partial trial, by referee, although it is in many instances an improvement on the jury system. It is, however, amenable to numerous and flagrant abuses.
As an instance of this, I shall briefly relate a case which some time ago came within the sphere of my own observation.
A gentleman of my acquaintance had a claim for a very large amount against a financial man in good circumstances, and it was sent to a referee, who, after a long, tedious and exhaustive investigation of all the facts, gave a decision in favor of the plaintiff for several hundred thousand dollars.
Soon after the decision, the defendant saw the plaintiff, and made him an offer of thirty thousand dollars to settle the matter, at the same time stating that if he did not accept the offer, he would either appeal the case or hunt up fresh evidence for a new trial.
This offer of settlement, which was but a small part of the amount awarded by the judgment, was naturally declined by the plaintiff, and application was made to the court under the pretense of newly discovered evidence, for a new trial, which was granted. Thereupon, after another tedious trial, the old beaten track having been gone carefully over again, without omitting any of the aforesaid “whereases, neverthelesses and notwithstandings,” or any of the monotonous flummery connected therewith, the case was again sent to the same referee, before whom the same wearisome inquiry was repeated. This time, however, the referee relieved the monotony, at the close, by rendering a decision in favor of the defendant, for a large sum, instead of the plaintiff, as on the former occasion.
This decision was a genuine surprise to the plaintiff, who then called upon the defendant and expressed in severe terms his indignation at the change that had been unwarrantably made in the decision of the referee, saying he would not submit to it. He was extremely firm in his manner and said: “I positively assure you that if the judgment is enforced this town will not be large enough to hold you and myself.”
The successful defendant then said, “What do you want me to do?”
“Well,” replied the plaintiff magnanimously, “I simply desire to be released of that judgment.”
“Will that satisfy you?” asked the other litigant.
“Yes,” he replied, “under the circumstances. I have had enough of such law, and want to get rid of it.”
“Well,” said the defendant, “I will do it, and give you a receipt in full in satisfaction of all claims.”
After this cordial termination of the trouble, the defendant turned to the plaintiff and said confidentially, “I am sorry you did not take the thirty thousand dollars which I offered you. I would sooner you had it than anyone else, as I had to pay it all the same.”
The profound lesson of humility taught in Scripture, that “the first shall be last and the last first,” was fully verified in this instance.
As litigation is now carried on either before a jury or a referee, it has a tendency to stir up bad blood, which grows worse as the case progresses through its various and lengthy stages, leaving relations more strained and matters for both parties much worse at the end than at the beginning. As the case drags its slow length along criminations and recriminations between plaintiff and defendant are constantly elicited, and family matters that should be regarded as sacred are dragged before the eyes of the public, subjected to unfriendly criticism, and innocent parties who have no interest in the case are subject to have their private affairs made known, to their great mortification, and often to their great detriment, having a cloud thrown over their reputation long after the litigants have passed away.
Thus the evils of litigation are far reaching in their consequences, and frequently exercise a most deleterious influence over the character and prosperity of those who have nothing to do with the original parties to the contest, and have no interest in the suit.
The expense is also another important consideration in going to law, and is only to be measured by the bank balances of the contending parties.
The time lost in the methods of procedure now generally adopted is of the utmost importance, especially to people the success of whose business in a large measure may depend on their personal attention thereto. It is perfectly astounding to reflect on the important portion of a person’s existence that may be lost in one case, which, from its inception in the lower court up through the regular gradations of the Supreme Court and Court of Appeals when a new trial is had, probably thus going over the entire ground twice, may consume all the way from five to ten years under the perpetual pressure of mental anxiety and torture before the end is reached, when at least one, and sometimes both parties, are financially ruined.
The worry, wear and tear of attending to a lawsuit in the capacity of either plaintiff or defendant is perfectly incomprehensible to those who have never passed through the trying ordeal. A person in either capacity, with his train of witnesses, is obliged to dance attendance on court every day, no matter how pressing the necessities of his own business may be. Books must be carried thither, and all his establishment must be upset for the convenience of the court and to gratify the whims and caprices of the opposing litigant. The business places of the two contending parties are entirely disarranged, and the help thrown into a state of partial disorganization. Each party to the suit seeks to give the other all the trouble he possibly can, and to subject him to all the sources of annoyance his imagination can devise. Such is the spirit imbued by going to law.
A lawyer, therefore, who has about half a dozen moderate cases has thus his entire time occupied, and while his clients keep out of bankruptcy his income is as good as the annuity of a life insurance company, and frequently the security is better.
The effect of the change which I propose, in the majority of cases where merchants and business men find it necessary now to resort to legal methods, would perhaps not render the life of the ordinary lawyer so happy as it is under the present system, but the merchants would gain ten-fold more than the lawyers would lose, so the effect upon the entire community would be incalculably beneficial.
The system of arbitration which I contemplate could be extended in every line of business throughout the entire country, with a Central Association in New York or any other city that might be agreed upon. In fact, there might be several business centres, one in each important city, with its ramifications extending throughout the section in which its commercial interests more immediately clustered. Branch associations could be organized in the smaller cities and towns, enjoying all the facilities of direct communication with the central body, and availing themselves of all the information and statistics there collected, and the nature of decisions in special and leading cases of settlement.
Each association in its own city or town should be considered fully competent to deal with its own affairs, the Central Association being only consulted as an advisory body. I should recommend also that each association should have a governing committee, which should constitute its Court of Appeal, whose decision should be deemed final.
It would hardly be necessary to prescribe penalties for the few isolated cases that would kick against the arbitration system, and resort to law, as their legal experience before they got through would be punishment sufficient without the association taking any further action. Discipline, however, of a mild character, would have to be enforced in these and other special cases, for the better efficiency of organization.
It might be well to have a rule whereby the parties submitting their cases to arbitration should recognize the necessity, after having the methods of procedure thoroughly explained to them, of putting themselves under obligations to abide by the decision.
In carrying out a national idea of this kind of association, business could be greatly facilitated and much expense saved by the various committees having due regard to their places of meeting, so as to be as near as possible to the centre of the greater number of the witnesses in each particular case.
The courts, which are now greatly overworked, would be immensely relieved by this system, and they would have more time to sift important and exceptional cases which, in their nature, could not possibly be made subjects of arbitration. There are quite enough of such cases to occupy the time of the various courts.
One of the most vexatious and irritating things connected with court trials is the constant attendance required, even when no progress is being made in the case. The expenses, too, are always accumulating.
Though nothing is accomplished the attendance of the lawyers is far from being a labor of love. Their services must be handsomely rewarded by the litigants.
Such a process of settlement as I suggest would not, after all, be any great hardship to the best of the legal fraternity, as there would be enough work left for them, but it would afford immense relief to the now overworked judges, while it would facilitate and forward the ends of justice to an extent that can hardly be imagined by those who have been always accustomed to the slow and monotonous machinery of the law courts, and it would help to weed out the large camp following of pettifoggers, whose occupation would be partially gone.
There is a great deal of time lost in regular court business, causing much exasperation to the parties to a suit, in settling mere technicalities and side issues of law, before the real merits of the case can be reached. Many of these technical delays could be easily disposed of by business men, on business principles, and by taking a simple and common-sense view of the matter, by the usual methods pursued in arbitration.
This new method of settling disputes would do away with the farce of giving bonds in many cases, which is another great source of annoyance, and which, after all, only amounts to a mere formality in a large number of cases, and in many others a very hollow and fraudulent pretense, as many of the bondsmen are only men of straw, and though technically qualified, are not in reality responsible for the obligations undertaken by them.
When good, reliable sureties are offered, in many instances they are put through an irritating course of examination in relation to their private affairs, much of which is entirely unnecessary, and only designed to perplex and annoy them. They are thus obliged to expose matters relating to their private business, about which the public have no right to know anything, and they are often examined in such a way, as if they themselves were on trial, and were attempting criminal concealment of something that they had a right to disclose. A good deal of this arises from the impudent, unmannerly style of certain lawyers, who treat a man as a criminal suspect, when he has no interest in the case whatever, but has simply come voluntarily forward to assist a friend in trouble.
This is all, however, in the present method of procedure, connected with the machinery of so-called justice, and this kind of abuse has been carried to such an extent in some of the instances just referred to, that very few responsible parties, who know anything about the modus operandi of qualifying as a surety, are willing to respond to such calls of friendship. Hence, one of the difficulties in obtaining good bondsmen, and an additional reason why the professional straw men are so plentiful.
It probably helps the business of the latter, between whom and the abusive lawyers there may be an understanding on “boodle” principles.
I shall relate an instance which I consider worthy of permanent record illustrative of the matters to which I here refer, in which my firm was victimized.
On the occasion referred to, my firm sued a client for a just debt of sixteen thousand dollars. The case was sent to a referee, whose standing, in his particular line, was unquestioned at the time, and very few men, in his circle, had better family connections. He stood high in his profession and both sideS were satisfied with the choice. The case was very long and tedious, having been drawn out to a most provoking extent by encumbering the record with immense piles of irrelevant matter. The renewed calls for legal fees on both sides were numerous and vexatious, yet there was no help but graceful submission to the payment of this tribute.
After a number of years it was reluctantly conceded by the lawyers that the evidence was all in on both sides. The litigants breathed heavy and responsive sighs of relief, each side being confident of victory.
A short time prior to the close of the case, the referee spoke to me, gratuitously offering his advice to settle the case, as he said he intended to give a decision adverse to my firm. To this I demurred, and expressed my determination to fight the case to the bitter end.
The result was, however, that my firm not only did not get a decision in its favor for the $16,000 to which it was justly entitled, but this claim was wiped out by this Daniel come to judgment, who gave a decision in favor of the defendant for $132,000.
I regarded this award as such a terrible outrage upon justice that I obtained a stay of proceedings, and made an appeal, setting forth therein the advice given to me by the referee to settle before the case was closed.
Judge Fancher, who wrote the opinion on behalf of the bench, consigned that referee to everlasting disgrace, and set aside his opinion. There the case ended.
Another instance in my experience will illustrate the point which I have made in regard to the sympathy exhibited by juries with those whom they regard, rightly or wrongly, as oppressed. At one time I had employed a clerk at the rate of $2,000 per annum. He was a great disappointment to me in regard to competency, for the work for which I had engaged him, and for his entire lack of application to, as well as deficiency in, the department to which he was assigned. At the end of the first year, therefore, I gave him notice, in presence of two competent witnesses, that I should not require him after his year had expired, and advised him to look out at once for another situation. On the last day of the year he came to me with tears in his eyes and said that he had been unable to obtain another place, owing to the bad times prevailing, and begged me, in the name of his family, who was solely dependent upon him, to keep him in my services still longer, until he could get another situation. Purely out of sympathy for his condition, and believing his story, which was very plausible and pathetic, I told him that he might remain a short time longer on the same salary, but that I should require him to use all his exertions to get another place as speedily as possible.
When he entered on the second term his services were no more use to me than a fifth wheel is to a coach. After the expiration of a few weeks, I sent for him and inquired if he had got another situation; I said I had given him ample time to obtain one, and that I could not consent to keep him any longer. I therefore requested my cashier to draw a check to his order for the balance of his wages, up to date, filled in as a part of the body thereof with the words “payment in full for all claims and demands.”
Thereupon he left my employment, but called repeatedly at the office afterward. I assumed that his visits were simply for the purpose of paying his respects. At the expiration of the second year I received a notice of suit which he had commenced in Brooklyn for the balance of salary due him for the year, being at the rate of $2,000 a year for ten months.
The case came up duly in the Brooklyn court, his only witness being his father, who had made several calls upon me after the discharge of his son, on the strength of which he set forth, in his evidence, certain conferences that should have taken place between him and myself, the greater part of which were purely fictitious. He was the only witness called on the side of the plaintiff, while I had five or more witnesses to substantiate the facts, as I have related them, in relation to the young man’s discharge, all of them being of most excellent character.
Strange to say, the jury entirely ignored the overwhelming testimony on my side, and seemed to be altogether influenced by the “spread-eagle” address of the defendant’s counsel, which I am free to say was both able and ingenious. He drew a harassing picture of the poverty of the young man, and presented the imminent destitution of his family in a most pitiable light, brought about solely by the ruthless treatment of this hard-hearted millionaire and bloated bondholder. Hence the verdict was made, through the force of counsel’s oratory, to depend exclusively on the sympathy of the jury, irrespective of the evidence.
The case occupied several days, with five or six employees from my office in constant attendance, who were obliged to carry to and from court, every day, huge books and large quantities of papers, disturbing the regular business of the office in a very disagreeable manner.
After counsel had gone over the ordinary rigmarole in reviewing the testimony, the jury went through the formality of retiring, to keep up appearances, and after a brief interval of absence returned to court with a verdict for the deeply injured clerk for back pay, together with interest for the ten months during which he had not rendered me an hour’s service.
My lawyer was easily able to obtain fresh evidence from other sources, but he had not considered it necessary to put any more witnesses on the stand, as he had regarded the testimony already produced more than ample, so sanguine was he of success, and so fully satisfied of the plainness of his case, which he considered had only one side, and that in my favor.
The jury, however, put the boot on the other foot, upset all my counsel’s calculations and showed him that his law went for nothing where the famous twelve had the right to judge and legislate at the same time in accordance with their sympathies and prejudices. Still he went through the formality of going before the judge with new evidence, and applied for a new trial, which was ordered on the ground that the verdict was not in accordance with the weight of evidence.
The new case was called after the customary delays, and the same ground was duly traversed again, with my additional witnesses, before another highly intelligent jury, whose prejudices were all on the side of the greatly injured young man, who sought twelve months’ pay for two months’ useless services. The only witness that appeared again for the defendant was his faithful and veracious father, whose memory was marvellously correct in relation to his former statements on the first trial.
There is an old proverb which says that it requires such men to have good memories. I need not quote it, as almost everyone knows it.
To make a long story short, however, that forensic orator appeared again for his poverty-stricken client, armed with all the old enthusiasm exhibited on the former trial. He had not much new matter to present, but his dramatic attributes, by dint of longer practice, and more familiarity with his side of the case (it was only necessary for him to study the one side) had become considerably improved since his former effort, and it is needless to say that he carried the jury with him.
By that intelligent safeguard of our liberties, the jury, the second trial was only regarded as an aggravated case of persecution, on my part, and the verdict was given more cheerfully in favor of the plaintiff than on the former occasion.
Although it would have been much better for me, from a financial point of view, to have paid the amount of the exaction, with all the legal and illegal fees and impositions connected therewith, yet I felt disinclined to be bamboozled in that way.
When the court was applied to for another new trial, the judge said, “I have already given you one new trial, taking the responsibility. The relief you now ask has already been before two juries, and I am not willing to take upon me any additional responsibility in the matter. You must therefore look for any further rights or redress to which you may consider yourself entitled, to the Court of Appeals.”
The case is now, therefore, awaiting the good time and discretion of the Court of Appeals, where it will, in all probability, be heard and adjudicated upon sometime within the next ten years. In the meantime the young man is happy in the reflection that his judgment is a good investment, drawing six per cent. interest.
There is still another case illustrative of some of the peculiar points referred to, and showing the truth of the maxim among lawyers that, “You never know what a jury will do,” in which I had the honor, or the misfortune to be joined.
A well-known outside broker in Wall Street, who had a large experience in transacting business for Mr. Sage and other notabilities of the street, in “puts,” “calls,” and other exterior securities, came to me one afternoon and asked me if I didn’t want to buy a pair of diamond earrings.
At that time I had not begun my career as a dealer in diamonds, except in one solitary instance, and that was when I purchased the wedding ring, which is one of the requisites in a matrimonial contract for a long term. I was, therefore, comparatively a tyro in the business, and the party with whom I was dealing did not fail to take advantage of my inexperience. I made some inquiry about the diamonds from this broker, to which I received apparently satisfactory answers, and I concluded they would suit my wife, and as I had had a good day’s business I made him an offer of a thousand dollars for the precious ornaments, which he quickly accepted, and I paid him the money.
In the course of a few weeks after I was waited upon by a diamond dealer and his lawyer, with neither of whom I had the honor of any previous acquaintance, and they accordingly introduced each other. The diamond dealer introduced the lawyer and vice versa. I immediately concluded I was going to get a good stock order from both of them, but I was soon disappointed as well as surprised to find that these gentlemen had called on an entirely different kind of business, which was totally devoid of commissions on any stock transactions.
They said I had a pair of earrings belonging to them, and I declined to give them up except on return of my thousand dollars.
These two gentlemen bade me good day, and in the course of time I was served with the usual legal papers in a suit which reached the calendar after some time. The young man who sold me the diamonds was put on the stand. He testified that he had received them from a certain diamond broker, but not the dealer in question, with whom he had had no connection whatever.
The diamond broker, it appeared, had long been agent for this dealer, selling diamonds and had, as set forth in the evidence, sold over ten thousand dollars’ worth in a few years.
During the trial a paper was produced to prove that this broker had received these diamonds to show them to a customer, and as it turned out I happened to be the customer. The money which I had paid him for them he had failed to turn over to his employer, of whom I had no knowledge, nor had I any chance of knowing him in the transaction.
All the facts were presented, as above related, to the jury, who, after due deliberation, decided that I must give up the diamonds and suffer to be cheated out of my thousand dollars.
This case is now on appeal. I have since offered to relinquish the diamonds and lose my money, rather than suffer the expense and trouble of continuing the litigation, but plaintiff wants to bleed me further to the tune of $300 to cover his law expenses. To this illegal tribute I have not yet submitted, and have resolved to see what virtue there is in further defense before a higher tribunal.
“Millions of dollars for defence, but not a dollar for tribute,” is a maxim which it is expensive to follow, but after all, the result of such a course, if one can afford it, may be morally healthy.
I consider that these cases, in which I acted a rather unenviable part, are only samples of many which constitute one of the best arguments for a general system of arbitration, such as I have briefly and imperfectly outlined.
CHAPTER LII.
NEW YORK AS A FINANCIAL CENTRE.
Its Past, Its Present, Its Future.—Banking Decadence.—Growth of Interior Centres.—Obstruction from the National Bank Laws.—Relief Demanded.—Requirements of the Future.
What New York has been as a centre for the settlement of financial transactions is a matter of history; what it is destined to be, in that respect, may not be so entirely certain as some people hastily assume. There are some facts which seem to suggest the question whether our city may prove able to retain its past proportion of the vast settlements of this ever-growing continent; and, although there is nothing to warrant very positive opinions about the future, it must be conceded as an unquestionable historic fact that in late years there have been symptoms of positive decadence in the status of our financial metropolis.
In the past there have been three separate successive sets of conditions directly affecting the financial standing of New York. First, there was the period when this city was the distributing point for nearly all the importations, and for the bulk of our domestic manufactures through all parts of the country. Equally, New York was the almost sole port of export for Western products, and although the exports for the cotton States were made direct from their local ports, yet the financial transactions connected with those shipments were effected through this city. Then New York had virtually no competitor as an exchange centre.
Next came a period during which the larger Western cities, especially Chicago and St. Louis, aspired to become distributors of foreign and Eastern merchandise; a change very naturally following the rapid growth of population in the West and Southwest. Thus a vast jobbing trade became rapidly established at these interior centres, and New York’s share in the distribution of goods to the retail trade became, in a large measure, confined to the Middle and nearer Western States, and to a portion of the South. The jobbers of these new interior centres, however, had still to get their supplies of merchandise from or through the Eastern metropolis; so that, whilst we lost much of our jobbing business, we retained, with some limited exceptions, the importing and commission branches, together with their ordinary rate of increase.
We are now in the beginning of a third and still more important era, during which both the importing and commission branches of our trade are threatened with invasion. The Western jobbing houses have attained a standing which warrants their importing direct from the countries of production, instead of through New York. Another Western and Southwestern consumption has risen to such a magnitude as to encourage the creation of manufacturing establishments in the vicinity of the markets. The West is rapidly becoming a competitor in the leading branches of manufacture with the East, and is evidently destined to supply itself, at no distant day, with a very large portion of the domestic merchandise hitherto contributed through New York merchants, and with the facilities of New York banks. Nor is this all. Chicago and some other Western cities are throwing off their dependence on New York intermediaries for the exportation of grain and provisions, selling them direct to Europe, and shipping the goods on through bills of lading.
These changes are not the result of any mere spirit of blind recklessness grasping after business. They are the product of actual natural economies, and appear to be so decidedly in the interest of the Western merchants that it can hardly be doubted that the new methods have come “to stay.”
Clearly, then, the natural development of national production of commerce is to build up independent financial centres at the interior, the effect of which can only be to check in some measure the growing ascendancy of New York. Perhaps few among my readers will be prepared for the following statistical facts bearing on this question; the conclusions to be drawn from which are not very flattering to the pride of the “Gothamites.”
The transactions at the New York Clearing House are the surest indication of the standing and progress of this city as a financial centre. The records of that institution show that its annual exchanges rose step by step from 5,750 million dollars in 1854 to 48,566 in 1881, an increase of 744 per cent. in 27 years, or at the average rate of 1,585 millions per year. From 1881 there has been the following remarkable rate of decline:
In 1881, the exchanges were 48,566 millions of dollars.
In 1882, the exchanges were 46,553 millions of dollars.
In 1883, the exchanges were 40,293 millions of dollars.
In 1884, the exchanges were 34,092 millions of dollars.
In 1885, the exchanges were 25,251 millions of dollars.
Thus it will be seen that there has been a decline in the transactions of the Clearing House banks of 23,315 millions, or at the rate of 48.4 per cent., within the last four years. Last year the exchanges fell below even those of twenty years previous, when the amount was 26,032 millions. Of course, this very remarkable decrease in the volume of transactions is, in part, attributable to the great falling off in the amount of speculative transactions in 1885, as compared with 1881. This, however, can only account to a comparatively small extent for such a vast change. Something is also to be attributed to the general decline in the prices of merchandise and investments during the period; but this explanation is also entirely inadequate, for the average fall in prices did certainly not exceeded 20 per cent., while the decrease in the exchanges, as already shown, had been 48.4 per cent. Moreover, on the other side, some offset against the decline in speculation and in prices must be allowed on account of an increase of five to six millions in the population of the country during the interval; which, alone should call for an increase of 10 per cent. within this period. It is still more significant that, since the year 1872, the capital of the banks in the New York Clearing House has been reduced from $84,400,000 to $58,600,000, a decline of 30 per cent.; which at least implies that banking has become less profitable than it formerly was, and which could scarcely have happened if New York had retained its wonted share of the increase of financial operations arising from the growth of population and commerce in the nation at large.
Some light may be thrown on these changes by a comparison between the ratio of progress in the transactions of the Clearing Houses of New York and Chicago respectively.
In 1866, the first complete year of the Chicago Clearing House, the clearings amounted to $453,800,000, while in 1885 the figures reached $2,318,500,000—an increase of 410 per cent. At New York, in 1866, the clearings were $28,717,000,000, and in 1885 they had fallen to $25,250,000,000—a decrease of 12½ per cent. within two decades of great national progress, and while the population tributary to this city had increased over twenty millions.
In the year 1879—the period of the resumption of specie payments and of the beginning of a great revival of commerce and of financial enterprise—the Chicago Clearings were $1,257,700,000, and last year they were $2,318,500,000, showing an increase of 84.3 per cent. The clearings at New York, within the same period, show an increase of about ¼ of one per cent.
It has already been shown that the capital of the banks in the New York Clearing House (exclusive of surplus) fell 30 per cent. below 1872 and 1886; on the other hand, the capital of the banks in the Chicago Clearing House rose from $9,845,000 in 1872 to $16,928,000 in the present year, an increase of 72 per cent.
The foregoing comparisons show that although the clearings at Chicago are only about one-tenth those of New York, yet the former city is making very rapid strides, while here we are virtually retrograding, and confirm the conclusion above expressed, that the importance of New York as a financial centre is suffering from diversion of settlements and of banking facilities to the larger cities of the interior, and especially to Chicago.
So far as this tendency is the result of natural changes in conditions, it is inevitable and must be permanent, if, indeed, it be not destined to gain in force and extent. But so far as the change is due to artificial obstructions to banking operations, it is susceptible of modification.
And here I may be permitted to venture certain suggestions which may quite possibly encounter objections from men more than my peers in banking experience and wisdom. It has long been my conviction that the banking arrangements existing at New York are far from satisfying the requirements of a city that not only aspires to be, but also possesses many adaptations for occupying the position of the great financial centre, not only for domestic settlements, but also for international exchanges.
The bulk of our banking transactions are done by banks incorporated under either national or State laws. Admirably as the national banking system, taken as a whole, is constructed, yet it includes some important positive disqualifications for its institutions performing an important class of operations essential to a great centre of exchanges. It was, perhaps, not to be expected that a system designed mainly for provincial cities and for rural populations should adequately provide for these broader wants. Nor could any uniform and homogeneous system be expected to be very perfect and satisfy at the same time both classes of requirements. Interior banks, whose management must be expected to be more or less lacking in experience and competency, may need to be placed under legal restraints, which, in the case of a thoroughly conducted metropolitan bank, would be not only needless, but positively injurious. Unfortunately, this discrimination has received little recognition in our national bank legislation; on the contrary, that larger discretion which should have been conceded to the higher training and more select ability that administer the metropolitan banks, has been ignored, and heavier restrictions have been placed upon the New York national banks than upon those of any other part of the national system.
The “reserve” laws are oppressive to no better purpose than that of positive injury. All other banks than those of New York are permitted to count in their reserves any funds resting with their “redemption agents;” and this item usually constitutes, in the case of banks of the “other reserve cities,” 41 per cent. of the total reserves held, and in the case of all other banks about 60 per cent. The New York banks, on the contrary are compelled to hold their entire reserve (25 per cent. of their deposits) in the form of lawful money. Nor is this the heaviest embargo. The reserves are not permitted to be used when the occasion arises for which a bank reserve is always presumed to be provided. The moment a bank allows its reserve to fall below the required 25 per cent. it becomes the duty of the Comptroller of the Currency to close its doors and put it into liquidation if the deficiency be not immediately made good. If panic occurs, and depositors want their money, there is nowhere any power to relax the crushing force of this law, and the banks are therefore compelled to suspend payment to depositors and in order to avert general ruin at such times they have to resort to the expedient of making their cash assets available in common, thereby saving themselves and their customers outside of and in spite of the destructive tendency of the law. Of course, the danger of running into such a crisis as this creates a feverish dread in all times of special stringency in the money market. All eyes are at such times fixed upon the reserve “dead line;” and, as that limit is approached, loans are artificially contracted, depositors draw their money, and the very reserve that should be used for elasticity and to relieve periods of special tension become the certain cause of panic and ruin. A banking centre whose banks are periodically exposed to dangers of this serious character, and where the law unites with adverse circumstances to foster panics, is hampered with the worst possible disqualification for performing those higher and broader functions of banking which demand freedom of discretion and elasticity of resource.
This evil appears all the greater when it is considered that the amount required to be set apart as so much idle reserve ordinarily exceeds the entire capital of the banks. It might be supposed to be serious enough that such a large proportion of the resources of the bank should be held perpetually idle and earning no interest; but when this sacrifice of earning capacity is made for a purpose that brings no advantages, but rather a very serious danger, the effect can be nothing less than an unwholesome and very injurious restriction upon banking operations, and it is not surprising, therefore, that the national banks of New York city exhibit decadence instead of progress.
What is needed to enable this metropolis to reach the financial status to which it is entitled is a class of banking institutions possessing facilities and functions much broader and freer than those conferred by the national charters. It is out of the question to hope that these facilities may be provided through modifications of the national bank system. The banks, and especially those of New York, have to encounter so much prejudice and ignorant demagogism from Congress, in seeking any modification of the national system, that they would sooner endure almost any wrong than demand changes in the law. Their only redress is in reorganizing under the State laws, which many of them have already done, whilst new institutions almost uniformly prefer the State system. To meet the wants here contemplated, it would probably be necessary to get from the State Legislature special authorization for forms and functions of banking not now distinctly provided for under either Federal or State laws.
The special business to be done by such a class of banks scarcely needs enumeration, much of it being so self-evident. In the present stage of our national development, it is becoming a grave reflection upon our men of capital that we should remain almost entirely dependent on foreign bankers for the facilities for transacting our immense external commerce. The necessity that formerly existed for this dependence can no longer be urged as an excuse. All the capital and the banking experience necessary to found and to administer large credit and exchange institutions are ready to hand. A business of $1,200,000,000 per annum connected with our imports and exports would be available for this form of enterprise. Our export trade is crippled in many branches of business simply because it is found impossible to get the liberal credits necessary to facilitate consignments to distant markets. Manchester defeats us on cotton goods, not so much on the ground of prices or superiority of fabrics, but because her merchants can get any time or amount of credit required, whilst we have to market our goods on restricted credits and through Manchester agents, who at the same time are selling English products in competition with ours. The English exporter has the advantage of being able to get his credits from the bank with which he keeps his account, while the American has to go to a foreign banker, who has no inducement to consider his convenience or to moderate his charges. The natural place for an export merchant to keep his account is with the bank that grants him his credits; and this fact suggests the facility with which banks of the kind here suggested could build up a large business.
Every year we find it necessary to largely pledge our cotton crop in advance to provide the means for gathering and marketing it. Why should this money have to be drawn from England, especially as the crop is thereby subjected to the control of the foreign buyers, and we are unable to protect our own products? These advances afford an illustration of another class of important operations in which the existing banks cannot directly participate, but which ought properly to be undertaken by domestic banks.
With respect to our importations, what sufficient reason can be urged why the importer should have to get his credit from the agent of a London banker, instead of receiving it from an American bank through which he chose to transact his entire business, and which, therefore, would be the fittest source for procuring his credits? It cannot be to the advantage of the importer to be exposed to the vicissitudes of the European money markets, nor can the London banker grant credits to merchants 3,000 miles distant, whose position he imperfectly knows, without compensation for the extra risk. The business is, therefore, done at a disadvantage to both parties. The credit should be issued directly from the point where the importer does his business; and this would soon become the fact were banks to be provided possessing special adaptations for doing such a business.
Other functions proper to institutions of the character here suggested would be the negotiation of corporate loans, temporary advances to corporations, the receiving of corporate accounts, and the facilitation of corporate reconstruction. Banking for the larger corporations presents many possibilities of advantage to both banks and companies of which our existing banks cannot, as at present restricted, avail themselves.
It is needless to say that these suggested institutions, whilst undertaking operations of the special character above indicated, should also aim to secure the best class of deposits and to discount the higher class of paper. As the national bank laws would prohibit to them the profits of circulation, it might well merit consideration whether they should not issue to customers of high standing their own acceptances, within certain safe limits. These credits, yielding the current rate of interest, would be a highly profitable, as well as an entirely legitimate branch of business; and they have the sanction of successful usage among the best banks of London. I am unable to see what objection there should be to further following London precedent by allowing on deposits a rate of interest below that current in the market for the time being. Such a course would attract accounts and would immensely increase the power and the earning resources of the banks. Moreover, as such institutions, being exempt from embarrassing reserve restrictions and other needless limitations, would be less subject to the oscillations of the money markets than are the present banks, they would afford better advantages to members of the Stock Exchange in the form of loans upon securities than they now are able to get. The importance of this business may be inferred from the fact that the yearly transactions in stocks at the Exchange have averaged, for the last six years, 102,000,000 shares, which, at an estimated average of $60 per share, represents an annual business of $6,120,000,000, to say nothing of the business in bonds, which also is very large.
Banks of this character would naturally attract a large portion of the Stock Exchange houses, which experience has shown to be exceptionally safe and profitable. The single fact that these banks would not be obligated to conform their loans to arbitrary 25 per cent. reserve would be a decisive reason for Wall Street firms doing their business with such institutions.
To some extent the wants here alluded to have been met by our loan and trust companies. As institutions of loan and deposit these institutions are doing important public service, and the deficiencies in the functions allowed to the national banks are diverting to them a large and valuable business. The companies of this character in New York and Brooklyn have nearly $14,000,000 of capital and $15,000,000 of surplus and profits. Their resources aggregate $175,000,000, and their deposits $137,000,000. Their rapid progress is indicated by the fact that, since 1883, their resources have increased $32,000,000, or at the rate of 27 per cent. during three years of depression in business. But while this success demonstrates the great necessity for enlarged local banking facilities, the facilities afforded by the trust companies are entirely too limited to satisfy the large special requirements of a great financial centre above referred to, and only add to the necessity for a class of banks which shall do for New York what the great joint stock banks and the mammoth private discount houses of London are doing for the business of that cosmopolitan centre.
These suggestions are offered for what the men of Wall Street may deem them worth. They demonstrate that there is ample scope and urgent need for a new element in our banking arrangements to accommodate the larger operations of finance and commerce; and it would not be difficult to prove that the country is suffering seriously from lack of such facilities. It will not be pretended that there is any lack of either the capital or the managerial talent requisite for such enterprise. Nor, since the rate of interest has come to rule as low in this country as it is in Europe, have we any longer anything to fear on that ground from the competition of foreign bankers. At any rate, if New York aspires to a position of financial independence and to become, in the broadest possible sense, the financial centre of the vast and growing exchanges of this continent and of its transactions with other nations, there should be no delay in giving this greater breadth and scope to its banking institutions. Our merchants, I am satisfied, are ready to respond to a movement of this character; are the bankers and the capitalists equally prepared to provide the facilities?
CHAPTER LIII.
EARTHQUAKE THEORIES AND WALL STREET AFFAIRS.
The Shock of Every Calamity felt in Wall Street.—Earthquakes the only Disasters which seem to Defy the Power of Precaution.—Becoming a Subject of Serious Thought for Wall Street Men and Business Men.—The Volcano Theory of Earthquakes.—Other Causes at Work Producing these Terrific Upheavals.—Why Charleston was more Severely Shaken Up than New York.—Why the Southern Earthquake did not Strike Wall Street with Great Force.—Earthquakes Likely to Become the Great Disasters of the Future.
Wall Street is the financial centre of this country as much so as London is recognized to be the financial centre of the world at the present time. Hence it is really the heart of the nation, through which its financial blood flows to invigorate and impart new life to every section of the land. Hence, also, every section and city have an influence on Wall Street. When the Chicago fire occurred it immediately created a panic. When a calamity occurs at any part of the country the shock is first felt in Wall Street. When a large failure happens, such as that of a bank or important railway, in any other locality, the influence is at once imparted to Wall Street. This is owing to the fact that Wall Street is the recognized and only market for securities of every description. All sections are dependent upon it, because it controls the money market. It is the great connecting link of the financial transactions of the whole country. A probable disaster through fire, like that which occurred at Chicago, is now no longer a terror to the Street or to the country, as was the case for a long time after that terrible calamity, for the reason that methods have been adopted for the purpose of restricting the conflagration and confining it within narrow limits. Fires which occur now are soon extinguished, and it is unlikely that they can ever play such havoc as they have done in the past. The possibility, with our enlarged experience, of taking precaution against those various calamities has robbed fires of most of their former terrors. Science and machinery have furnished us with the means of grappling with them.
But the one great, and now very alarming exception, which seems to defy the power of science and every human precaution, is an earthquake. This remarkable phenomenon has awakened great interest and inspired terror in the minds of the people at the present time, because the exhibition of its destructive powers is fresh in our memories on account of its terrific visitation at Charleston. Hence, many people are in great fear that some other section of the country may be stricken at any moment with a similar overwhelming disaster. It is the insidious and uncertain nature of the calamity that strikes the mind with awe. There is no possibility of anticipating it or making the least provision to avoid its dreadful consequences. The Charleston earthquake wiped out over ten millions of property. It came, like a thief in the night, and before morning the greater portion of the city was a mass of ruins. When we reflect on the extent of the destruction of property, it is marvellous how few people were killed—only about one hundred, and only two or three hundred were wounded. One of the greatest wonders why this calamity should have occurred in Charleston is, that part of the city has stood for nearly two centuries, and the recent earthquake has been the first it has experienced. Another curious circumstance is, that the disaster should have occurred on so large a scale there, as the locality is so far removed from the region of any volcano.
This clearly demonstrates that the old “volcano” theory of earthquakes is thoroughly exploded, and we must seek for causes and the explanations in other quarters. Although Wall Street has not been governed by any known law of earthquakes, except as regards the fluctuations of the properties in a bear market dealt in at the Exchange, yet a great number of Wall Street habitues, as well as other business men, are beginning to think seriously on the subject of earthquakes, and are attempting to penetrate their causes. Reflecting upon the upheaval—or rather the settling down of Charleston—I have come to the conclusion that similar disasters may be looked for in other localities, hitherto not subject to them, and considered by scientists absolutely free from these phenomena, at least on so large a scale. These peculiar disturbances that now make life so precarious on this planet, I attribute to the innumerable and so largely increasing excavations going on in various parts of the country, in the different mining operations, which displace the underpinning of the surface and cause it to sink beneath the weight which it carries. Of all the great mining industries which conspire to produce earthquakes, I think that of oil plays the most important part, and is the most treacherous in its operations beneath the surface of the earth. The pumping of oil from the bowels of the earth has been going on for thirty years in this country in several districts. I believe it is not too large an estimate to state that in that time an enormous lake of oil has been removed, that would probably fill the basin of Lake Erie or Ontario. That fluid made its way, probably, some of it from long distances in subterraneous rivers before reaching the place where the nature of the soil permitted it to gush through a shaft to the surface, as it does in such abundance in the oil regions of Pennsylvania. Some of those undercurrents may have come from other States, percolating through and disintegrating the soil in their passage for hundreds of miles, until they found an outlet, on the principle that all fluids have a tendency to find their level. There may be a great underground reservoir of this oil, which has taken many years to penetrate through the earth owing to the tendency stated, cleaving, in its subterraneous journey, fissures through ranges of mountains, and thus loosening the earth and taking away the support from the surface wherever it has penetrated. The fluid, percolating through various strata of clay and rock, has displaced these in its course. Owing to this displacement there must, of necessity, be a settling down of the land in the various regions through which the oil has passed, which will, of course, differ in degree owing to the density of the rock or clay. If the earth should be of a pulpy, soft nature the settling will be greater, and when it happens to be the foundation of a town or city the catastrophe will also be greater in inverse proportion to the degree of consistency of the earth. It is presumable, therefore, that some of the streets beneath the foundation of Charleston is of this pulpy, yielding character, and hence great was the fall of that city.
When New York was visited by the earthquake in 1884, and at various other times, there was only a moderate shaking up, comparatively speaking. Why? Because its substructure is solid stone to an immense depth, even lower than the depths of the ocean. Of these subterraneous rivers of which I have spoken we have many examples besides that of oil, and also proofs that they traverse great distances, as, for instance, in the case of the Saratoga Springs. It is clearly demonstrated that in the case of these and other springs the waters must come from various sources, and pass through many varieties of minerals before they arrive at their destination, and thus receive the combination of elements which impart to them their medicinal qualities. Then there are numerous instances of this remarkable power of water in the case of these monstrous land slides in mountainous regions, such as the Alps. In the act of attempting to find its level, too, water sometimes exerts its influence, in breaking up rocks, equal in its manifestation to a powerful explosive. Thus we see the great influences that are at work everywhere capable of producing earthquakes without the necessity of resorting to the volcanic theory and without the aid of fire.
In further illustration of this theory of earthquakes, let us suppose that one of these immense oil lakes which must exist in the bowels of the earth should be situated beneath a mountain, where it has been undisturbed for ages, but through some recent disturbing cause—most likely that of excavating, to which I have referred—it begins to find an outlet through various fissures. When once started, this great mass of fluid matter begins to go with a rush, forcing innumerable outlets, until the internal lake is in a measure exhausted. This creates an immense vacuum, which deprives the mountain of a large portion of its support; hence there is a settling down of several inches or several feet, according to the nature and the solidity of the support. It is this process of settling down and the struggle of the large masses of fluid to force their way out, that create the rumbling noise resembling that of distant thunder, and which also cause the tremulous and quivering motion felt at the surface of the earth, and still more distinctly in the houses, and most distinctly of all in the upper stories thereof. These effects may be produced at a great distance from the original cause of action, varying, of course, in their intensity according to that distance. Several of these effects have been distinctly experienced in Charleston since the first great catastrophe, but showing that the cause is weaker and further removed from the scene of the disaster than it was during the first fearful shock.
The Charleston earthquake did not strike Wall Street with very great force. The very fact of its weak effect upon the great financial centre of gravity created about as much surprise in the Street as the frightful shock itself did in a very different and opposite manner upon the people of Charleston. The reason that the great catastrophe which overwhelmed Charleston had so little effect on Wall Street was chiefly owing to the fact that comparatively little loss fell upon the corporations or the people connected with Wall Street interests. The loss of ten millions fell mainly upon the people of the doomed city alone. Only a small portion fell upon people located elsewhere either in the North or the South. Had such a disaster happened in any of the large cities North, East or West, owing to their intertwining connections with Wall Street, a panic would have been the result not unlike the one which followed the Chicago fire.
Earthquakes are likely to become the great disasters of the future most to be dreaded. Our population now comprises sixty millions, which, at the present rate of increase, will soon reach one hundred millions. Among these is a large proportion of go-ahead, driving men, who are constantly diving into the bowels of the earth to dig up the vast treasures which are there concealed. Through this laudable enterprise the underpinning of the surface of our globe is being constantly disturbed; and though it is far from a consoling reflection, the time may come, and may not be far distant, when such calamities as that of Charleston may be as common as railroad accidents are now.
August Belmont
CHAPTER LIV.
AUGUST BELMONT.
The American Representative of the Rothschilds.—Begins Life in the Rothschilds’ House in Frankfort.—Consul General to Austria and Minister to the Hague.—A Great Financier and a Connoisseur in Art.
August Belmont has achieved the highest credit of any banker in the United States. His bills are always in demand and command a little more than those of any one else. He came to New York comparatively poor, but is now worth millions. As a representative of the Rothschilds in this country he has for many years held a high position in the financial world. He has managed the business of that historic house with prudence and exceptional acuteness and sagacity. Contrast his success in this country with the experience of Americans abroad. George Peabody, and J. S. Morgan, the successor of that philanthropist, may seem to be exceptions to the rule, but they did not win such social and business success as has been achieved by Mr. Belmont in this country, and the fact remains that no American could have been so successful abroad as he has been in the United States. Europe does not afford the opportunities that so often arise here. This is the country of great and frequent opportunities; there is a large and inviting field for enterprise and business skill, although, of course, all cannot win such a position in the financial world as that occupied by Mr. Belmont, who is reckoned among the wealthiest as well as the most honored of America’s adopted citizens.
He was born in the Rhenish Palatinate sixty-eight years ago. His father was a man in well-to-do circumstances, who sent him, when he was thirteen years old, to become an apprenticed clerk to the Rothschilds in their Frankfort house. According to the German custom, he received no pay; he was compensated by the opportunity of learning the banking business. He made rapid progress. Before he was twenty-one he was selected to accompany one of the Rothschilds to Italy and France as his secretary. In 1837 the famous house, recognizing the promising field in this country for profitable investments, sent young Belmont to New York as their agent, a position which he held till 1858, when he became their American correspondent and general representative, and this responsible post he has held ever since. In 1844 he was appointed Consul-General for Austria, and held the position for five years, when he relinquished it because of his personal friendship for Louis Kossuth and his sympathy with Hungary in the quarrel with Austria. In 1849 Mr. Belmont married the niece of Commodore Perry, the hero of Lake Erie, a beautiful and accomplished lady, who did much to strengthen his social position. In 1853 he was appointed Minister to the Hague by President Pierce, and served four years. He has always been a staunch Democrat, and was for several years chairman of the Democratic National Committee. He has generally refused to accept public office, but his eldest son, Perry, has served several terms in Congress.
Mr. Belmont is under the medium height, rather stout, with iron-gray side whiskers, round German features and keen dark eyes, and among the strong characteristics of the man is his marked chivalric courtesy and knightly courage. As a financier he has few equals and no superior, and to his politic and conservative management, as well as his foresight and intimate knowledge of affairs, is due the American prestige and success of the Rothschilds. Mr. Belmont’s house on Fifth Avenue, with its splendid art treasures, is worth a large fortune in itself. He is a connoisseur in works of art, and has one of the finest private collections of pictures in the world. For many years he has also had a princely residence at Newport and a stock farm at Babylon, Long Island. Though not, strictly speaking, a club man, he was one of the founders of the Manhattan Club. His successful career is an illustration of the fact that this country affords a fine opportunity for the intelligence, thrift and industry not only of native Americans but of the Republic’s adopted citizens.
CHAPTER LV.
THE SOCIALIST OBJECTIONS TO THE PRESENT ORDER OF SOCIETY EXAMINED.
Increase of Population and the Growing Pressure upon the Means of Subsistence.—Education and Moral Improvement the True Remedy for Existing or Threatened Evils.—Errors of Communism and Socialism.—How Socialistic Leaders and Philosophers Recognize the Truth.—Growth of Population Does not Mean Poverty.
Mr. Mill says: “It is impossible to deny that the considerations brought to notice in the preceding chapter make out a frightful case either against the existing order of society or against the position of man himself in this world.” How much of the evils should be referred to the one, and how much to the other, is the principal theoretic question which has to be resolved. But the strongest case is susceptible of exaggeration; and it will be evident to many readers, even from the passages I have quoted, that such exaggeration is not wanting in the representations of the ablest and most candid Socialists. Though much of their allegations is unanswerable, not a little is the result of errors in political economy; by which, let me say once for all, I do not mean the rejection of any practical rules of policy which have been laid down by political economists—I mean ignorance of economic facts, and of the causes by which the economic phenomena of society as it is are actually determined.
In the first place, it is unhappily true that the wages of ordinary labor, in all the countries of Europe, are wretchedly insufficient to supply the physical and moral necessities of the population in any tolerable measure. But, when it is further alleged that even this insufficient remuneration has a tendency to diminish; that there is, in the words of M. Louis Blanc, une basse continue des salaires (a continual decline of wages); the assertion is in opposition to all accurate information, and to many notorious facts. It has yet to be proven that there is any country in the civilized world where the ordinary wages of labor, estimated either in money or in articles of consumption, are declining; while in many they are, on the whole, on the increase—and an increase which is becoming, not slower, but more rapid. There are, occasionally, branches of industry which are being gradually superseded by something else, and in those, until production accommodates itself to demand, wages are depressed; which is an evil, but a temporary one, and would admit of great alleviation even in the present system of social economy. A diminution thus produced of the reward of labor in some particular employment is the effect and the evidence of increased remuneration, or of a new source of remuneration, in some other; the total and the average remuneration being undiminished, or even increased. To make out an appearance of diminution in the rate of wages in any leading branch of industry, it is always found necessary to compare some month or year of special and temporary depression at the present time, with the average rate, or even some exceptionally high rate, at an earlier time. The vicissitudes are no doubt a great evil, but they were as frequent and as severe in their former periods of economical history as now. The greater scale of the transactions, and the greater number of persons involved in each fluctuation, may make the change appear greater, but though a large population affords more sufferers, the evil does not weigh heavier on each of them individually. There is much evidence of improvement, and none that is at all trustworthy, of deterioration, in the mode of living of the laboring population of the countries of Europe. When there is any appearance to the contrary it is local or partial, and can always be traced either to the pressure of some temporary calamity, or to some bad law or unwise act of government which admits of being corrected, while the permanent causes all operate in the direction of improvement.
M. Louis Blanc, therefore, while showing himself much more enlightened than the old school of levellers and democrats—inasmuch as he recognizes the connection between low wages and the over-rapid increase of population—appears to have fallen into the same error which was at first committed by Malthus and his followers, that of supposing that because population has a greater power of increase than subsistence, its pressure upon subsistence must be always growing more severe. The difference is that the early Malthusians thought this an irrepressible tendency, while M. Louis Blanc thinks that it can be repressed, but only through a system of Communism. It is a great point gained for truth when it is recognized that the tendency to over-population is a fact which Communism, as well as the existing order of society, would have to deal with. And it is encouraging that this necessity is admitted by the more considerable chiefs of all existing schools of Socialism. Owen and Fourier, as well as M. Louis Blanc, admitted it, and claimed for their respective systems a pre-eminent power of dealing with this difficulty. However this may be, experience shows that in the existing state of society the pressure of population on subsistence, which is the principal cause of low wages, though a great is not an increasing evil; on the contrary, the progress of all that is called civilization has a tendency to diminish it, partly by the more rapid increase of the means of employing and maintaining labor, partly by the increased facilities opened to labor for transporting itself to new countries and unoccupied fields of employment, and partly by a general improvement in the intelligence and prudence of the population. This progress, no doubt, is slow; but it is much that such progress should take place at all, while we are still only in the first stage of that public movement for the education of the whole people which, when more advanced, must add greatly to the force of the two causes of improvement specified above. It is, of course, open to discussion what form of society has the greatest power of dealing successfully with the pressure of population on subsistence, and on this question there is much to be said for Socialism; what was long thought to be its weakest point will, perhaps, prove to be one of its strongest. But it has no just claim to be considered as the sole means of preventing the general and growing degradation of the mass of mankind through the peculiar tendency of poverty to produce over-population. Society as at present constituted is not descending into that abyss, but gradually, though slowly, rising out of it, and this improvement is likely to be progressive if bad laws do not interfere with it.
CHAPTER LVI.
STOCK EXCHANGE CELEBRITIES.
How Wall Street Bankers’ Nerves are Tried.—Fine Humor, Jocular Dispositions, and Scholarly Taste of Operators.—George Gould as a Future Financial Power.—American Nobility Compared with European Aristocracy.—How the Irish can Assist to Purge Great Britain of her Bilious Incubus of Nobility.—The Natural Nobility of our own Country, and their Destiny.
Among the well-known members of the Stock Exchange not elsewhere mentioned are James D. Smith, who is now in his second term as President, and who is also President of the New York and Exchange clubs and Commodore of the New York Yacht Club, a man of a genial nature and everyone’s friend; Brayton Ives, twice President of the Stock Exchange, the colonel of a cavalry regiment under General Sheridan in the civil war, and later a Brevet-Brigadier General; a graduate of Yale, and a member of the Union League, Century, Athletic and University clubs; Charles Johnes, the King of board room traders, once a clerk for Henry Clews & Co., now worth a million, and a Prince of good fellows, as bright and quick as he is popular; Louis Bell, a daring and successful operator, a son of the well-known Isaac Bell, and who was at one time a clerk with Brown Brothers & Co., the bankers; John Kirkner, another plucky operator, keen in forecasting the market, and tenacious of his opinions, whether contrary to generally accepted views or not; Eugene Bogert, Wm. B. Wadsworth, William Henriques and James Raymond, also successful traders; John Slayback, Edward Brandon, James Mitchell, Vice-Chairman Alexander Henriques, ex-President J. Edward Simmons, Secretary Geo. W. Ely, Donald Mackay, Thomas B. Musgrave, Frank Work, the Wormsers, R. P. Flower, John T. Lester, Frank Savin, Charles Schwartz and A. E. Bateman, are all worthy of special notice. Some of the foregoing have a large following, more particularly the large room traders, like Messrs. Johnes, Bell, Bogert, Kirkner and Wadsworth. There are eleven hundred members of the Stock Exchange, and it is seldom that a black sheep is discovered among them. There are some lambs, perhaps, who receive a spring and fall shearing, but if they have pluck the wool comes back again, and they push up the thorny and brambly path to wealth, leaving, it is true, a little fleece here and there in the struggle, but generally “getting there,” nevertheless. It is, however, a mistake to suppose that all the members of the Stock Exchange are wealthy. They have their ups and downs like everybody else, and some are in very moderate circumstances.
The strain on a Wall Street broker is so great, the tension of the nerves, in one of the most trying vocations known in the business world, is so severe, that joking and in fact boyish pranks constitute a safety valve for the relief of brains that would otherwise become disordered. Without the relief of joking and skylarking, Nature’s own remedy for the burdened mind in such circumstances—many a stock broker would go mad. “There is nothing so good as a laugh,” says the song, and this expresses a profounder truth than is generally suspected. Charles Darwin relaxed the severe mental strain induced by his inquiries into occult questions of biological science by reading the humorous extravagances of Mark Twain, and the greatest thinkers, men who are far out on the cold frontiers of thought, seeking, as intellectual pioneers, the solution of the fundamental problem of existence, are proverbially jocular in their hours of relaxation. Nature herself may be said to laugh, and why not overburdened business men? The pranks at Christmas on the Stock Exchange, the sound of hand organs in the Board Room, the smashing of hats, pushing and jostling, the blowing of tin horns, the waltzes and lanciers, the walking matches, wrestling and sparring—these are only the natural reaction through the safety valve of humor which tend to relieve undue tension and keep the spirits clear and fresh. There is more or less skylarking on all dull days, and the effect is mental invigoration. It is a mistake to suppose that only the younger men participate in these amusements. The older members are the most incorrigible. When a new member, for instance, is receiving his vigorous initiation and being hustled here and there like a chip in raging waters, his silk hat skimming along the floor, the foot ball of hundreds of feet, his collar at right angles with his person and his coat tails flying like a Dutch lugger under full sail, a group of older members may look on with apparent disapproval, but the moment the newcomer is driven in their direction he finds that his last state is worse than the first. The veterans give him a reception that makes him look wilder and gasp more than ever, and he is glad to escape from these gray bearded evil-doers. The horse play is rough but it does no harm, and the new member, after buying a new hat, is ready to “get square” on the next unfortunate wight to be initiated.
As to the Stock Exchange as a great financial institution, none stands higher in the world. Its transactions involve hundreds of millions in a year, and nowhere is there more regard for strict equity in business. Its members are as exemplary a class of business men as can be found anywhere. Its methods are strictly upright, and a black sheep finds no mercy. Wealth will not necessarily procure a membership in this great financial emporium. The applicant must be a person of good repute. It numbers men of great wealth, men of a high order of talent, men of scholarly tastes, connoisseurs in art, students of science, literature and philosophy, and men capable of standing at the helm and giving direction to vast enterprises in the domain of finance and commerce. There is not a more intelligent body of men in the world. The very nature of their business compels them to study great public questions, and many of the members are men of a distinctly statesmanlike caste of mind, of whom the Stock Exchange may well be proud, while they themselves derive no small distinction from being identified with so illustrious and honorable a body.