AMERICAN COMMISSION TO NEGOTIATE PEACE
Warsaw, 10 August, 1919.
My dear Mr. President:
In compliance with your request to submit to you in writing the suggestions I made to you last evening, I desire to state that the interest of President Wilson and the citizenry of the United States was not only to investigate the various occurrences during and after the occupation of some of the cities in your country as well as the alleged persecutions of the Jews, but also to ascertain the entire matter so objectively, impartially, and disinterestedly, as to enable the commission correctly to diagnose the difficulties and suggest a remedy.
Although our investigations are by no means completed, I have discovered that some of the main causes of your troubles are the inevitable results of conditions that your country has gradually drifted into, and are due to the fact that the release of the various sections of your country from them, to the objectionable rule by foreign potentates, came so suddenly that it found them unprepared to face and successfully grapple with the complicated problems resulting therefrom.
Poland, having at last had all her dreams realized, her ambitions more than gratified, finds herself economically prostrate on her back, yet too proud to ask for outside assistance. Her splendid pride has at all times to be considered by anyone who wishes to be of any use to the country. I feel that Poland possesses great resiliency, and has much latent potentiality, and all she requires is to be given some confidence in herself, and to be shown how to “help herself.” The new, proud Polish republic not only requires personal liberty, but as much freedom as possible from obligations to others for the exercise of the same. I firmly believe that when she is enabled to do this, she will ungrudgingly grant to her minorities the same privilege.
I am anxious to show Poland how she can rise from her prostrate position and discover that she has adequate strength, with very little propping, to start a brisk walk toward the goal she is aiming for—self-reliant, successful independence. It has occurred to me that if in her earliest steps she will permit her good friends, the other members of the League of Nations, to assist her with tender sympathy and unselfish, fraternal feeling, that she will be astonished at the rapidity of her progress. You need to have proclaimed for your government, your people, and the world, that your associates believe in you and want you to become a strong country, and are anxious to have you promptly develop that strength, for reasons too obvious to mention.
It has occurred to me that what you require is a proper currency system, and sufficient funds to enable you to secure adequate raw material and fuel that will justify your factories in starting off at full speed and not having to fear an early suspension of their activities. And you will have to establish some institution that will restore confidence in your population who, as I am reliably informed, are at present hiding, and therefore not using, a substantial part of your liquid financial resources.
A corporation should be organized with $150,000,000 capital, the right to subscribe should be divided, one-third to Poland, one-third to the United States, and one-third to England, France, Italy, etc. The stock should be paid in in instalments, particularly as to those shares subscribed for by Polish capital, as it is desirable that the Poles be given sufficient time so as to secure personally the benefits of the tremendous rise in the value of your marks which would result from the creation of this company. For this purpose I suggest five or six instalments, extending over a year or longer. The sum of $50,000 or $60,000 should be spent for publicity for subscriptions in all of your newspapers, and great stress should be laid on the fact that the mass of your people is to receive the preference in the allotment of stock. A systematic campaign something like our Liberty Loan campaigns, should be organized so as to create the proper sentiment in the country, to encourage rivalry between your various large cities, and rouse the patriotism of all your citizens. Care should be taken in the constitution of these committees so as to make them platforms for the promotion of better feeling amongst your people. All subscriptions of $100 or less should be allotted in full. This would satisfy your population that it was to be a genuine Polish people’s institution.
After a dividend of six per cent. is paid on the stock, the balance of the profits should be divided equally between the stockholders and the State. The profits paid to the State to be in lieu of all taxes. This would work both ways: it would satisfy the people that the State is to have its share, and it would satisfy the investors that they could not be subjected, in any possible changed form of government of Poland, to excessive taxation.
The establishment of such a corporation would at once create a large permanent credit for Poland. This corporation could assume the responsibility of contracts for large quantities of cotton, wool and produce, ships, and all necessary requirements for Poland’s resumption of activities.
Branches of the corporation should be established in all the large cities. I believe from conversations I have had with representative men in Wilno that they would subscribe largely to the stock, because I told them that although America would very likely be willing to participate in the creation of a large central institution for Poland with its headquarters at Warsaw and branches in the larger cities, it would certainly not be interested in a local institution in Wilno. It has occurred to me that cities like Wilno, Lemberg, Cracow and Lodz, etc., would vie with each other in subscribing to this institution if they were told that the capital allotted to their district would depend upon their subscriptions. It would be safe to say to them that there would be two dollars of foreign capital for every dollar that they would subscribe.
It seems highly important that England be interested in this corporation, because if the United States suggests its organization we must promptly assure all other countries, including the neutrals during the recent war, that America expects no commercial advantage over any other country in Poland.
I deem it very desirable that the stock owned by foreigners should contain a provision that the Polish Government, or a syndicate of which they would approve, would have the right at any time to buy the stock from the owners at from $125 to $150 per share. This would serve a double purpose: it would do away with any desire on the part of the Poles to have control of the institution from the very start, because they would know that at any time they could secure the same, and it would enable them to feel that this important concern could be made entirely Polish whenever their strength justified it; and the foreign owners would, on the other hand, feel that they would receive a proper compensation for their risk, and they would have rendered a fine service, not only to Poland, but to the entire world in accelerating the development of Poland’s economic strength.
I have carefully canvassed the available material in the United States for the president of this institution, and suggest to you that we secure Secretary of the Interior, Franklin K. Lane. There are few men in the United States that more deservedly possess the admiration and approval of all Americans. He is a man who is entirely free from any financial alliances, and therefore cannot be criticized on that score. Incidentally, it would be of the greatest service to your government to have one of the greatest experts in the science of government accessible to your cabinet and functionaries. As you no doubt remember, he has not only successfully administered that great Department of the Interior, but also was member and chairman of the Interstate Commerce Commission of the United States. He was selected by President Wilson as one of the commissioners that was sent to Mexico, and for other commissions. I have every reason to feel that President Wilson, although reluctantly, would consent to Secretary Lane’s responding to this call.
I think that the mere announcement of the contemplation of such an institution will electrify your people, and will replace the present pessimism with an optimism that will astound all of us.
If you and your associates in the government of Poland approve of the suggestion, our commission is ready and anxious to help you and such representatives of England, France, Italy, and other countries as you may invite to join us, promptly to work out the details and make this thought a living thing.
With kindest personal regards,
Yours very truly,
Henry Morgenthau.
Hon. Ignace Paderewski,
President of the Council of Ministers, Warsaw.
MANDATES OR WAR?[3]
WORLD PEACE HELD TO BE MENACED UNLESS THE UNITED STATES ASSUMES CONTROL OF THE SULTAN’S FORMER DOMINIONS
I am one of those who believe that the United States should accept a mandate for Constantinople and the several provinces in Asia Minor which constitute what is left of the Ottoman Empire.
I am aware that this proposition is not popular with the American people. But it seems to me to be a matter in which we do not have much choice. Nations, like individuals, are constantly subject to forces which are stronger than their wills. The responsibilities which nations inherit, like the responsibilities to which individuals fall heir, are frequently not of their own choosing. The great European conflict in August, 1914, seemed to be a matter that did not immediately concern us. In two years we learned that it was very much our affair. The impelling forces of history drew us in, and led us to play a decisive part. If we could not keep out of this struggle, it is illogical to suppose that we can avoid its consequences.
One of the most serious of these consequences and the one that perhaps most threatens the peace of the world is a chaotic Turkey. Unless the United States accepts a Turkish mandate the world will again lose the opportunity of solving the problem that has endangered civilization for 500 years.
The United States has invested almost $40,000,000,000 in a war against militarism and for the establishment of right. We must invest three or four billions more in an attempt to place on a permanent foundation the nations to whose rescue we came. An essential part of this programme is the expulsion of the Turk from Europe and the establishment as going concerns of the nations which have been so long subject to his tyranny. Unless we succeed in doing this we can look for another Balkan war in a brief period, perhaps five years.
Another Balkan war will mean another European war, another world war. It is for the United States to decide whether such a calamity shall visit the world at an early date. If we assume the mandate for Constantinople and the Ottoman Empire probably we can prevent it; if, as so many Americans insist, we reject this duty, we shall become responsible for another world conflagration.
Perhaps the most ominous phase of world politics to-day is that new voices are interceding in behalf of the Sultan and his distracted domain. The Government at Constantinople is making one last despairing attempt to save the bedraggled remnants of its empire. It has reorganized its Cabinet, putting to the fore men who are expected to impress Europe favourably; but it is not punishing the leaders who sold out to Germany and murdered not far from a million of its Christian subjects. The new Sultan has given interviews to the press, expressing his horror at the Armenian massacres, and promising that nothing like them shall ever occur again. More ominous than these outgivings is the fact that certain spokesmen in behalf of the Turk are making themselves heard in the allied countries. Again it is being said that what Turkey needs is not obliteration as a State, but reform.
Probably the financial interests which look upon Turkey as a field for concessions are largely responsible for this talk; the imperialistic tendencies of certain European countries are blamable to a certain extent, for, strange as it may seem, there are still many people in England, France, and Italy who urge that the Turk, bad as his instincts may be, is better than the Oriental peoples whom he holds in subjection.
If we listen to these arguments, and to the fair promises of the Turkish Government, we shall put ourselves into the position of a society which fails to protect itself against the habitual criminal. Every civilized society nowadays sees to it that constant offenders against decency and law are put where they can do no harm. Yet the Turk is the habitual criminal of history, the constant offender against the peace and dignity of the world, and if we permit him to remain in Europe, and to retain an uncontrolled sovereignty, it is easy to foresee the time when a regenerated Russia will again be dependent on him for a commercial outlet, so that the dangerous situation of the old world-order will be duplicated and perpetuated. We cannot hope sanely for peace unless America establishes at Constantinople a centre from which democratic principles shall radiate and illuminate that dark region of the world.
If we look at the Near Eastern situation we perceive that Italy and Greece are reaching out to such distances for territory and power that both, if their ambitions are gratified, will find themselves not only unable to govern the new lands they have acquired, but will be greatly weakened at home through expenditures in the maintenance of troops and governments in their colonies. The danger is not only that the Balkans will be more Balkanized than ever, but that Russia, too, will be Balkanized. The only safety lies in setting up a beneficent influence through a strong government in Constantinople, which would counteract the intrigues and contentions of embittered rivals.
A brief survey of the history of Turkey in Europe will suffice to make clear the danger of accepting in this late day any promises of reform from that quarter. I have always thought that the final word on Turkey was spoken by an American friend of mine who had spent a large part of his life in the East, and who, on a visit to Berlin, was asked by Herr von Gwinner, the President of the Deutsche Bank, to spend an evening with him to discuss the future of the Sultan’s empire. When my friend came to keep this appointment he began this way:
“You have set aside this whole evening to discuss the Ottoman Empire. We do not need all that time. I can tell you the whole story in just four words: Turkey is not reformable!”
“You have summed up the whole situation perfectly,” replied Von Gwinner.
The reason why this conclusion was so accurate was that it was based, not upon theory, but upon experiment. The history of Turkey for nearly a hundred years has simply amounted to an attempt to reform her. Every attempt has ignominiously failed. Up to fifteen years ago Great Britain’s policy in the Near East had as its controlling principle the necessity of maintaining the independence and integrity of the Ottoman Empire. The folly of this policy and the miseries which it has brought to Europe are so apparent that I propose to discuss the matter in some detail, particularly as it is only by studying this attitude of the past that we can approach the solution of the Turkish problem of the present.
From 1853 to 1856 Great Britain and France fought a terrible, devastating war, the one purpose of which was to maintain the independence of Turkey. At this time the British public had before them the Turkish problem in almost the same form as that which it manifests to-day. As now, the issue turned upon whether they should regard this question from the standpoint of civilization and decency, or from the standpoint of national advantage and political expediency.
The character of the Turk was the same in 1853 that it is now; he was just as incapable politically then as he is to-day; his attitude toward the Christian populations whom the accident of history had placed in his power was identically the same as it is now. These populations were merely “filthy infidels,” hated by Allah, having no rights to their own lives or property, who would be permitted to live only as slaves of the mighty Mussulman, and who could be tortured and murdered at will. All European statesmen knew in 1852 that the ultimate disappearance of the Ottoman Empire was inevitable; all understood that it was only the support of certain European powers that permitted it to exist, even temporarily.
It was about this time that Czar Nicholas I applied to Turkey the name “sick man of the East,” which has ever since been accepted as an accurate description of its political and social status. The point which I wish to make here is that that phrase is just as appropriate to-day as it was then. The Turk had long since learned the great resources of Ottoman statesmanship—the adroit balancing of one European power against another as the one security of his own existence.
Yet, there was then a school of statesmanship, headed by Palmerston, which declared that the preservation of this decrepit power was the indispensable point in British foreign policy. These men were as realistic in their policies as Bismarck himself. Outwardly they expressed their faith in the Turk; they publicly pictured him as a charming and chivalrous gentleman; they declared that the stories of his brutality were fabrications; and they asserted that, once given an opportunity, the Turkish Empire would regain its splendour and become a headquarters of intelligence and toleration. Lord Palmerston simply outdid himself in his adulation of the Turk. He publicly denounced the Christian populations of Turkey; the stories of their sufferings he declared to be the most absurd nonsense; he warned the British public against being led astray by cheap sentimentality in dealing with the Turkish problem.
To what extent Palmerston and his associates believed their own statements is not clear; they were trained in a school of statesmanship which taught that it was well to believe what it was convenient to believe. The fact was, of course, that the British public was under no particular hallucinations about the Turk. But its mind was filled with a great obsession and a great fear. The thing that paralyzed its moral sense was the steady progress of Russia.
This power, starting as a landlocked nation, had gradually pushed her way to the Black Sea. There was something in her steady progress southward that seemed almost as inevitable as fate. That Russia was determined to obtain Constantinople and become heir to the Sultan’s empire was the conviction that obsessed the British mind. Once this happened, the Palmerston school declared, the British Empire would come speedily to an end. It is almost impossible for us of this generation to conceive the extent to which this fear of Russia laid hold of the British mind. It dogged all the thoughts of British statesmen and British publicists. There appeared to be only one way of checking Russia and protecting the British fireside—that was to preserve the Turkish Empire. England believed that, as long as the Sultan ruled at Constantinople, the Russian could never occupy that capital and from it menace the British Empire.
Thus British enthusiasm for Turkey was merely an expression of hatred and fear of Russia. It was this that led British statesmen to disregard the humane principles involved and adopt the course that apparently promoted the national advantage. The English situation of 1853 presented in particularly acute form that question which has always troubled statesmen: Is there any such thing as principle in the conduct of a nation, or is a country justified always in adopting the course that best promotes its interests or which seems to do so? As applied to Turkey it was this: Was it Great Britain’s duty to protect the Christians against the murderous attacks of the Mohammedans, or should she shut her eyes to their sufferings so long as this course proved profitable politically?
I should be doing an injustice to England did I not point out that the British public has always been divided on this issue. One side has always insisted on regarding the Turkish problem as a matter simply of expediency, while another has insisted on solving it on the ground of justice and right. The party of humanity existed in the days of the Crimean war. Their leaders were Richard Cobden and John Bright—men who formed the vanguard in that group of British statesmen who insisted on regarding public questions from other than materialistic standpoints.
Cobden and Bright saw in the Ottoman question, as it presented itself in 1853, not chiefly a problem in the balance of power, but one that affected the lives of millions of human beings. It was not the threatened aggression of Russia that disturbed them; their eyes were fixed rather on the Christian populations that were being daily tortured under Turkish rule. They demanded a solution of the Eastern question in the way that would best promote the welfare of the Armenians, Greeks, Syrians, and Jews, whom the Sultan had maltreated for centuries. They cared little for the future of Constantinople; they cared much for the future of these persecuted peoples. They therefore took what was, I am sorry to say, the unpopular side in that day. They opposed the mad determination of the British public to go to war for the sake of maintaining the Turkish Empire.
The greatest speech John Bright ever made was against the Crimean War. “That terrible oppression, that multitudinous crime which we call the Ottoman Empire,” was his description of the country which Palmerston so greatly admired. Richard Cobden had studied conditions at first hand and had reached a conclusion identically the same as that of my friend whom I have already quoted—that is, that Turkey was not reformable. He ridiculed the fear that everywhere prevailed against Russia, denied that Russia’s prosperity as a nation necessarily endangered Great Britain, declared that the Turkish Empire could not be maintained, and that, even though it could be, it was not worth preserving.
“You must address yourselves,” said Cobden, “as men of sense and men of energy to the question—What are you to do with the Christian population? For Mohammedanism cannot be maintained, and I should be sorry to see this country fighting for the maintenance of Mohammedanism.... You may keep Turkey on the map of Europe, you may call the country by the name of Turkey if you like, but do not think that you can keep up the Mohammedan rule in the country.”
These were about the mightiest voices in England at that time, but even Cobden and Bright were wildly abused for maintaining that the Eastern question was primarily a problem in ethics. In order to preserve this hideous anachronism England fought a bloody and disastrous war. I presume most Englishmen to-day regard the Crimean War as about the most wicked and futile in their national existence. When the whole thing was over, a witty Frenchman summed up the performance by saying: “If we read the treaty of peace, there are no visible signs to show who were the conquerors and who the vanquished.” There was only one power which could view the results with much satisfaction; that was Turkey. The Treaty of Paris specifically guaranteed her independence and integrity. It shut the Black Sea to naval vessels, thus protecting Turkey from attack by Russia. Worst of all, it left the Sultan’s Christian subjects absolutely in his power.
The Sultan did, indeed, promise reforms—but he merely promised them. Despite experience to the contrary, the British and French diplomats blandly accepted this promise as equivalent to performance. It is painful to look back to this year 1856; to realize that France and England, having defeated Russia, had a free hand to solve the Ottoman problem, and that they refrained from doing so. That absurd prepossession that this oriental empire must be preserved in Europe simply as a buffer state against the progress of Russia entirely controlled the minds of British statesmen—and millions of Christian people were left to their fate.
What that fate was we all know. The Sultan’s promises of reform, never made in good faith, were immediately disregarded. Pillage, massacre, and lust continued to be the chief instruments used by the Sublime Porte in governing its subject peoples. Again the Sultan maintained his throne by playing off one European power against another. The “settlement” of the Eastern problem which had been provided by the Crimean War lasted until 1876.
These twenty years were not quiet ones in the Ottoman dominions; they were a time of constant misery and torture for the abandoned Christian populations. Great Britain and France learned precisely what the “integrity and independence of the Ottoman Empire” meant in 1876, when stories of the Bulgarian massacres again reached Europe. Once more Europe faced this everlasting question of the Turk in precisely the same form as in 1856. Again the British people had to decide between expediency and principle in deciding the future of Turkey. Again the British public divided into two groups. Palmerston was dead, but his animosity to Russia and his fondness for the Turk had become the inheritance of Disraeli. With this statesman, as with his predecessor, Turkey was a nation that must be preserved, whatever might be the lot of her suffering Christians. The other part, that played by Cobden and Bright in 1856, was now played by Gladstone.
“The greatest triumph of our time,” said Gladstone in 1870, “will be the enthronement of the idea of public right as the governing idea of European politics.” And Gladstone now proposed to apply his lofty principles to this new Turkish crisis. Many of us remember the attitude of the Disraeli Government in those days. We are still proud of the part played by two Americans, McGahan, a newspaper correspondent, and Schuyler, the American Consul at Constantinople, in bringing the real facts to the attention of the civilized world.
Until these men published the results of their investigations the Disraeli Government branded all the reports of Bulgarian atrocities as lies. “Coffee-house babble” was the term applied by Disraeli to these reports, while Lord Salisbury, in a public address, lauded the personal character of the Sultan. But these two Americans showed that the Bulgarian reports were not idle gossip. They furnished Gladstone his material for his famous Bulgarian pamphlet, in which he propounded the only solution of the Turkish problem that should satisfy the conscience of the British people. His words, uttered in 1876, are just as timely now as they were then.
“Let the Turks now carry away their abuses in the only possible manner, namely, by carrying away themselves. Their Zaptiehs and their Mudirs, their Bimbashis and their Yugbashis, their Kaimakans and their Pashas, one and all, bag and baggage, shall, I hope, clear out from the province they have desolated and profaned.”
Gladstone’s denunciation stirred the British conscience to its depths. The finer side of the British character manifested itself; the public conscience had made great advances since 1856, and the masses of the British people began to see the Ottoman problem in its true light. Consequently, when Russia intervened in behalf of the Bulgarians and other persecuted peoples, England did not commit the fearful mistake of 1853—she did not go to war to prevent the intervention. British public opinion at first applauded the Russian armies; when, however, the Czar’s forces approached Constantinople, the old dread of Crimean days seized the British public once more. Again Englishmen forgot the miseries of the Christians and began to see the spectre of Russia seated at Constantinople. Again Great Britain began to prepare for war; the British fleet passed the Dardanelles and anchored off Constantinople. England again declared that the safety of her empire demanded the preservation of Turkey, and gave Russia the option of war or a congress at which the treaty she had made with Turkey should be revised.
Russia accepted the latter alternative, and the Congress of Berlin was the result. This Congress could have freed all the subject peoples and solved the Eastern question, but again civilized Europe threw away the opportunity. At this Congress England, in the person of Disraeli, became the Sultan’s advocate, and again the Sultan came out victorious. Certain territories he lost, it is true, but Constantinople was left in his hands and a great area of the Balkans and the larger part of Asia Minor. As for the Armenians, the Syrians, the Greeks, and the Macedonians, the world once more accepted from Turkey promises of reform. Thus Gladstone and the most enlightened opinion in England lost their battle, and British authority again became the instrument for preserving that “terrible oppression, that multitudinous crime which we call the Ottoman Empire.”
Had it not been for the Congress of Berlin it is possible that we should never have had the world war. The treaty let Austria into Bosnia and Herzegovina and so laid the basis for the ultimatum of July 22, 1914. It failed to settle the fate of Macedonia, and so made inevitable the Balkan wars. By leaving Turkey an independent sovereignty, with its capital on the Bosphorus, it made possible the intrigues of Germany for a great Oriental empire. No wonder Gladstone denounced it as an “insane covenant” and “the most deplorable chapter in our foreign policy since the peace of 1815.”
“The plenipotentiaries,” he said, “have spoken in the terms of Metternich rather than those of Canning.... It was their part to take the side of liberty—as a matter of fact, they took the side of servitude.”
The greatest sufferers, as always, were the Christian populations. The Sultan treated his promises of 1878 precisely as he had treated those of 1856. It was after this treaty, indeed, that Abdul Hamid adopted his systematic plan of solving the Armenian problem by massacring all the Armenians. The condition of the subject peoples became worse as years went on, until finally, in 1915, we had the most terrible persecutions in history.
The Russian terror, if it ever was a terror, has disappeared. England no longer fears a Russia stationed at Constantinople and threatening her Indian Empire. The once mighty giant now lies a hopelessly crippled invalid, utterly incapable of aggressive action against any nation. What her fate will be no one knows. What is certain, however, is that the old Czaristic empire, constantly bent on military aggression, has disappeared for ever. When we look upon Russia to-day and then think of the terror which she inspired in the hearts of British statesmen forty and sixty-two years ago the contrast is almost pitiful and grotesque. The nation that succeeded Russia as an ambitious heir to the Sultan’s dominions, Germany, is now almost as powerless.
Moreover, the British conscience has changed since the days of the Crimean and Russo-Turkish wars. The old-time attitude, which insisted on regarding these problems from the standpoint of fancied national interest, is every day giving place to a more humanitarian policy. Gladstone’s idea of “public right as the governing idea of European politics” is more and more gaining the upper hand. The ideals in foreign policy represented by Cobden and Bright are the ideals that now control British public opinion. There are still plenty of reactionaries in England and Europe that might like to settle the Ottoman problem in the old discredited way, but they do not govern British public life at the present crisis. The England that will deal with the Ottoman Empire in 1919 is the England of Lloyd George, not the England of Palmerston and Disraeli.
For the first time, therefore, the world approaches the problem of the Ottoman Empire, the greatest blight in modern civilization, with an absolutely free hand. The decision will inform us, more eloquently than any other detail in the settlement, precisely what forces have won in this war. We shall learn from it whether we have really entered upon a new epoch; whether, as we hope, mediæval history has ended and modern history has begun.
If Constantinople is left to the Turk; if the Greeks, the Syrians, the Armenians, the Arabs and the Jews are not freed from the most revolting tyranny that history has ever known, we shall understand that the sacrifices of the last four years have been in vain, and that the much-discussed new ideals in the government of the world are the merest cant. Thus the United States has an immediate interest in the solution of this problem. The hints reaching this country that another effort may be made to prop up the Turk are not pleasing to us. We did not enter this war to set up new balances of power, to promote the interests of concessionaries, to make new partitions of territory, to satisfy the imperialistic ambitions of contending European powers, but to lend our support to that new international conscience that seeks to reorganize the world on the basis of justice and popular rights. The settlement of the Eastern question will teach us to what extent our efforts have succeeded.
If this mistake of propping up the Sultan’s empire is not to be made again, either that empire must be divided among the great powers—a solution which is not to be considered for reasons which it is hardly necessary to explain—or one of these great powers must undertake its administration as a mandatory. The great powers in question are the United States, Great Britain, France, Italy, and Japan. Of these only the first two are capable of assuming this duty. Lord Curzon has told me personally that for political and economic reasons Great Britain cannot assume the Ottoman mandate. Lloyd George has said essentially the same thing. And Stéphane Lauzanne, who speaks in a semi-official capacity for France, said, in an interview, Nov. 1, with a correspondent of the Times:
“In the offer of a mandate to her, America should see more than the selfish desire of Europe to involve her in European affairs. It is true she fears to be the centre of intrigues and difficulties. She fears distant complications. However, the question is nobler and higher than that. America is an admirable reservoir of energy. She holds the secret of that which is best in our modern life—to build largely and to build quickly. She has youth; she has power; she has wealth; she has that which she calls efficiency. We in Europe are old, poor, enfeebled, divided. It would be prodigiously interesting if America, after she has given us of her power, of her money and her material, should give us also an example.
“And what an example it would be if America were to accept the mandate for Constantinople! Here is a city which is one of the marvels of Europe and of the world, which is the jewel of the Orient, and which after twenty centuries of European civilization remains the home of wickedness and corruption. Every one disputes possession of its hills and harbours, and no one tries to make of it a great modern city which, rid of international intrigues and rid of politics, would be the shining pole of Europe. Only America can transform Constantinople; only America can establish herself there without suspicion of bad faith and without jealousy; only America can civilize the capital of Islam.
“To do that America has no need of regiments of soldiers or of cannon. She has need only of her workers and her constructors. A Hoover or a Davison would be enough. And America is full of Hoovers and Davisons.”
I recognize the tremendous problems which confront us in our own country. Those problems must and will be solved. But the day is past when the individual citizen can permit absorption in his personal affairs to exclude the consideration of the community’s or the nation’s well-being. A new social conscience has manifested itself. And it is equally true that the United States, as a member of the League of Nations, must take an active and altruistic interest in world affairs, however pressing our own problems may seem. The European situation, indeed, is really a part of them. Our associates in the war cannot drift into bankruptcy and despair without involving the United States in the disaster. The losses we would suffer in money would be the least distressing, should the world fall into the chaos which is threatening. If we cannot solve our own problems and at the same time help Europe solve hers we must be impotent indeed.
So much, then, for the general principles involved; what are the practical details of such a mandate? Last May, William Buckler, Professor Philip M. Brown, and myself joined in a memorandum to President Wilson outlining briefly a proposed system of government for the Ottoman dominions. This so completely embodies my ideas that I reprint it here, with two slight omissions:
“The government of Asia Minor should be dealt with under three different mandates, (1) for Constantinople and its zone, (2) for Turkish Anatolia, (3) for Armenia. The reason for not uniting these three areas under a single mandate is that the methods of government required in each area are different. In order, however, to facilitate the political and economic development of the whole country, these three areas should be placed under one and the same mandatory power, with a single governor in charge of the whole, to unify the separate administrations of the three states.
“Honest and efficient government in the Constantinople zone and in Armenia will not solve the problems of Asia Minor unless the same kind of government is also provided for the much larger area lying between Constantinople and Armenia, i. e., Turkish Anatolia. Constantinople and Armenia are mere fringes; the heart of the problem lies in Anatolia, of which the population is 75 per cent. Moslem.
“The main rules to be followed in dealing with this central district are:
“1. That it should not be divided up among Greeks, French, Italians, &c.
“2. That the Sultan should, under proper mandatory control, retain religious and political sovereignty over the Turkish people in Anatolia, having his residence at Brusa or Konia, both of which are ancient historic seats of the Sultanate.
“3. That no part of Anatolia should be placed under Greeks, even in the form of a mandate. The Greeks are entitled by their numbers to a small area surrounding Smyrna. Under no circumstances should Greece have a mandate over territory mainly inhabited by Turks.
“The above solution of the problem of Asia Minor means refusal to recognize secret deals such as the Pact of London and the Sykes-Picot Agreement and especially the Italian claims to a large territory near Adalia. If Greeks and Italians, with their standing antagonism, are introduced into Asia Minor, the peace will constantly be disturbed by their rivalry and intrigues. Italy has no claim to any part of Anatolia, whether on the basis of population, of commercial interests, or of historic tradition.
“No solution of the Asia-Minor problem which ignores the fact that its population is 75 per cent. Turkish can be considered satisfactory or durable. The only two countries having any prospect of successfully holding a mandate over Anatolia are Great Britain and the United States.
“The large missionary and educational interests of the United States in Anatolia must be adequately protected, and it is illusory to imagine that this can be done if Anatolia is subjected to Greek, French, or Italian sovereignty.
“Only a comprehensive, self-contained scheme such as that above outlined can overcome the strong prejudices of the American people against accepting any mandate. To cure the ills of Turkey and to deliver her peasantry from their present ignorance and impoverishment requires a thorough reconstruction of Turkish institutions, judicial, educational, economic, financial, and military.
“This may appeal to the United States as an opportunity to set a high standard, by showing that it is the duty of a great power, in ruling such oppressed peoples, to lead them toward self-respecting independence as their ultimate goal.”
The Armenians are wholly unprepared to govern themselves or to protect themselves against their neighbours. Mere supervision will not be adequate. What the Armenian State requires is a kind of receivership, and we should take it over in trust, to manage it until it is time to turn it over when it is governmentally solvent and on a going basis. Anatolia should be under a separate management and have its own parliament; its executive should be a deputy governor under a governor general at Constantinople. The three governments should have a common coinage, similar tariff requirements, and unified railroad systems; and in other respects should be federated somewhat as states in this country are.
The commercial importance of such an arrangement is enormous, for Constantinople must continue as Russia’s chief outlet to the world, and it is the gateway to the East. The commercial policy would, of course, be an open-door policy. All nations would have equality of opportunity in trade and would be free in regard to colonization. As a matter of fact, the commercial situation is of little importance to us. Prior to the war our foreign trade amounted to only about 6 per cent. of our total trade; and although it increased during the war to about 11 per cent., it is likely to recede soon to the neighbourhood of 8 per cent. It will consist largely of raw materials, such as wheat, cotton, copper, and coal, which other nations must get from us, whether or no. Foreign trade is a mere incident; our prosperity is not what we are fighting for.
It need not require the extension of large credits from us to put these nations on a sound footing. They could be financed by bond issues issued in each case against the resources of the territories involved. If the United States held the mandates, there would be no difficulty, I apprehend, in floating such issues. And as for the policing necessary, that need be very small, provided a man of strong will and quick decision, fertile in resources and of unshakable determination, were assigned to the Governorship General at Constantinople. The opportunity would be a great one for an American completely imbued with our institutions. The succession of able pro-consuls whom we have sent to the Philippines shows that we shall not lack such men.
We shall surrender our mandates over these three territories when we have finished our work. We shall not necessarily leave them all at the same time; we shall turn each one over to its people when the public opinion of the world, expressed in the League of Nations, has decided that it is capable of directing its own affairs. It might be necessary for us to remain in Constantinople longer than elsewhere, and there is reason to suppose that Constantinople will become the Washington of the Balkans and perhaps of Asia Minor, the central governing power of the Balkan confederation. But if left without the guidance and help of outside intelligence and capital, those peoples will necessarily continue to retrograde. They must have security of property if they are to have an incentive to labour. Unless they have that, the blight of southeastern Europe will remain, and the Turks, originally a marauding band of conquerors, who have held a precarious and undeserved footing for more than five hundred years on European soil, will continue to menace its peace and safety. If ever there was a chance to put them out, we have that chance now. The United States is the only government which can undertake the purification of the Balkans without incurring ill-will and jealousy. We need not indulge in overpolite phrases. This is the only nation which can accept these mandates and maintain international good feeling. It is absolutely our fault if the Turk remains in Europe.
The difficulties inherent in this situation can be cured only at the source. The League of Nations, when it comes into being, must not operate exclusively through a central agency at Geneva, because it cannot learn in that way the real difficulties and the wants of dependent peoples. That can be done only in the most direct way, through representatives on the spot. The people, moreover, want to be heard. They are wonderfully relieved after they have had their say. That fact has its touch of pathos, perhaps to some a touch of the ridiculous; but it is a factor of the human equation which we cannot afford to ignore. And if we supply American tribunals, disinterested and just, before which these peoples can state their grievances and their aspirations, we will have taken a long step toward their pacification and stabilization.
INDEX
[A], [B], [C], [D], [E], [F], [G], [H], [I], [J], [K], [L], [M], [N], [O], [P], [Q], [R], [S], [T], [U], [V], [W], [Y], [Z]
Abdul Hamid, kept prisoner, [184]
Abraham & Straus, incident of formation of firm, [34]
Adler, Dr. Cyrus, objects to Jew serving on commission to investigate Polish pogroms, [353]
Adler, Dr. Felix, leader of a new movement, 9[5], [129]
Admission to the Bar, [29]
Adrianople, Governor of, hospitable reception given by, [192]
Agincourt, visit to ancient battleground, [266]
Albright, Charles P., [26]
Alexander, Andrew, building erected for, [55]
Alexander, James W., fights to retain control of Equitable Insurance Co., [80]
Alexandria, visit to, [219]
Algef, Dr., [15]
Ali Kuli Khan, at Peace Conference, [326]
Ali Mehemmid, visit to, [223]
Allen, Edward W., at Roosevelt’s fusion meeting, [280]
Alter, Rabbi, visit to, near Warsaw, [374]
America’s true mission in Turkey, [203]
American Chamber of Commerce for the Levant, speech at, [198]
American troops, arrival in France, restores flagging energy of the people, [256];
visit to, on British front, [266];
Sir Douglas Haig’s impressions of, [273]
Anderson, Charles P., sails for International Red Cross Conference, [310];
in conference with Henry P. Davison, [313]
Anderson, U. S. District Attorney, sends deputies to New Hampshire to enforce election laws, [246]
Arabian night, arranged by Governor of Nabulus, [231]
Arif Pasha, [224]
Armenia, report on, [337]
Armistice, earlier than expected, [299]
Armstrong Committee, the Insurance investigation, [64], [66], [71]
Arnold, Olney, Consular Agent at Cairo, [219], [220]
Aronstam, Charles S. account of Roosevelt’s forming fusion ticket for New York municipal election, [280];
tenders nomination for President of Board of Aldermen, [281];
declined, [282]
Arthur of Connaught, Prince, met on British front, [269]
Atterbury, Gen. W. W., asked to accept Director-Generalship of Associated National Red Cross, [318]
Askenazy, pronounced Assimilator, [366]
Astor, John Jacob, dealings with, [46]
Astor, William Waldorf, [46];
real estate transactions with, [54], [55]
Aupin, Count, meeting with, [330]
Baker, Elbert H., prophesies Wilson would carry Ohio by large majority, [245]
Baker, J. E., takes party of labour leaders to British front, [267]
Baker, Newton D., assures committee of high Democratic majority in Ohio, [245];
letter declining to speak for League to Enforce Peace, [300]
Baker, Ray Stannard, at Peace Conference, [324]
Baldwin, Edward R., sails for International Red Cross Conference, [310]
Balfour, Arthur J., New York City’s reception to, [253];
at luncheon given by, in Paris, [341]
Balfour Declaration, misunderstood by Zionists, [389]
Ball, Alwyn, Jr., realty dealings through, [55];
aids in forming real estate trust company, [57]
Baltimore Convention, Wilson’s nomination at, [146]
Baltimore Sun, favours Wilson at Baltimore Convention, [146]
Bamberger-Delaware Gold Mine, investment in, [51]
Bannard, Otto, defeated by Judge Gaynor, [279]
Bar, admission to the, [29]
Baring Brothers, influence of their failure on real estate transactions, [48]
Barth, Herr, remark that Roosevelt could never remain out of politics, [281]
Barton, Dr. James L., [175]
Baruch, Bernard M., valuable aid in securing campaign contributions, [242]
Bauman, Mr., [51]
Beattie, C. J., met on British front, [267]
Beecher, Henry Ward, [15]
Behning, Henry, law case of, [31]
Bell, George W., with Mitchel on campaign, [285]
Bellows, Henry W., [15]
Bennett, James Gordon, aids in sale of lots, [48];
encounter with pugilist indirect cause of siding against Tammany, [113]
Berkowitz, Dr. Henry, not in favour of Zionist plans, [349]
Biddle, General, commanding American troops on British front, [266]
Big Business, era of, [133]
Biggs, Dr. Hermann M., sails for International Red Cross Conference, [310]
Billinski, M., talks on Jewish question, [374], [376]
Black, Mr., [72]
Blass, Robert, sings at Conried’s funeral, [104]
Bliss, Cornelius N., Jr., on committee for financing the Red Cross, [249]
Bliss, Dr. Howard, invited on Palestine trip, [214];
at Samaritan ceremonies, [229];
at Arabian night, [231], [232]
Bliss, General, on possibilities of another war, [335]
Bliss, George, real estate transactions with, [48], [49]
Bloomingdale & Co., position with, [18]
Blumstein, Louis M., real estate sold to, [42]
B’nai Brith Lodge, at Constantinople, [205]
Bompard, M., French Ambassador at Constantinople, [183]
Bonné, Mrs. Josephine, [99]
Borah, antagonistic to Wilson, [130]
Brackett, Edgar T., presents argument for impeachment at Sulzer trial, [172]
Brady, Anthony N., interested in formation of real estate trust company, [59]
Brady, Peter, member “Committee of Safety,” [107]
Bratiano, Roumanian premier, at Peace Conference, [326], [327]
Briand, Aristide, meeting with, [330];
proposes to pay war debt by sale of lottery tickets in America, [331]
Bridgeport, Alabama, unfortunate investments at, [50]
British front, trip to, [266]
Broad Exchange Bldg., purchase of plots for site, [87]
Bronx House, Settlement work at, [105], [106]
Brooklyn, emigration to, [5], [7]
Brown, Dr. Arthur Judson, [175]
Brown, Dr. Elmer R., in campaign of League to Enforce Peace, [301]
Brown, Prof. Philip M., in study of Armenian question, [337]
Bryan, William Jennings, candidacy against Wilson, [138];
the “cocked-hat” letter, [140];
at Jackson Day Dinner, [142];
hazy ideas of diplomacy, [174]
Bryant, Lieut.-Col. M. C., executive secretary Mission to Poland, [335];
acts as secretary, [381]
Bryant, William Cullen, [15]
Bryce, Viscount, invited on Palestine trip, [216];
his thirst for facts, [227];
at the Samaritan ceremonies, [230];
at Arabian night, [231]
Buchman, Albert, architect, [51]
Buckler, William H., study of Turkish problem with, at Peace Conference, [323];
in study of the Turkish question, [336], [337]
Bureau of Public Information, beginnings of, [252]
Burleson, Albert S., assistance during campaign, [154];
appointed Postmaster-General, [159];
in difficulties over New York Postmastership, [237], [239]
Butler, Benjamin F., [26]
Butler, Prescott Hall, Boreel Bldg. purchased through, [87]
Butzel, Mr., acquaintance with, [25]
Cairo, arrival at, [220]
Campaign of 1916, financing, [236], [241]
Cannes, International Red Cross Conference at, [313]
Carpenter, Prof. William H., speaks at Conried’s funeral, [105]
Carroll, John F., [9]
Caruso, Enrico, engaged by Conried from phonograph records, [101]
Celluloid Piano Key Co., connection with, [32];
investments in, [41]
Central Realty Bond & Trust Company, organization, 57 et seq.;
transactions of, [86];
merged into Lawyers’ Title Insurance Company, [89]
Chadbourne, Thomas L., Jr., valuable aid in securing campaign contributions, [242];
at War Publicity meeting, [252]
Channing, Dr., extract from “Self-Denial” sermon, [16]
Charters, General, on British front, [268]
Childs, William Hamlin, at War Publicity meeting, [253]
Chinese delegation to Peace Conference, dinner given by, [324];
their hopeless position, [325]
Choate, Joseph H., attorney for the Astors, [45];
presiding at New York City’s welcome to Joffre, Viviani, and Balfour, [254]
City College, preparation for, [9];
entrance, [11];
withdrawal from, [13]
Clark, Champ, candidacy against Wilson, [138];
at Jackson Day Dinner, [142];
at Baltimore Convention, [146];
over-confidence costs nomination, [147];
at the Sea Girt notification, [148]
Clemenceau, at signing of Peace Treaty, [336]
Cobb, Frank I., aids Wilson cause at Baltimore by New York World editorial, [146];
at the Sulzer dinner, [168];
collaboration with on article showing Germany planned the war, [296]
Coblenz, speech at, on the next war, [332], [335];
state of mind of the residents, [333]
Cochran, Bourke, acquaintance with, [25]
Coggeshall, Edward W., entertains proposition for increasing capital of Lawyers’ Title Company, [67], [69]
Colby, Bainbridge, retained by Alexander in Equitable contest, [80], [81];
on Board of Directors, Metropolitan Opera Company, [101];
campaign for Wilson, [245]
College for Girls, Constantinople, [204], [207]
Columbia Law School, attendance at, [27]
“Committee of Safety,” creation of, [107]
Conkling, Roscoe, [113]
Conried, Heinrich, backing secured for Metropolitan Opera venture, [99];
engages Caruso from phonograph records, [101];
death, and impressive funeral, [104]
Constantinople arrival at, [177];
tactics toward the “diplomatic set,” [179];
first impressions of, [186]
Cooke, Jay, in Panic of 1873, [20]
Cooper Union, address at, showing necessity of complete defeat of Germany, [298]
Cox, Governor, nominated for Presidency by state “bosses,” [121]
Crane, Charles R., helps finance Wilson campaign, [145];
approves selection of headquarters for 1916 campaign, [236];
at dinner given by Chinese delegation to Peace Conference, [324]
Crawford, L. Cope, met on British front, [267]
Crimmins, John D., [22];
real estate ventures of, [41], [42];
interested in formation of real estate trust company, [58];
at the Sulzer dinner, [168]
Croker, Richard, acquaintance with, [113]
Crowell, Ass’t Sec’y of War, at dinner to, in Paris, [337]
Cullen, Judge Edgar M., presiding at Sulzer impeachment, [172]
Cummings, Homer S., friendship with, [154];
as the Demosthenes of the Democratic Party, [306]
Currie, Sir Arthur, lunch with on British front, [268];
description of battle of Lens, [269]
Curtis, Dr. Holbrook, [103]
Curtis, Miss, met at Cannes, [327]
D’Abernon, Lord, at Balfour luncheon in Paris, [341]
D’Ankerswaerd, [188]
Dana, Charles A., [15]
Daniels, Josephus, friendship with, [154];
appointed Secretary of the Navy, [159];
hopeless of success of 1916 campaign, [235];
at McCormick luncheon, [242];
sails on the Leviathan, [310]
Dardanelles, Major Tibbetts tells experiences, [268]
Davies, J. Clarence, in the “Subway Boom,” [87]
Davies, Joseph E., friendship with, [154]
Davison, Henry P., selected as Chairman of Committee for financing the Red Cross, [250];
dinner given Red Cross delegates in Paris, [312];
cable from, requesting attendance at International Red Cross Conference, [308];
organizing and directing spirit of International Red Cross Conference, [316];
entreated to make Red Cross his life work, [316];
mistake of permitting other than American as Director-General, [319];
proposes dinner to Governors of the League of Red Cross Societies, [320];
speaks at the dinner, [321]
Democracy—a master-passion, [351]
Deutsch, Bernard, [106]
Djemal, Colonel, [187]
Dmowski, Roman, at Paderewski dinner, [356];
explains his Anti-Semitism, [357]
Dodge, Bayard, on Palestine trip, [214]
Dodge, Cleveland H., helps finance Wilson campaign, [145];
aid to Robert College, [208];
invited on Palestine trip, [214];
on committee for financing the Red Cross, [249]
Doheny, Edward L., contributes large sum to campaign fund, and gets it back by election bets, [242]
Domremy, visit to, [260]
Dora, trip to Hamburg on, [22]
Doremus, Professor, [12]
Draper, Mrs. William K., speech at dinner to Governors of the League of the Red Cross Societies, [321]
Dreier, Miss Mary, member “Committee of Safety,” [107]
Drummond, Sir Eric, speech at dinner to Governors of the League of the Red Cross Societies, [321]
Duel, Dr. Arthur B., with Mitchel on campaign, [285]
Dwight, Prof. Theodore W., [29]
Easter sacrifice of the Samaritans on Mount Gerizim, [228]
Eclectic Life Insurance Co., failure in Panic of 1873, [21]
Edison, Thomas A., at McCormick luncheon, [242]
Educational Alliance, Director of, [105]
Egan, Dr. Maurice Francis, at Copenhagen Legation, [19]
Egypt, Kitchener’s explanation of Great Britain’s policy in, [226]
Ehrich, William J., association with in realty ventures, [42]
Einhorn, Rabbi, [15], [128]
Elizabeth, Princess, at dinner with, [326]
Elkus, Abram I., work with factory investigation committee, [108];
helps finance Wilson campaign, [145]
Emerson, Ralph Waldo, [15]
Emerson Society, organized, [98]
Enver Pasha, Turkish Minister of War, [185];
direct dealings with, [197];
asks advice, [202];
of much interest to Kitchener, [225]
Equitable Insurance Co., the investigation, 79 et seq.
Esher, Lord, arranges trip to British front, [266]
Evarts, William M., attorney for the Astors, [45]
Farley, Terrence, [41]
Federal Reserve Act, prevents concentration and control of capital, [83]
Filene, Edward A., in campaign of League to Enforce Peace, [301];
at dinner given by Chinese delegation to Peace Conference, [324]
Finley, Dr. John H., [11]
Fisk and Hatch, in Panic of 1873, [20]
Flower, Roswell P., [118]
Ford, Henry, drives a hard bargain, [242]
Fosdick, Raymond B., aids in preparing National Committee budget, [153]
Foss, Mr., at Jackson Day Dinner, [142]
Fox, Mortimer J., on trip to Constantinople, [177]
Franco-Prussian War, influences sentiment in favour of Germans in New York, [8]
Frascara, Count, speech at dinner to Governors of the League of the Red Cross Societies, [321]
Fraser, Lovat, met on British front, [267]
Free Synagogue, resignation from, [293]
Freedman, Andrew, connection with Richard Croker, [115]
French front, visit to, [259]
Fuller Construction Co., financing of, [71]
Garfield, President, influence of assassination on real estate market, [41]
Garrels, Consul, [219]
Gates, Dr., president of Robert College, [204], [208]
Gawa, Prof. Arata Nina, speech at dinner to Governors of the League of the Red Cross Societies, [321]
Gaynor, William J., an opponent, [34]
George, Lloyd, seeks Wilson’s favour through Admiral Grayson, [331];
at signing of Peace Treaty, [336]
Germans, early prejudice against, in New York, [8]
Germany: entering on career of Imperialism, [23]
Gibson, Hugh, asked to report on Poland’s treatment of Jews, [352];
at Paderewski dinner, [356]
Giers, Michel de, Russian Ambassador at Constantinople, [183]
Gildersleeve, Henry A., acquaintance with, [25]
Glass, Franklin P., at conference over Wilson’s “cocked-hat” letter, [140]
Glass, Senator Carter, reason for his appointment as secretary of Democratic National Committee, [244]
Godkin, Lawrence, [15]
Goelet, Robert, on Board of Directors of Metropolitan Opera Company, [100]
Gold mine, investment in, [51]
Goldsmith, Abraham, partnership with, [33], [42]
Goodhart, Capt. Arthur L., Counsel with Mission to Poland, [355];
at reception in Warsaw, [365]
Gould, George J., on Board of Directors Metropolitan Opera Company, [100]
Gouraud, General, Pershing renews acquaintance of, at Verdun, [266]
Grabski, conference with, on conditions in Poland, [358]
Grand Central Station, construction of, [8]
Grasty, Charles H., aids Wilson at Baltimore Convention, [146]
Grayson, Admiral, telegram to, regarding Wilson’s attitude toward Lane as Director-General of International Red Cross, [318];
dinner with Lloyd George, [332]
Greeley, Horace, [15]
Green, Andrew H., appointed Comptroller of City of New York, [113]
Greene, Colonel Warwick, declines membership of commission to investigate treatment of Jews in Poland, [352], [354]
Gregory, Attorney General, sends deputies to New Hampshire to enforce election laws, [247]
Gregory, Eliot, on Board of Directors Metropolitan Opera Company, [101]
Grew, Joseph C., cables to obtain American opinion of Jew serving
on commission to investigate Polish pogroms, [353]
Groshents, M., patriot of Thann, [261]
Grosscup, Mr., [139]
Grant, Hugh J., interested in formation of real estate trust company, [58];
aids in financing of Fuller Construction Co., [71];
advises purchase of Bareel Bldg., [86];
had no fear of panic, [88];
interested in Underwood Typewriter Company, [91]
Guggenheim, Daniel, [100]
Guggenheimer, Randolph, [100]
Guizat, Count de Witt, entertained by, on trip to French front, [262]
Gutherz, Dr., [3]
Haig, Sir Douglas, arranges meeting with Sir Arthur Currie, [269];
why he did not capture Lens, [271];
record of meeting with, [271]
Hall, A. Oakey, Mayor of New York City under Tweed, [109]
Hall, Dr., quotation from, [16]
Hamburg, trip on sailing vessel to, [22]
Hamlin, Dr., work at Robert College, [208]
Hammerstein, Oscar, realty dealings with, [43]
Hammill, Dr. Samuel M., sails for International Red Cross Conference, [310]
Hankey, Sir Maurice, at Balfour luncheon in Paris, [341]
Hanna, Mark, in control of Republican Party, [122]
Harbord, Major-General, meeting with in France, [273];
induced to accept Armenian Mission, [337];
helps select military member of mission to Poland, [354]
Harbord Commission to Armenia, negotiations for appointment, [336], [337], [338];
report giving reasons for and against America accepting Armenian mandate, [343]
Harriman, E. H., financing of Union Pacific, [77];
attitude toward Equitable controversy, [82]
Hartman, Judge Anthony, [39]
Hartman, Miss Rosina, studies under, [10]
Harvey, Col. George, disagreement with Wilson, [149]
Haskell, Col. William N., appointed to head resident commission to Armenia, [342]
Havemeyer, Henry O., realty ventures, [42];
interested in formation of real estate trust company, [58]
Hays, Will H., success as Republican National Chairman, [126]
Hearst, William Randolph, at Jackson Day Dinner, [142]
Heins, Louis F., [116]
“Hell’s Kitchen,” experiences with tenants in, [40]
Henderson, General David, becomes Director-General of International Red Cross, [320];
speech at dinner to Governors of the League of the Red Cross Societies, [321]
Henry Street Settlement, [105]
Herrick, Myron T., urges acceptance of Ambassadorship to Turkey, [161]
Hilton, Frederick M., transaction with, [86]
Hilton, Hughes & Co., difficulties of, [36]
Hirsch, Solomon, [162]
Hirsdansky, Simon, [106]
Hoffman, John T., made Governor by Tweed, [109], [110]
Holley, Abner B., instructor in mathematics, [10]
Hollis, Senator, at dinner given by Chinese delegation to Peace Conference, [324]
Holt, Dr. L. Emmett, sails for International Red Cross Conference, [310]
Holy Land, visit to the, [212]
Homer, Mme., sings at Conried’s funeral, [104]
Hoover, Herbert, meeting with in Paris, [312];
recommends appointment of Harbord Armenian Mission, [338];
not in favour of America accepting mandate over Armenia, [340];
urges Wilson to appoint commission to investigate treatment of Jews in Poland, [352];
State dinner given to, by Paderewski, [377]
Hoskins, Dr. Franklin, invited on Palestine trip, [214];
at Caves of Machpelah, [218];
profound Biblical scholar, [227];
at Samaritan ceremonies, [229];
at Arabian night, [231]
House, Colonel, Wilson’s confidence in, [154];
approves selection of headquarters for 1916 Campaign, [236];
his relationship with President Wilson, [239];
at Peace Conference, [327];
at signing of Peace Treaty, [336]
Houston, Secretary, applauds campaign of League to Enforce Peace, [300]
Hudspeth, Judge, [121], [139]
Hughes, Chas. Evans, conducts insurance investigation, [79], [83];
at War Publicity meeting, [252];
urges Mitchel’s reëlection at City Hall Park mass meeting, [284];
signs cable to Wilson appealing for help for Armenia, [340];
speaks at Madison Square Garden meeting of protest against treatment of Jews in Poland, [352]
Hughes, Congressman, [139]
Huntington, Collis P., real estate dealings with, [52]
Hyde, Henry B., organizes Equitable Life Insurance Co., [79]
Hyde, James Hazen, head of Equitable Life Insurance Co., [66];
insurance irregularities, [78];
personal weakness, [79];
efforts in Paris to assist in World War, and work with the Red Cross, [84]
Ibrahim Bey, [189]
Ickelheimer, Henry R., [100]
International Red Cross Conference, [310]
Izzett, General, [187]
Jackson, Charles A., [120]
Jackson Day Dinner, of 1912, Wilson’s success at, [138]
Jacob-ben-Aaron, High Priest of Samaritans, [228]
Jadwin, General Edgar, on commission to investigate treatment of Jews in Poland,
[352];
selected by Pershing, [354];
at Paderewski dinner to Hoover, [378]
Jarlsberg, Count Wedel, speech at dinner to Governors of the League of the Red Cross Societies, [321]
Jarvie, James N., on board of directors of real estate trust company, [61];
opponent of Havemeyer, [65], [69];
interested in Underwood Typewriter Co., [91]
Jastrow, Prof. Morris, not in favour of Zionist plans, [349]
Jaubert, Captain, in charge of trip to French front, [259]
Jews, influence of, discrimination against, in failure of Hilton, Hughes & Co., [38];
send commission to Peace Conference, [348];
opportunities boundless in America, [399]
Jews, atrocities against, in Poland, [351];
Hugh Gibson asked to report on, [352];
Wilson appoints commission to investigate, [352];
objections against Jew serving on commission, [353]
Jewish members of Polish Parliament, [361]
Jewish question, the, article in New York Times, [289]
Joffre, Marshal, New York City’s reception to, [253];
pleads for sight of American uniforms in Paris, [256];
meeting at his Paris headquarters, [262]
Johnson, Frederick, [116]
Johnson, George F., [116]
Johnson, Homer H., at dinner given by, in Paris, [337];
on commission to investigate treatment of Jews in Poland, [352]
Johnson, Joseph, appointment as Postmaster prevented, [238]
Joline, Adrian H., “cocked-hat” letter from Wilson, [140]
Jones Estate, Joshua, purchase of lots in, [47]
Jordan, Thomas N., [68]
Judson, Dr. Henry Pratt, dinner to, [299]
Juilliard, A. D., on board of directors of real estate trust company, [61], [66], [69]
Kahn, Congressman Julius, on committee to present views of American Jews on Zionism to Peace Conference, [350]
Kahn, Otto H., on Board of Directors Metropolitan Opera Company, [100]
Kahri Jeh Janisi, oldest mosque in Constantinople, [187]
Kelly, John, succeeds Tweed as Tammany leader, [112]
Kennedy, John S., aid to Robert College, [208]
Kenyon, Cox & Co., in Panic of 1873, [20]
Kerenski, at Peace Conference,[323]
Kergolay, Count, speech at dinner to Governors of the League of the Red Cross Societies, [320]
Khedive of Egypt, provides for welcome at Alexandria, [219];
official call on, [221];
as a modern business man, [222]
Kiernan, Lawrence D., [9]
Kilpatrick, Frank, realty dealings with, [45]
Kilpatrick, Walter, realty dealings with, [45]
Kingsbury, John A., member “Committee of Safety,” [107]
Kitchener, Lord, meeting with, in Egypt, [210];
anomalous position in Egypt, [220];
meeting with, [221];
luncheon with, [224]
Knickerbocker Real Estate Co., dealings with, [42]
Knox Bldg, purchase of, [87]
Koenig, Samuel S., at Sulzer dinner, [168]
Kuhn, Loeb & Co., rise in banking circle, [77]
Kurzman, Ferdinand, in law office of, [12];
reëmployment by, [18];
method of dispossessing undesirable tenant, [39]
Lachman, Samson, [33];
realty ventures with, [42];
elected Judge of Sixth District Court, [120]
Lachman, Morgenthau & Goldsmith, formation of partnership, [34];
withdrawal from the firm, [56]
Lamont, Dan, his friendship with Grover Cleveland, [118]
Lamont, Thomas, at dinner given by Chinese delegation to Peace Conference,[324]
Landman, Rabbi Isaac, on committee to present views of American Jews on Zionism to Peace Conference, [350]
Lane, Franklin K., donation to campaign fund, [242];
writes Red Cross proclamation, [251];
approves campaign of League to Enforce Peace, [300];
proposed as Director-General of International Red Cross, [318];
considered for head of corporation to finance Poland, [381]
Lansing, Secretary of State, at Paderewski dinner, [356];
letter of instructions to Mission to Poland, [359]
Lansing, Mrs., at signing of Peace Treaty, [336]
Lauzanne, Stéphane, arranges luncheon with Bunau Varilla, [330]
Lawyers’ Mortgage Company, increase of capital stock, [70], [71]
Lawyers’ Title Company, increase of capital stock, [67-71]
League to Enforce Peace, work against future wars, [300];
travelling in campaign of, [301];
pronouncement on the League of Nations Covenant, [303]
Leisenring, John, [26]
Leishmann, John G. A., meeting with at Aix-les-Bains, [85]
Lens, General Currie’s description of battle, [269];
why Sir Douglas Haig refrained from capturing, [271]
Lenox, James, [22]
Letoviski, Major, leader of Jewish massacre at Pinsk, [369]
Lewin, Rabbi, on Jewish question in Poland, [375]
Liberty Loan, and United War Work Drives, travelling in behalf of, [295]
Lloyd, Bishop Arthur Selden, [175]
Lodge, Henry Cabot, signs cable to Wilson appealing for help for Armenia, [340]
Loeb, Solomon, realty ventures, [42]
Loewi, Valentine, [30]
Lord, Dr. Robert, at Peace Conference, [324]
Low, Sydney, met on British front, [267]
Lowell, President in campaign of League to Enforce Peace, [301];
in a foot race with, [302]
Macauley, Captain, of the Scorpion, [219]
Machpelah, Caves of, visit to, [213], [217]
Mackay, Clarence H., on Board of Directors Metropolitan Opera Company, [100]
Mackaye, Dr., [175]
Macy, R. H., & Co., business secured by Isidor Straus and his sons, [36]
Mahmoud Tahgri Bey, acting Governor of Alexandria, [219]
Mahmoud Tewfik Hamid, [232]
Mahmoud Pasha, [189]
Malcolm, Ian, speech at dinner to Governors of the League of the Red Cross Societies, [320]
Mallet, Sir Louis, British Ambassador at Constantinople, [183];
renewal of acquaintance with, [336]
Malone, Dudley Field, at conference over Wilson’s “cocked-hat” letter, [140];
brings message from Wilson on McCombs-Newton rupture, [145]
Mannes, David, [106]
Mannheim, early life in, [1], [333]
Manning, Dan, [118]
Mardighian, Osman, [187]
Marie, Princess, at dinner with, [326]
Marling, Alfred E., [175]
Marsh, Benjamin C., Secretary Committee on Congestion of Population in New York City, [107]
Marshall, T. R., at Jackson Day Dinner, [142]
Marshall, Louis, at Sulzer dinner, [168];
objects to Jew serving on Commission to investigate Polish pogroms, [353]
Martin, Riccardo, sings at Conried’s funeral, [104]
Meyer, Peter F., [48];
connection with Richard Croker, [113]
Metaxa, Dr., arranges meeting with Venizelos, [328]
Metropolitan Opera Company, formed for Conried, [100]
Metropolitan Opera House, gathering on President Wilson’s return from Paris, [304]
Miller, Cyrus C., elected Borough President of the Bronx, [118]
Mitchel, John Purroy, in the Postmastership controversy, [237];
campaign for preparedness irritating to President Wilson, [238];
at War Publicity meeting, [252];
has good business offer but decides to remain in politics, [279];
asks advice on Mayoralty campaign, [278];
elected Mayor of City of New York, [283];
asks advice as to running again, [283];
his death in his country’s service, [286]
MacDowell, Miss, in Settlement work, [105]
MacNulty, Mr., [35]
McAdoo, William G., in Wilson’s campaign, [137];
drops his business to aid Wilson’s candidacy, [154];
appointed Secretary of the Treasury, [159];
apprehensive of outcome of 1916 campaign, [235];
dejection at unfavourable election returns, [246]
McAneny, George A., considered for Mayor on fusion ticket, [280];
not a vote-getter, [281]
McCall, Mr., power in finance, [78]
McCombs, William F., in charge of Wilson campaign, [137], [139];
controversy with Byron Newton, [145]
McCormick, Chancellor, on Palestine trip, [215]
McCormick, Vance, bosses object to, [121];
named Chairman of Democratic Campaign Committee, [241];
dinner to Henry Ford, Thos. A. Edison, and Josephus Daniels, [242];
on committee for financing the Red Cross, [249]
McCurdy, Richard A., incensed at not being asked to participate in capital increase of Lawyers’ Title Company, [69];
power in finance, [78];
misuse of insurance funds, [83]
McCurdy, R. H., on Board of Directors of Metropolitan Opera Company, [100]
McIntire, Alfred, [19], [30]
McIntyre, William H., on Board of Directors Metropolitan Opera Company, [101]
McManus, Thomas F., [116]
Mohammed V, a weakling, [184]
Moncheur, Baroness, [188]
Montefiore, Claude, representing Jews of France at Peace Conference, [350]
Moore, Judge, [121], [122]
Moore, Mrs. Philip North, in campaign of League to Enforce Peace, [301]
Morgan, J. Pierpont, his power in finance, [76]
Morgan, Miss Anne, member “Committee of Safety”, [107]
Morgenthau, Henry, Jr., at Sea Girt, [148]
Morgenthau, Mrs., arrival in Turkey, [194]
Morgenthau Company, Henry, formation, [89]
Morton, Levi P., real estate transactions with, [48];
assists at auction sale, [49]
Mott, John R., conversation with, on after-the-war work, [316]
Mt. Sinai Hospital, on Board of Directors, [105]
Munsey, Frank, at War Publicity meeting, [253]
Murphy, Arthur D., defeated for Borough President of Bronx, [116]
Murphy, Charles F., selected by Croker to head Tammany, [116]
Murphy, Major, with Red Cross in France, [86]
Nabulus, Governor of, arranges an Arabian night, [231]
Nahoun, Chief Rabbi, [205]
New York, arrival in, [6], [7]
New York Sun, comment on heading of Red Cross Magazine article, [289]
New York Times, article on the Jewish question, [289];
Washington despatch to, [293];
publishes speech made at dinner of Executive Committee of Wise Centenary Fund, [294];
article, “Emperor William Must Go,” [297];
article, “A Vision of the Red Cross After the War,” [308];
article on departure as delegate to International Red Cross Conference, [308]
New York World, article showing Germany planned the war, [296]
Newton, Byron, controversy with McCombs, [145]
Nilsson, Christine, [12]
Norton, Chas. D., on Committee for financing the Red Cross, [249]
Norton, Patrick, excavation contractor, [51], [52]
Nugent, difficulty with, over tickets for Jackson Day Dinner, [139]
O’Connor, Charles, [29]
O’Gorman, Senator James A., at Jackson Day Dinner, [142];
friendship with, [154];
transmits Wilson’s offer of Ambassadorship to Turkey, [159];
fearful of Wilson’s reëlection in 1916, [235]
O’Toole, Morgan, [27]
Ochs, Adolph S., as example of opportunity, [400]
Ogden, D. B., entertains proposition to increase capital of Lawyers’ Title Company, [67]
Olcott, Frederick P., interested in formation of real estate trust company, [58];
a power in finance, [65];
aids in increasing capital of Lawyers’ Title Company, [68];
in railroad reorganizations, [78];
questioned as to attitude if panic should ensue, [88]
Ottendorfer, Oswald, realty transactions with, [45]
Otto, Major Henry S., with Mission to Poland, [355]
Outerbridge, E. H., urges acceptance of nomination for President of the Borough of Manhattan, [278];
urges Mitchel’s reëlection at City Hall Park mass meeting, [284]
Paderewski, asks Wilson to appoint commission to investigate treatment of Jews in Poland, [352];
gives dinner at the Ritz, [355];
efforts to assure people he was not Anti-Semitic, [377];
gives state dinner to Hoover, [377];
impressions of, at dinner to Hoover, [379];
holds up financing of Poland, [381]
Paderewska, Mme., at dinner given to Hoover, [378]
Page, Thomas Nelson, meeting with in Paris, [255]
Page, Walter Hines, introduced by Woodrow Wilson, [136]
Painlevé, meeting with, [85];
at review of first American troops in France, [256];
dining with, [257]
Palestine, visit to, [212];
prominent Jews not in favour of Zionist project of National home, [349];
true meaning of Balfour Declaration, [389];
significance of Sir Herbert Samuel’s appointment, [392];
not suitable for colonization, [393]
Pallavicini, Marquis, Austrian Ambassador at Constantinople, [182]
Panic of 1873, [20]
Parish, Henry, realty dealings with, [55]
Park, Trenor W., [53]
Parker, Judge Alton B., at Jackson Day Dinner, [142];
of counsel at Sulzer impeachment, [172]
“Parsifal,” difficulties encountered in production, [102]
Parsons, John E., realty ventures, [42]
Patri, Angelo, [106]
Patrick, Dr. Mary Mills, president Constantinople College for Girls, [204], [207]
Patrick, Mason M., considered for Mission to Poland, [355]
Peabody, Charles A., realty dealings through, [55]
Peace Conference, impressions of, [322]
Peace Treaty, signing of, [336]
Pears, Sir Edwin, [188]
Peet, Dr. W. W., work in Constantinople, [205];
missionary activities, [211];
gives information on Palestine, [213];
invited to accompany party, [214];
at Arabian night, [231]
Penrose, Senator, assumes leadership of Republican machine, [125];
willing to wreck party’s chances to injure Roosevelt, [150]
Perlmutter, Rabbi, calls on Mission at Warsaw, [361]
Perkins, George W., member “Committee of Safety,” [107];
at War Publicity meeting, [253]
Perkins, Major, with Red Cross in France, [86]
Perkins, Miss Frances, member “Committee of Safety,” [107]
Persian delegation to Peace Conference, their hopeless position, [325]
Pershing, General, meeting with in Paris, [255];
lauded by Joffre, [264];
letter from, explaining postponement of dinner, [264];
his description of battle of Verdun, [265];
meeting with at headquarters in France, [273];
at signing of Peace Treaty, [336];
selects military member of Mission to Poland, [354]
Phillip, Hoffman, Conseiller and First Secretary, American Embassy, Constantinople, [177], [187]
Philipson, Rev. Dr. David, not in favour of Zionist plans, [349]
Phillips, L. J., [48]
Phœnix Insurance Co., position with, [18]
Pilsudski, Dictator of Poland, [115];
not in favour of Mission to Poland, [360];
at reception in Warsaw, [364];
“no pogroms, nothing but unavoidable accidents,” [371];
talks with on Jewish question, [372], [375];
change of attitude toward Commission, [378];
his story of his rise to power, [378]
Pinchot, Amos, member “Committee of Safety,” [107]
Pinsk, investigations in, [369]
Platt, Frank, retained by Alexander in Equitable Insurance contest, [80], [81]
Plaza Hotel, purchase of, [87]
Plumb, Preston, [26]
Poincaré, President, at review of first American troops in France, [256];
at signing of Peace Treaty, [336]
Poland, atrocities against the Jews, [351];
question of Jewish nationalism in, [351];
plan to finance, [380]
Poland, Mission to, formation of, [352];
ideal to be accomplished, [358];
Lansing’s letter of instructions, [359];
arrival in Warsaw, [360]
Politics, first entry into, [111]
Politis, M., arranges meeting with Venizelos, [328]
Polk, Frank L., doubt of success of 1916 campaign, [235]
Pomerene, Atlee, at Jackson Day Dinner, [142]
Ponydreguin, General, dinner with at Gondrecourt, [259]
Post, James H., aids in formation of real estate trust company, [58]
Postmastership at New York, contention regarding, [237]
Power, Judge Maurice J., “discoverer” of Grover Cleveland, [118]
Prendergast, William A., at War Publicity meeting, [253];
slated for Comptroller on fusion ticket, [280]
Pryor, Gen. Roger A., [29], [30]
Pyne, Percy R., retires from presidency of National City Bank, [76]
Quekemeyer, Captain, American representative on trip to French front, [266]
Radcliffe, General, met on British front, [269]
Rappard, Dr., William, speech at dinner to Governors of the League of the Red Cross Societies, [321]
Raymond, Henry T., [15]
Reading, Lord, address before Merchants’ Association in New York, [298]
Real Estate, ventures in, [39]
Red Cross, financing the, insisting on aiming for large sum, [249];
article “A Vision of the Red Cross After the War,” [308];
the International Conference, [308]
Red Cross Magazine article on Turkish massacres, [288]
Redfield, Congressman, appointed Secretary of Commerce, [154], [159]
Reilly, John, buys lots on route of Subway, [50]
Rice, Edwin T., [93]
Richardson, Captain, ’Forty-niner, [4]
Robert College, Constantinople, [186], [204], [208]
Rockefeller, William, how he obtained stock of Northern Pacific, [71]
Rockefeller, Mrs. John D., Jr., activities in war work, [299]
Rosalsky, Judge Otto, at Sulzer dinner, [168]
Rosenwald, Julius, on committee for financing the Red Cross, [250]
Roosevelt, Franklin D., doubt of success of 1916 campaign, [235]
Roosevelt, Theodore, deference to Mark Hanna, [123];
coaches Taft for campaign, [124];
split in Republican party forfeits election, [150];
Joffre anecdote of, [264];
calls meeting of New York Progressives to agree on fusion slate, [280];
his first demonstration of power, [282];
urges Mitchel’s reëlection at City Hall Park mass meeting, [284], [285]
Root, Elihu, associated with in difficulties of Hilton, Hughes & Co., [37];
policy of business and politics, [37];
consulted on Equitable controversy, [82];
signs cable to Wilson appealing for help for Armenia, [340]
Rose, William R., [54]
Roumania, question of Jewish nationalism in, [351]
Roux, Dr. Émile, at International Red Cross Conference, [315]
Rubenstein, Rabbi, recounts history of Vilna excesses against Jews, [362]
Russell, Colonel, sails for International Red Cross Conference, [310]
Russell, Judge Horace, retained by, [36]
Ryan, Thomas, [39]
Said Halim, Prince, Grand Vizier, [221], [225]
Samaritans, visit to the tribe on Mount Gerizim, [228]
Samuel, Sir Herbert, significance of appointment as first governing head of Palestine, [392]
Sassoon, Sir Philip, private secretary of Sir Douglas Haig, [272]
Sayre, Dr., on Palestine trip, [216]
Schiff, Jacob H., on Board of Directors Metropolitan Opera Company, [100];
gives evidence against Sulzer at impeachment trial, [173];
misfortune at a dinner, [299];
advises attendance at International Red Cross Conference, [308]
Schmavonian, A. K., attaché at American Embassy, Constantinople, [178], [187];
on Palestine trip, [215], [231];
on trip to French front, [259];
to British front, [266]
Schurz, Carl, on Independent politics, [135]
Schwab, Chas. M., buys stock in Fuller Construction Co., [72]
Sebastiyeh, visit to, [231]
Seligman, Joseph, refused accommodations in Saratoga hotel, [38];
president Society for Ethical Culture, [95]
Senior, Max, not in favour of Zionist plans, [349]
Settlement work, in Manhattan and the Bronx, [105]
Seymour, Harriet, [106]
Shaffer, Chauncey, in law office of, [24]
Sharp, Ambassador, at review of first American troops in France, [256]
Shaw, Peggy, maintaining soldiers’ theatre and rest room at Treves, [333]
Shufro, Jacob, [106]
Sibert, General, in command at Gondrecourt, [259]
Siegel-Cooper & Company, opening New York Store, [54]
Sigerson, Michael, [111]
Simon, Robert E., in the “Subway Boom,” [87];
partnership with, [89]
Sinclair, General, met on British front, [269]
Singer Sewing Machine Co., in Constantinople, [203]
Skrzynski, M., at reception in Warsaw, [365];
at luncheon, [376]
Slocum, Gen. Henry W., [118]
Smith, Alfred E., chairman of factory investigating committee, [108];
recommended for New York Postmastership, [240]
Smith, J. Henry, on Board of Directors Metropolitan Opera Company, [101]
Society of Ethical Culture, formation, [95]
Southack, Frederick, aids in forming real estate trust company, [57]
Southmayd, Henry M., attorney for the Astors, [45]
Spanish-American War, influence of, on real estate transactions, [54], [56]
Speer, Mrs. Emma Bailey, in war work, [299]
St. Patrick’s Cathedral, construction of, [8]
Stanchfield, John B., of Counsel at Sulzer impeachment, [172]
Standard Oil Co., in Constantinople, [203]
Stanislawa, investigations at, [367]
Stanley, Sir Arthur, instrumental in selection of Englishman as Director-General of International Red Cross, [319]
Stewart, A. T., & Co., [36]
Stillman, James, on Executive Committee of real estate trust company, [61];
a power in finance, [65];
interested in increasing capital of Lawyers’ Title Company, [68], [70];
aids in financing of Fuller Construction Co., [71];
becomes president of National City Bank, [76];
attitude toward Equitable controversy, [81];
offers backing in case of panic, [88];
wise advice of, [180]
Stimson, Henry L., Chairman “Committee of Safety,” [108]
Stone, Senator, call on Wilson’s campaign managers, [143];
at the Sulzer dinner, [168]
Storrs, Richard S., [15]
Stowell, Edgar, [106]
Straight, Willard D., at War Publicity meeting, [253]
Straus, Isidor, incident of formation of firm Abraham & Straus, [34];
secures business of R. H. Macy & Co., [36]
Straus, Nathan, early friendship with, [3];
dry goods business of, [35], [36]
Strauss, Charles, transactions with, [89]
Strong, Colonel, plans for International Red Cross preferred by Davison, [312], [315];
at Cannes, [327]
Subway, routes being laid out for, [47]
Sulzer, William, experiences with, [155];
inaugurated Governor of New York, [162];
dinner given to, [163];
beneficial legislation and wise appointments, [164];
defies Tammany Hall, [167];
the Café Boulevard Dinner, and “the wish-bone speech,” [168];
impeached and removed from office, [170]
Sykes, Josephine, [99]
Syrian Protestant College, visit to, [233]
Taft, William H., coached for campaign by Roosevelt, [124];
work for League to Enforce Peace, [301], et seq.;
speech on the Covenant at Metropolitan Opera House gathering, [305];
advises attendance at International Red Cross Conference, [308]
Talaat Bey, real ruler of Turkey, [185], [187], [191];
arranges reception at Adrianople, [192];
direct dealings with, [197];
asks advice, [198];
looks to comfort of party on Palestine trip, [231]
Talbot, Dr., Fritz B., sails for International Red Cross Conference, [310]
Talmage, T. De Witt, [15]
Tariff, Protective, a blow to family fortunes, [4]
Taussig, Professor, at dinner given by Chinese delegation to Peace Conference, [324]
Thalman, Ernest, [100]
Thann, visit to, on trip to the front, [261]
Tibbetts, Major, met on British front, [268]
Tilden, Samuel J., effects downfall of Tweed Ring, [111]
Tilton, Henry, [30]
Tourtel, H. B. met on British front, [267]
Townroe, Captain, conducts trip to British front, [266]
Townsend, Col. C. M., met, after many years on British front, [267]
Tsulski, Dr., conference with, on conditions in Poland, [358]
Tumulty, Joseph, at conference over Jefferson Day Dinner tickets, [139];
at Sea Girt notification, [148]
Turkish question, study of, [336]
Tweed Ring, contact with, [109]
Underhill, Senator, at Jackson Day Dinner, [142]
Underwood, John T., transactions with, [90];
tenders John Purroy Mitchel vice-presidency of his company, [279]
Underwood, Oscar, candidacy against Wilson, [138]
Underwood Typewriter Co., capitalization of, [90]
“Union for Higher Life,” member of, [97]
Van Dyke, Dr. Henry, in campaign of League to Enforce Peace, [301]
Vanderbilt, Alfred G., on Board of Directors Metropolitan Opera Company, [100]
Varilla, Bunau, at luncheon with, [330]
Vendôme, Duc de, acquaintance with at Peace Conference, [326], [327]
Vendôme, Duchess of, met at Cannes, [327]
Venizelos, at Peace Conference, [328];
discussion with on Smyrna question, [329]
Vesnitz, representing Jugo-Slavia at Peace Conference, [327]
Vilna, investigations in, [370]
Vimy Ridge, visited during battle of Lens, [271]
Viviani, René, New York City’s reception to, [253]
Von Moltke, General, at launching of Germany’s first battleship, [24]
Webb, Gen. Alexander S., [12]
Whitall, Dr. Samuel S., influence of, [15]
Wadsworth, Eliot, on committee for financing the Red Cross, [249]
Wagner, Robert E., vice-chairman of factory investigation committee, [108];
recommended for New York Postmastership, [240]
Wald, Lillian D., and Henry Street Settlement, [105];
introduces Sidney Webb, [120]
Wallace, Dr. Louise B., dean of Constantinople College for Girls, [204]
Wallace, Hugh C., friendship with, [154]
Wanamaker, John, succeeds to original business of A. T. Stewart & Co., [38]
Wangenheim, Baron, complains against American ammunition, [24];
German Ambassador at Constantinople, [182]
Washburn, Dr., work at Robert College, [208]
Waterlow, Lady, met at Cannes, [327]
Watson, Dr. Charles Roger, [175]
Webb, Sidney, interview with an American political “boss,” [120]
Weber, M., patriot of Thann, [261]
Wechsler & Abraham, incident of dissolution of partnership, [34]
Weitz, Dr. Paul, emissary of German and Austrian Ambassadors, [181]
Welch, Dr. William H., sails to attend International Red Cross Conference, [310];
on Council of National Defense, [311];
speech at dinner
to Governors of the League of the Red Cross Societies, [321]
Wells, Rollo, friendship with, [154]
Wertheim, Jacob, aids in financing Underwood Typewriter Co., [92]
Wertheim, Maurice, [92]
White, George, member of Democratic National Committee, [122]
White, Henry, arranges meeting with Venizelos, [329]
White, Richard Grant, study under, [98]
Whiting, Richard, makes flashlight photographs of Samaritan ceremonies, [228]
Whitman, District Attorney, at Sulzer dinner, [168];
slated for Mayor of New York on fusion ticket, [280], [281]
Whitney, H. P., on Board of Directors of Metropolitan Opera Company, [100]
Whitney, William C., fight against Kelly, Tammany leader, [112]
Willcox, William R., at War Publicity meeting, [252]
Williams, Dr. Talcott, anecdote of Woodrow Wilson, [307]
Williams, John Sharp, signs cable to Wilson appealing for help for Armenia, [340]
Wilson, George Grafton, in campaign of League to Enforce Peace, [301]
Wilson, Joseph, devotion to his brother Woodrow, [154]
Wilson, President Woodrow, presented with typewriter, [93];
defies state bosses, [122];
why attracted to, [128], [129];
at the Free Synagogue Dinner, [130];
taking Borah’s measure, [130];
Presidential candidacy, [132];
the hope of political regeneration, [135];
introduces Walter Hines Page, [136];
explanation of the “cocked-hat” letter, [140];
speech at Jackson Day Dinner, [143];
comment on Champ Clark-Col. Harvey episode, [149];
Campaign of 1912, [150];
asks reconsideration of refusal to accept chairmanship of Finance Committee, [152];
elected President, [159];
asks acceptance of Ambassadorship of Turkey, [160];
instructions on leaving to assume post of Ambassador to Turkey, [175];
reëlection in 1916, not thought possible by party leaders, [234];
attitude toward New York Postmastership appointment, [238];
renominated at St. Louis Convention, [241];
election night returns
seem to show defeat, [246];
election assured, [248];
report to on trips to battle fronts, [274];
letter advising exposure of German intrigue, [297];
at Metropolitan Opera House gathering, [304];
attitude toward Lane as Director-General of International Red Cross, [318];
the hope of the Peace Conference, [323];
at signing of Peace Treaty, [336];
discuss Polish Mission with, and propose Armenian Mission to, [338];
cable to from America proposing this Mission, [339];
appoints commission to investigate treatment of Jews in Poland, [352];
insists on having a Jew on commission to investigate Polish pogroms, [354]
Wilson, Mrs. Woodrow, claims the President’s typewriter, [93];
at signing of Peace Treaty, [336]
Winthrop, Henry Rogers, on Board of Directors of Metropolitan Opera Company, [100]
Wise, Dr. Stephen S., speaks at Conried’s funeral, [105];
urges acceptance of Ambassadorship to Turkey, [162];
acquaints President Wilson with his plans for Zionism, [293]
Wise Centenary Fund, Isaac M.,
speech at dinner of Executive Committee, [294]
“Wish-bone speech” at Sulzer dinner, [169]
Woerishoefer, Carola, [107]
Wolff, Lucien, representing Jews of England at Peace Conference, [350]
Woman’s activities in the war, [299]
Women in Turkey, their position, [195]
Woodruff, Lieutenant-Governor, at Roosevelt’s fusion meeting, [280]
Wood, Sir Henry, [188]
World, New York, danger of defection, owing to Postmastership appointment, [238], [240]
Yeaman, George H., [19], [30]
Young Turks, government a failure, [196]
Zermoysky, Countess, at reception in Warsaw, [364]
Zionism, article in New York Times, [289];
a fallacy in Poland, [383];
a surrender not a solution, [385];
its economic aspect, [393];
its political foundations, [395];
a spiritual will-o’-the-wisp, [398]
Zionists, their Nationalistic plans not favoured, [349];
present their case to Mission at Warsaw, [363]
FOOTNOTES:
[1] See Appendix No. 3, which contains this report.
[2] This chapter was written in June, 1921, and most of it was published in the World’s Work for July, 1921.
[3] Reprinted from the New York Times of November 9, 1919. Copyright, 1919, by the New York Times Company.