Summary Narrative of an Exploratory Expedition to the Sources of the Mississippi River, in 1820 / Resumed and Completed, by the Discovery of its Origin in Itasca Lake, in 1832

by Henry Rowe Schoolcraft

3. INDIAN TRIBES.

VIII.
CONDITION AND DISPOSITION.

1. Official Report of an Expedition through Upper Michigan and Northern Wisconsin in 1831.

Sault Ste. Marie, Sept. 21, 1831.

Sir: In compliance with instructions to endeavor to terminate the hostilities between the Chippewas and Sioux, I proceeded into the Chippewa country with thirteen men in two canoes, having the necessary provisions and presents for the Indians, an interpreter, a physician to attend the sick, and a person in charge of the provisions and other public property. The commanding officer of Fort Brady furnished me with an escort of ten soldiers, under the command of a lieutenant; and I took with me a few Chippewas, in a canoe provided with oars, to convey a part of the provisions. A flag was procured for each canoe. I joined the expedition at the head of the portage, at this place, on the 25th of June; and, after visiting the Chippewa villages in the belt of country between Lake Superior and the Mississippi, in latitudes 44° to 46°, returned on the 4th of September, having been absent seventy-two days, and travelled a line of country estimated to be two thousand three hundred and eight miles. I have now the honor to report to you the route pursued, the means employed to accomplish the object, and such further measures as appear to me to be necessary to give effect to what has been done, and to insure a lasting peace between the two tribes.

Reasons existed for not extending the visit to the Chippewa bands on the extreme Upper Mississippi, on Red Lake, and Red River, and the River De Corbeau. After entering Lake Superior, and traversing its southern shores to Point Chegoimegon, and the adjacent cluster of islands, I ascended the Mauvaise River to a portage of 8-¾ miles into the Kaginogumac, or Long Water Lake. This lake is about eight miles long, and of very irregular width. Thence, by a portage of 280 yards, into Turtle Lake; thence, by a portage of 1,075 yards, into Clary's Lake, so called; thence, by a portage of 425 yards, into Lake Polyganum; and thence, by a portage of 1,050 yards, into the Namakagon River, a branch of the River St. Croix of the Upper Mississippi. The distance from Lake Superior to this spot is, by estimation, 124 miles.

We descended the Namakagon to the Pukwaewa, a rice lake, and a Chippewa village of eight permanent lodges, containing a population of 53 persons, under a local chief called Odabossa. We found here gardens of corn, potatoes, and pumpkins, in a very neat state of cultivation. The low state of the water, and the consequent difficulty of the navigation, induced me to leave the provisions and stores at this place, in charge of Mr. Woolsey, with directions to proceed (with part of the men, and the aid of the Indians) to Lac Courtorielle, or Ottowa Lake, and there await my arrival. I then descended the Namakagon in a light canoe, to its discharge into the St. Croix, and down the latter to Yellow River, the site of a trading-post and an Indian village, where I had, by runners, appointed a council. In this trip I was accompanied by Mr. Johnson, sub-agent, acting as interpreter, and by Dr. Houghton, adjunct professor of the Rensselaer school. We reached Yellow River on the 1st of August, and found the Indians assembled. After terminating the business of the council (of which I shall presently mention the results), I reascended the St. Croix and the Namakagon, to the portage which intervenes between the latter and Lac Courtorielle. The first of the series of carrying-places is about three miles in length, and terminates at the Lake of the Isles (Lac des Isles); after crossing which, a portage of 750 yards leads to Lac du Gres. This lake has a navigable outlet into Ottowa Lake, where I rejoined the advanced party (including Lieutenant Clary's detachment) on the 5th of August.

Ottowa Lake is a considerable expanse of water, being about twelve miles long, with irregular but elevated shores. A populous Chippewa village and a trading-post are located at its outlet, and a numerous Indian population subsists in the vicinity. It is situated in a district of country which abounds in rice lakes, has a proportion of prairie or burnt land, caused by the ravages of fire, and, in addition to the small fur-bearing animals, has several of the deer species. It occupies, geographically, a central situation, being intermediate, and commanding the communications between the St. Croix and Chippewa Rivers, and between Lake Superior and the Upper Mississippi. It is on the great slope of land descending towards the latter, enjoys a climate of comparative mildness, and yields, with few and short intervals of extreme want, the means of subsistence to a population which is still essentially erratic. These remarks apply, with some modifications, to the entire range of country (within the latitudes mentioned) situated west and south of the high lands circumscribing the waters of Lake Superior. The outlet of this Lake (Ottowa) is a fork of Chippewa River, called Ottowa River.

I had intended to proceed from this lake, either by following down the Ottowa branch to its junction with the main Chippewa, and then ascending the latter into Lac du Flambeau, or by descending the Ottowa branch only to its junction with the northwest fork, called the Ochasowa River; and, ascending the latter to a portage of sixty pauses, into the Chippewa River. By the latter route time and distance would have been saved, and I should, in either way, have been enabled to proceed from Lac du Flambeau to Green Bay by an easy communication into the Upper Ouisconsin, and from the latter into the Menomonie River, or by Plover Portage into Wolf River. This was the route I had designed to go on quitting Lake Superior; but, on consulting my Indian maps, and obtaining at Ottowa Lake the best and most recent information of the distance and the actual state of the water, I found neither of the foregoing routes practicable, without extending my time so far as to exhaust my supplies. I was finally determined to relinquish the Lac du Flambeau route, by learning that the Indians of that place had dispersed, and by knowing that a considerable delay would be caused by reassembling them.

The homeward route by the Mississippi was now the most eligible, particularly as it would carry me through a portion of country occupied by the Chippewas, in a state of hostility with the Sioux, and across the disputed line at the mill. Two routes, to arrive at the Mississippi, were before me—either to follow down the outlet of Ottowa Lake to its junction with the Chippewa, and descend the latter to its mouth, or to quit the Ottowa Lake branch at an intermediate point, and, after ascending a small and very serpentine tributary, to cross a portage of 6,000 yards into Lake Chetac. I pursued the latter route.

Lake Chetac is a sheet of water about six miles in length, and it has several islands, on one of which is a small Chippewa village and a trading-post. This lake is the main source of Red Cedar River (called sometimes the Folle Avoine), a branch of the Chippewa River. It receives a brook at its head from the direction of the portage, which admits empty canoes to be conveyed down it two pauses, but is then obstructed with logs. It is connected by a shallow outlet with Weegwos Lake, a small expanse which we crossed with paddles in twenty-five minutes. The passage from the latter is so shallow that a portage of 1,295 yards is made into Balsam of Fir or Sapin Lake. The baggage is carried this distance, but the canoes are brought through the stream. Sapin Lake is also small; we were thirty minutes in crossing it. Below this point, the river again expands into a beautiful sheet of water, called Red Cedar Lake, which we were an hour in passing; and afterward into Bois François, or Rice Lake. At the latter place, at the distance of perhaps sixty miles from its head, I found the last fixed village of Chippewas on this stream, although the hunting camps, and other signs of temporary occupation, were more numerous below than on any other part of the stream. This may be attributed to the abundance of the Virginia deer in that vicinity, many of which we saw, and of the elk and moose, whose tracks were fresh and numerous in the sands of the shore. Wild rice is found in all the lakes. Game, of every species common to the latitude, is plentiful. The prairie country extends itself into the vicinity of Rice Lake; and for more than a day's march before reaching the mouth of the river, the whole face of the country puts on a sylvan character, as beautiful to the eye as it is fertile in soil, and spontaneously productive of the means of subsistence. A country more valuable to a population having the habits of our northwestern Indians could hardly be conceived of; and it is therefore cause of less surprise that its possession should have been so long an object of contention between the Chippewas and Sioux.

About sixty miles below Rice Lake commences a series of rapids, which extend, with short intervals, 24 miles. The remainder of the distance, to the junction of this stream with the Chippewa, consists of deep and strong water. The junction itself is characterized by commanding and elevated grounds, and a noble expanse of waters. And the Chippewa River, from this spot to its entrance into the Mississippi, has a depth and volume, and a prominence of scenery, which mark it to be inferior to none, and superior to most of the larger tributaries of the Upper Mississippi. Before its junction, it is separated into several mouths, from the principal of which the observer can look into Lake Pepin. Steamboats could probably ascend to the falls.

The whole distance travelled, from the shores of Lake Superior to the mouth of the Chippewa, is, by estimation, 643 miles, of which 138 should be deducted for the trip to Yellow River leaving the direct practicable route 505 miles. The length of the Mauvaise to the portage is 104; of the Namakagon, from the portage, 161; of the Red Cedar, 170; of the Chippewa, from the entrance of the latter, 40. Our means of estimating distances was by time, corrected by reference to the rapidity of water and strength of wind, compared with our known velocity of travelling in calm weather on the lakes. These estimates were made and put down every evening, and considerable confidence is felt in them. The courses were accurately kept by a canoe compass. I illustrate my report of this part of the route by a map protracted by Dr. Houghton. On this map, our places of encampment, the sites and population of the principal Indian villages, the trading-posts, and the boundary lines between the Sioux and Chippewa, are indicated. And I refer you to it for several details which are omitted in this report.

The present state of the controversy between the Sioux and the Chippewas will be best inferred from the facts that follow. In stating them, I have deemed it essential to preserve the order of my conferences with the Indians, and to confine myself, almost wholly, to results.

Along the borders of Lake Superior, comparatively little alarm was felt from the hostile relation with the Sioux. But I found them well informed of the state of the difficulties, and the result of the several war-parties that had been sent out the last year. A system of information and advice is constantly kept up by runners; and there is no movement meditated on the Sioux borders, which is not known and canvassed by the lake bands.

They sent warriors to the scene of conflict last year, in consequence of the murder committed by the Sioux on the St. Croix. Their sufferings from hunger during the winter, and the existence of disease at Torch Lake (Lac du Flambeau), and some other places, together with the entire failure of the rice crop, had produced effects, which were depicted by them and by the traders in striking colors. They made these sufferings the basis of frequent and urgent requests for provisions. This theme was strenuously dwelt upon. Whatever other gifts they asked for, they never omitted the gift of food. They made it their first, their second, and their third request.

At Chegoimegon, on Lake Superior (or La Pointe, emphatically so called), I held my first and stated council with the Indians. This is the ancient seat of the Chippewa power in this quarter. It is a central and commanding point, with respect to the country lying north, and west, and south of it. It appears to be the focus from which, as radii from a centre, the ancient population emigrated; and the interior bands consequently look back to it with something of the feelings of parental relation. News from the frontiers flies back to it with a celerity which is peculiar to the Indian mode of express. I found here, as I had expected, the fullest and most recent information from the lines. Mozojeed, the principal man at Ottowa Lake, had recently visited them for the purpose of consultation; but returned on the alarm of an attack upon his village.

The Indians listened with attention to the message transmitted to them from the President, and to the statements with which it was enforced. Pezhickee, the venerable and respected chief of the place, was their speaker in reply. He lamented the war, and admitted the folly of keeping it up; but it was carried on by the Chippewas in self-defence, and by volunteer parties of young men, acting without the sanction of the old chiefs. He thought the same remark due to the elder Sioux chiefs, who probably did not sanction the crossing of the lines, but could not restrain their young men. He lived, he said, in an isolated situation, did not mingle in the interior broils, and did not deem himself responsible for acts done out of his own village, and certainly not for the acts of the villages of Torch Lake, Ottowa Lake, and the St. Croix. He had uniformly advised his people to sit still and remain at peace, and he believed that none of his young men had joined the war-parties of last year. The Government, he said, should have his hearty co-operation in restoring peace. He referred to the sub-agency established here in 1826, spoke of its benefits, and wished to know why the agent had been withdrawn, and whether he would be instructed to return? In the course of his reply, he said that formerly, when the Indians lived under the British government, they were usually told what to do, and in very distinct terms; but they were now at a loss. From what had been said and done at the treaty of Fond du Lac, he expected the care and protection of the American government, and that they would advance towards, instead of (as in the case of the sub-agency) withdrawing from them. He was rather at a loss for our views respecting the Chippewas, and he wished much for my advice in their affairs.

I thought it requisite to make a distinct reply to this point. I told him that when they lived under the British government, they were justified in shaping their course according to the advice they received; but that, on the transfer of the country, their allegiance was transferred with it. And when our Government hoisted its flag at Mackinac (1796), it expected from the Indians living within our boundaries the respect due to it; and it acknowledged, at the same time, the reciprocal obligations of care and protection. That it always aimed to fulfil these obligations, of which facts within his own knowledge and memory would afford ample proofs. I referred him to the several efforts the Government had made to establish a lasting peace between the Chippewas and Sioux; for which purpose the President had sent one of his principal men (alluding to Gov. Cass), in 1820, who had visited their most extreme northwestern villages, and induced themselves and the Sioux to smoke the pipe of peace together at St. Peter's. In accordance with these views, and acting on the information then acquired, the President had established an agency for their tribe at Sault Ste. Marie, in 1822. That, in 1825, he had assembled at Prairie du Chien all the tribes who were at variance on the Upper Mississippi, and persuaded them to make peace, and, as one of the best means of insuring its permanency, had fixed the boundaries of their lands. Seeing that the Chippewas and Sioux still continued an harassing and useless contest, he had sent me to remind them of this peace and these boundaries, which, I added, you, Perikee, yourself agreed to, and signed, in my presence. I come to bring you back to the terms of this treaty. Are not these proofs of his care and attention? Are not these clear indications of his, views respecting the Chippewas? The chief was evidently affected by this recital. The truth appeared to strike him forcibly; and he said, in a short reply, that he was now advised; that he would hereafter feel himself to be advised, &c. He made some remarks on the establishment of a mission school, &c., which, being irrelevant, are omitted. He presented a pipe, with an ornamented stem, as a token of his friendship, and his desire of peace.

I requested him to furnish messengers to take belts of wampum and tobacco, with three separate messages, viz: to Yellow River, to Ottowa Lake, and to Lac du Flambeau, or Torch Lake; and also, as the water was low, to aid me in the ascent of the Mauvaise River, and to supply guides for each of the military canoes, as the soldiers would here leave their barge, and were unacquainted with the difficulties of the ascent. He accordingly sent his oldest son (Che-che-gwy-ung) and another person, with the messages, by a direct trail, leading into the St. Croix country. He also furnished several young Chippewas to aid us on the Mauvaise, and to carry baggage on the long portage into the first intermediate lake west of that stream.

After the distribution of presents, I left Chegoimegon on the 18th of July. The first party of Indians met at the Namakagon, belonging to a Chippewa village called Pukwaewa; having, as its geographical centre and trading-post, Ottowa Lake. As I had directed part of the expedition to precede me there, during my journey to Yellow River, I requested these Indians to meet me at Ottowa Lake, and assist in conveying the stores and provisions to that place—a service which they cheerfully performed. On ascending the lower part of the Namakagon, I learned that my messenger from Lake Superior had passed, and, on reaching Yellow River, I found the Indians assembled and waiting. They were encamped on an elevated ridge, called Pekogunagun, or the Hip Bone, and fired a salute from its summit. Several of the neighboring Indians came in after my arrival. Others, with their chiefs, were hourly expected. I did not deem it necessary for all to come in, but proceeded to lay before them the objects of my visit, and to solicit their co-operation in an attempt to make a permanent peace with the Sioux, whose borders we then were near. Kabamappa, the principal chief, not being a speaker, responded to my statements and recommendations through another person (Sha-ne-wa-gwun-ai-be). He said that the Sioux were of bad faith; that they never refused to smoke the pipe of peace with them, and they never failed to violate the promise of peace thus solemnly made. He referred to an attack they made last year on a band of Chippewas and half-breeds, and the murder of four persons. Perpetual vigilance was required to meet these inroads. Yet he could assert, fearlessly, that no Chippewa war-party from the St. Croix had crossed the Sioux line for years; that the murder he had mentioned was committed within the Chippewa lines; and although it was said, at the treaty of Prairie du Chien, that the first aggressor of territorial rights should be punished, neither punishment was inflicted by the Government, nor had any atonement or apology thus far been made for this act by the Sioux. He said his influence had been exerted in favor of peace; that he had uniformly advised both chiefs and warriors to this effect; and he stood ready now to do whatever it was reasonable he should do on the subject.

I told him it was not a question of recrimination that was before us. It was not even necessary to go into the inquiry of who had spilt the first blood since the treaty of Prairie du Chien. The treaty had been violated. The lines had been crossed. Murders had been committed by the Chippewas and by the Sioux. These murders had reached the ears of the President, and he was resolved to put a stop to them. I did not doubt but that the advice of the old chiefs, on each side, had been pacific. I did not doubt but that his course had been particularly so. But rash young men, of each party, had raised the war-club; and when they could not go openly, they went secretly. A stop must be put to this course, and it was necessary the first movement should be made somewhere. It was proper it should be made here, and be made at this time. Nothing could be lost by it; much might be gained; and if a negotiation was opened with the Sioux chiefs while I remained, I would second it by sending an explanatory message to the chiefs and to their agent. I recommended that Kabamappa and Shakoba, the war-chief of Snake River, should send jointly wampum and tobacco to the Petite Corbeau and to Wabisha, the leading Sioux chiefs on the Mississippi, inviting them to renew the league of friendship, and protesting their own sincerity in the offer. I concluded by presenting him with a flag, tobacco, wampum, and ribbons, to be used in the negotiation. After a consultation, he said he would not only send the messages, but, as he now had the protection of a flag, he would himself go with the chief Shakoba to the Petite Corbeau's village. I accompanied these renewed offers of peace with explanatory messages, in my own name, to Petite Corbeau and to Wabisha, and a letter to Mr. Taliaferro, the Indian agent at St. Peter's, informing him of these steps, and soliciting his co-operation. A copy of this letter is hereunto annexed. I closed the council by the distribution of presents; after which the Indians called my attention to the conduct of their trader, &c.

Information was given me immediately after my arrival at Yellow River, that Neenaba, a popular war-leader from the Red Cedar fork of Chippewa River, had very recently danced the war-dance with thirty men at Rice Lake of Yellow River, and that his object was to enlist the young men of that place in a war-party against the Sioux. I also learned that my message for Ottowa Lake had been promptly transmitted through Neenaba, whom I was now anxious to see. I lost not an hour in reascending the St. Croix and the Namakagon. I purchased two additional canoes of the Indians, and distributed my men in them, to lighten the draught of water, and facilitate the ascent; and, by pushing early and late, we reached Ottowa Lake on the fifth day in the morning. Neenaba had, however, delivered his message, and departed. I was received in a very friendly and welcome manner, by Mozojeed, of the band of Ottowa Lake; Wabezhais, of the Red Devil's band of the South Pukwaewa; and Odabossa, of the Upper Namakagon. After passing the usual formalities, I prepared to meet them in council the same day, and communicate to them the objects of my mission.

In the course of the conference at this place, I obtained the particulars of a dispute which had arisen between the Chippewas of this quarter, which now added to their alarm, as they feared the latter would act in coincidence with their ancient enemies, the Sioux. The reports of this disturbance had reached me at the Sault, and they continued, with some variations, until my arrival here. The following are the material facts in relation to this new cause of disquietude: In the summer of 1827, Okunzhewug, an old woman, the wife of Kishkemun, the principal chief of Torch Lake, a man superannuated and blind, attended the treaty of Butte des Morts, bearing her husband's medal. She was treated with the respect due to the character she represented, and ample presents were directed to be given to her; among other things, a handsome hat. The latter article had been requested of her by a young Menomonie, and refused. It is thought a general feeling of jealousy was excited by her good reception. A number of the Menomonies went on her return route as far as the Clover Portage, where she was last seen. Having never returned to her village, the Chippewas attributed her death to the Menomonies. Her husband died soon after; but she had numerous and influential relatives to avenge her real or supposed murder. This is the account delivered by the Chippewas, and it is corroborated by reports from the traders of that section of the country. Her singular disappearance and secret death at the Clover Portage, is undisputed; and whether caused or not by any agency of the Menomonies, the belief of such agency, and that of the most direct kind, is fixed in the minds of the Chippewas, and has furnished the basis of their subsequent acts in relation to the Menomonie hunting-parties who have visited the lower part of Chippewa River. Two women belonging to one of these parties were killed by a Chippewa war-party traversing that part of the country the ensuing year. The act was disclaimed by them as not being intentional, and it was declared they supposed the women to be Sioux. On a close inquiry, however, I found the persons who committed this act were relatives of Okunzewug, which renders it probable that the murder was intentionally perpetrated. This act further widened the breach between the two hitherto fraternal tribes; and the Chippewas of this quarter began to regard the Menomonie hunting-parties, who entered the mouth of the Chippewa River, as intruders on their lands. Among a people whose means of verbal information is speedy, and whose natural sense of right and wrong is acute, the more than usual friendship and apparent alliance which have taken place between the Menomonies and Sioux, in the contest between the Sacs and Foxes, and the murder by them jointly of the Fox chief White Skin and his companions at a smoking council, in 1830, have operated to increase the feeling of distrust; so much so, that it was openly reported at Chegoimegon, at Yellow River, and Ottowa Lake, that the Menomonies had formed a league with the Sioux against the Chippewas also, and they were fearful of an attack from them. A circumstance that had given point to this fear, and made it a subject of absorbing interest, when I arrived at Ottowa Lake, was the recent murder of a Menomonie chief by a Chippewa of that quarter, and the demand of satisfaction which had been made (it was sometimes said) by the Indian agent at Prairie du Chien, and sometimes by the commanding officer, with a threat to march troops into the country. This demand, I afterward learned from the Indians at Rice Lake, and from a conversation with General Street, the agent at Prairie du Chien, had not been made, either by himself or by the commanding officer; and the report had probably arisen from a conversation held by a subaltern officer in command of a wood or timber-party near the mouth of the Chippewa River, with some Chippewas who were casually met. Its effects, however, were to alarm them, and to lead them to desire a reconciliation with the Menomonies. I requested them to lose no time in sending tobacco to the Menomonies, and adjusting this difference. Mozojeed observed that the murder of the Menomonie had been committed by a person non compos, and he deplored the folly of it, and disclaimed all agency in it for himself and his band. The murderer, I believe, belonged to his band; he desired a reconciliation. He also said the measures adopted at Yellow River, to bring about a firm peace with the Sioux, had his fullest approbation, and that nothing on his part should be wanting to promote a result in every view so wise and so advantageous to the Indians. In this sentiment, Wabezhais and Odabossa, who made distinct speeches, also concurred. They confirmed their words by pipes, and all the assembly made an audible assent. I invested Mozojeed with a flag and a medal, that he might exert the influence he has acquired among the Indians beneficially for them and for us, and that his hands might thus be officially strengthened to accomplish the work of pacification. I then distributed presents to the chiefs, warriors, women, and children, in the order of their being seated, and immediately embarked, leaving them under a lively and enlivened sense of the good-will and friendship of the American government, on this first official visit to them, and with a sincere disposition, so far as could be judged, to act in obedience to its expressed and known wishes.

The Indians at Torch Lake being dispersed, and my message to them not having been delivered, from this uncertainty of their location, I should have found reasons for not proceeding in that direction, independent of the actual and known difficulties of the route at that time. I was still apprehensive that my appearance had not wholly disconcerted the war-party of Neenaba, and lost no time in proceeding to his village on the Red Cedar fork. We found the village at Lake Chetac, which in 1824 was 217 strong, almost totally deserted, and the trading-house burnt. Scattering Indians were found along the river. The mutual fear of interruption was such that Mr. B. Cadotte, Sen., the trader at Ottowa Lake, thought it advisable to follow in our train for the purpose of collecting his credits at Rice Lake.

While at breakfast on the banks of Sapin Lake, a returning war-party entered the opposite side of it; they were evidently surprised, and they stopped. After reconnoitring us, they were encouraged to advance, at first warily, and afterward with confidence. There were eight canoes, with two men in each; each man had a gun, war-club, knife, and ammunition-bag: there was nothing else except the apparatus for managing the canoe. They were all young men, and belonged to the vicinity of Ottowa Lake. Their unexpected appearance at this place gave me the first information that the war-party at Neenaba had been broken up. They reported that some of their number had been near the mill, and that they had discovered signs of the Sioux being out, in the moose having been driven up, &c. In a short conference, I recited to them the purpose of the council at Ottowa Lake, and referred them to their chiefs for particulars, enjoining their acquiescence in the proposed measures.

I found at Rice Lake a band of Chippewas, most of them young men, having a prompt and martial air, encamped in a very compact form, and prepared at a moment's notice, for action. They saluted our advance with a smartness and precision of firing that would have done honor to drilled troops. Neenaba was absent on a hunting-party; but one of the elder men pointed out a suitable place for my encampment, as I intended here to put new bottoms to my bark canoes. He arrived in the evening, and visited my camp with forty-two men. This visit was one of ceremony merely; as it was late, I deferred anything further until the following day. I remained at this place part of the 7th, the 8th, and until 3 o'clock on the 9th of August. And the following facts present the result of several conferences with this distinguished young man, whose influence is entirely of his own creation, and whose endowments, personal and mental, had not been misrepresented by the Indians on my route, who uniformly spoke of him in favorable terms. He is located at the most advanced point towards the Sioux borders, and, although not in the line of ancient chiefs, upon him rests essentially the conduct of affairs in this quarter. I therefore deemed it important to acquire his confidence and secure his influence, and held frequent conversations with him. His manner was frank and bold, equally free from servility and repulsiveness. I drew his attention to several subjects. I asked him whether the saw-mill on the lower part of the Red Cedar, was located on Chippewa lands? He said, Yes. Whether it was built with the consent of the Chippewas? He said, No; it had been built, as it were, by stealth. I asked him if anything had been subsequently given them in acknowledgment of their right to the soil? He said, No; that the only acknowledgment was their getting tobacco to smoke when they visited the mill; that the Sioux claimed it to be on their side of the line, but the Chippewas contended that their line ran to a certain bluff and brook below the mill. I asked him to draw a map of the lower part of Chippewa River, with all its branches, showing the exact lines as fixed by the treaty at Prairie du Chien, and as understood by them. I requested him to state the facts respecting the murder of the Menomonie, and the causes that led to it; and whether he, or any of his band, received any message from the agent or commanding officer at Prairie du Chien, demanding the surrender of the murderer? To the latter inquiry he answered promptly, No. He gave in his actual population at 142; but it is evident that a very considerable additional population, particularly men, resort there for the purpose of hunting a part of the year.

The day after my arrival, I prepared for and summoned the Indians to a council, with the usual formalities. I opened it by announcing the objects of my visit. Neenaba and his followers listened to the terms of the message, the means I had adopted to enforce it, and, finally, to the request of co-operation on the part of himself and band, with strict attention. He confined his reply to an expression of thanks, allusions to the peculiarity of his situation on an exposed frontier, and general, sentiments of friendship. He appeared to be mentally embarrassed by my request to drop the war-club, on the successful use of which he had relied for his popularity, and whatever of real power he possessed. He often referred to his young men, over whom he claimed no superiority, and who appeared to be ardently attached to him. I urged the principal topic upon his attention, presenting it in several lights. I finally conferred on him, personally, a medal and flag, and directed the presents intended for his band to be laid, in gross, before him.

After a pause, Neenaba got up, and spoke to the question, connecting it with obvious considerations, of which mutual rights, personal safety, and the obligation to protect the women and children, formed the basis. The latter duty was not a slight one. Last year, the Sioux had killed a chief on the opposite shore of the lake, and, at the same time, decoyed two children, who were in a canoe, among the rice, and killed and beheaded them. He said, in allusion to the medal and flag, that these marks of honor were not necessary to secure his attention to any requests made by the American government. And after resuming his seat awhile (during which he overheard some remarks not pleasing to him, from an Indian on the opposite side of the ring), he finally got up and declined receiving them until they were eventually pressed upon him by the young warriors. Everything appeared to proceed with great harmony, and the presents were quickly distributed by one of his men. It was not, however, until the next day, when my canoes were already put in the water, that he came with his entire party, to make his final reply, and to present the peace-pipe. He had thrown the flag over one arm, and held the war-club perpendicularly in the other hand. He said that, although he accepted the one, he did not drop the other; he held fast to both. When he looked at the one, he should revert to the counsels with which it had been given, and he should aim to act upon those counsels; but he also deemed it necessary to hold fast the war-club; it was, however, with a determination to use it in defence, and not in attack. He had reflected upon the advice sent to the Chippewas by the President, and particularly that part of it which counselled them to sit still upon their lands; but while they sat still, they also wished to be certain that their enemies would sit still. And the pipe he was now about to offer, he offered with a request that it might be sent to the President, asking him to use his power to prevent the Sioux from crossing the lines. The pipe was then lit, handed round, the ashes knocked out, and a formal presentation of it made. This ceremony being ended, I shook hands with them, and immediately embarked.

On the second day afterward, I reached the saw-mill, the subject of such frequent allusion, and landed there at 7 o'clock in the morning. I found a Mr. Wallace in charge, who was employed, with ten men, in building a new dam on a brook of the Red Cedar, the freshet of last spring having carried away the former one. I inquired of him where the line between the Sioux and Chippewas crossed. He replied that the line crossed above the mill, he did not precisely know the place; adding, however, in the course of conversation, that he believed the land in this vicinity originally belonged to the Chippewas. He said it was seven years since any Sioux had visited the mill; and that the latter was owned by persons at Prairie du Chien.

The rapids of the Red Cedar River extend (according to the estimates contained in my notes) about twenty-four miles. They commence a few miles below the junction of Meadow River, and terminate about two miles below the mills. This extension of falling water, referred to in the treaty as a fixed point, has led to the existing uncertainty. The country itself is of a highly valuable character for its soil, its game, its wild rice, and its wood. We found the butternut among those species which are locally included under the name of Bois franc, by the traders. The land can, hereafter, be easily brought into cultivation, as it is interspersed with prairie; and its fine mill privileges will add to its value. Indeed, one mile square is intrinsically worth one hundred miles square of Chippewa country, in some other places.

The present saw-mills (there are two), are situated 65 miles from the banks of the Mississippi. They are owned exclusively by private citizens, and employed for their sole benefit. The boards are formed into rafts; and these rafts are afterward attached together, and floated down the Mississippi to St. Louis, where they command a good price. The business is understood to be a profitable one. For the privilege, no equivalent has been paid either to the Indians or to the United States. The first mill was built several years ago, and before the conclusion of the treaty of Prairie du Chien, fixing boundaries to the lands. A permit was given for building, either verbal or written, as I have been informed, by a former commanding officer at Prairie du Chien. I make these statements in reference to a letter I have received from the Department since my return, but which is dated June 27th, containing a complaint of one of the owners of the mill, that the Chippewas had threatened to burn it, and requesting me to take the necessary precautionary measures. I heard nothing of such a threat, but believe that the respect which the Chippewas have professed, through me, for the American government, and the influence of my visit among them, will prevent a resort to any measures of violence; and that they will wait the peaceable adjustment of the line on the rapids. I will add that, wherever that line may be determined, in a reasonable probability, to fall, the mill itself cannot be supplied with logs for any length of time, if it is now so supplied, without cutting them on Chippewa lands, and rafting them down the Red Cedar. Many of the logs heretofore sawed at this mill, have been rafted up stream, to the mill. And I understood from the person in charge of it, that he was now anxious to ascertain new sites for chopping; that his expectations were directed up the stream, but that his actual knowledge of the country, in that direction, did not embrace a circumference of more than five miles.

The line between the Chippewa and Sioux, as drawn on the MS. map of Neenaba, strikes the rapids on Red Cedar River at a brook and bluff a short distance below the mill. It proceeds thence, across the point of land between that branch of the main Chippewa, to an island in the latter; and thence, up stream, to the mouth of Clearwater River, as called for by the treaty, and from this point to the bluffs of the Mississippi Valley (where it corners on Winnebago land), on Black River, and not to the "mouth" of Black River, as erroneously inserted in the 5th article of the treaty; the Chippewas never having advanced any claims to the lands at the mouth of Black River. This map, being drawn by a Chippewa of sense, influence, and respectability, an exact copy of it is herewith forwarded for the use of the Department, as embracing the opinions of the Chippewas on this point. The lines and geographical marks were drawn on paper by Neenaba himself, and the names translated and written down by Mr. Johnston.

It is obvious that the adjustment of this line must precede a permanent peace on this part of the frontiers. The number of Chippewas particularly interested in it is, from my notes, 2,102; to which, 911 may be added for certain bands on Lake Superior. It embraces 27 villages, and the most influential civil and war chiefs of the region. The population is enterprising and warlike. They have the means of subsistence in comparative abundance. They are increasing in numbers. They command a ready access to the Mississippi by water, and a ready return from it by land. Habits of association have taught them to look upon this stream as the theatre of war. Their young men are carried into it as the natural and almost only means of distinction. And it is in coincidence with all observation to say that they are now, as they were in the days of Captain Carver, the terror of the east bank of this river, between the St. Croix and Chippewa Rivers. No other tribe has now, or has had, within the memory of man, a village or permanent possession on this part of the shore. It is landed on in fear. It is often passed by other nations by stealth, and at night. Such is not an exaggerated picture. And with a knowledge of their geographical advantages, and numbers, and distribution, on the tributary streams, slight causes, it may be imagined, will often excite the young and thoughtless portion of them to raise the war-club, to chant the war-song, and follow the war-path.

To remove these causes, to teach them the folly of such a contest, to remind them of the treaty stipulations and promises solemnly made to the Government, and to the Sioux, and to induce them to renew those promises, and to act on fixed principles of political faith, were the primary objects committed to me; and they were certainly objects of exalted attainment, according as well with the character of the Government as with the spirit and moral and intellectual tone of the age. To these objects I have faithfully, as I believe, devoted the means at my command. And the Chippewas cannot, hereafter, err on the subject of their hostilities with the Sioux, without knowing that the error is disapproved by the American government, and that a continuance in it will be visited upon them in measures of severity.

Without indulging the expectation that my influence on the tour will have the effect to put an end to the spirit of predatory warfare, it may be asserted that this spirit has been checked and allayed; and that a state of feeling and reflection has been produced by it, which cannot fail to be beneficial to our relations with them, and to their relations with each other. The messages sent to the Sioux chiefs, may be anticipated to have resulted in restoring a perfect peace during the present fall and ensuing winter, and will thus leave to each party the undisturbed chase of their lands. The meditated blow of Steenaba was turned aside, and his war-party arrested and dispersed at the moment it was ready to proceed. Every argument was used to show them the folly and the insecurity of a continuance of the war. And the whole tenor and effect of my visit has been to inform and reform these remote bands. It has destroyed the charm of their seclusion. It has taught them that their conduct is under the super-vision of the American government; that they depend on its care and protection; that no other government has power to regulate trade and send traders among them; finally, that an adherence to foreign counsels, and to anti-pacific maxims, can be visited upon them in measures of coercion. That their country, hitherto deemed nearly inaccessible, can be penetrated and traversed by men and troops, with baggage and provisions, even in midsummer, when the waters are lowest; and that, in proportion as they comply with political maxims, as benevolent as they are just, will they live at peace with their enemies, and have the means of subsistence for an increased population among themselves. The conduct of the traders in this quarter, and the influence they have exerted, both moral and political, cannot here be entered upon, and must be left to some other occasion, together with statistical details and other branches of information not arising from particular instructions.

It may be said that the Indians upon the St. Croix and Chippewa Rivers, and their numerous branches, have been drawn into a close intercourse with Government. But it will be obvious that a perseverance in the system of official advice and restraints, is essential to give permanence to the effects already produced, and to secure a firm and lasting peace between them and the Sioux. To this end, the settlement of the line upon the Red Cedar Fork is an object which claims the attention of the Department; and would justify, in my opinion, the calling together the parties interested, at some convenient spot near the junction of the Red Cedar River with the Chippewa. Indeed, the handsome elevation, and the commanding geographical advantages of this spot, render it one which, I think, might be advantageously occupied as a military post. Such an occupancy would have the effect to keep the parties at peace; and the point of land, on which the work is proposed to be erected, might be purchased from the Sioux, together with such part of the disputed lands near the mills as might be deemed necessary to quiet the title of the Chippewas. By acquiring this portion of country for the purposes of military occupancy, the United States would be justified in punishing any murders committed upon it; and I am fully convinced that no measure which could, at this time, be adopted, would so certainly conduce to a permanent peace between the tribes. I therefore beg leave, through you, to submit these subjects to the consideration of the honorable the Secretary of War, with every distrust in my own powers of observation, and with a very full confidence in his.

I have the honor to be, sir,
Very respectfully, your obedient servant,
H. R. SCHOOLCRAFT.

To Elbert Herring, Esq., Com. Ind. Affairs.

Brief Notes of a Tour in 1831, from Galena, in Illinois, to Fort Winnebago, on the source of Fox River, Wisconsin. By Henry R. Schoolcraft.

Time admonishes me of my promise to furnish you some account of my journey from Galena to Fort Winnebago. But I confess, that time has taken away none of those features which make me regard it as a task. Other objects have occupied so much of my thoughts, that the subject has lost some of its vividness, and I shall be obliged to confine myself more exclusively to my notes than I had intended. This will be particularly true in speaking of geological facts. Geographical features impress themselves strongly on the mind. The shape of a mountain is not easily forgotten, and its relation to contiguous waters and woods is recollected after the lapse of many years. The succession of plains, streams, and settlements is likewise retained in the memory, while the peculiar plains, the soils overlaying them, and all the variety of their mineral and organic contents, require to be perpetuated by specimens and by notes, which impose neither a slight nor a momentary labor.

Limited sketches of this kind are, furthermore, liable to be misconceived. Prominent external objects can only be brought to mind, and these often reveal but an imperfect notion of the pervading character of strata, and still less knowledge of their mineral contents. Haste takes away many opportunities of observation; and scanty or inconvenient means of transporting hand specimens, often deprive us of the requisite data. Indeed, I should be loath to describe the few facts I am about to communicate, had you not personally visited and examined the great carboniferous and sandstone formation on the Mississippi and Wisconsin, and thus got the knowledge of their features. The parallelism which is apparent in these rocks, by the pinnacles which have been left standing on high—the wasting effects of time in scooping out valleys and filling up declivities—and the dark and castle-looking character of the cherty limestone bluffs, as viewed from the water, while the shadows of evening are deepening around, are suited to make vivid impressions. And these broken and denuded cliffs offer the most favorable points for making geological observations. There are no places inland where the streams have cut so deep. On gaining the height of land, the strata are found to be covered with so heavy a deposit of soil, that it is difficult to glean much that can be relied on respecting the interior structure.

The angle formed by the junction of the Wisconsin with the Mississippi, is a sombre line of weather-beaten rocks. Gliding along the current, at the base of these rocks, the idea of a "hill country," of no very productive character, is naturally impressed upon the observer. And this impression came down, probably, from the days of Marquette, who was the first European, that we read of, who descended the Wisconsin, and thus became the true discoverer of the Mississippi. The fact that it yielded lead ore, bits of which were occasionally brought in by the natives, was in accordance with this opinion; and aided, it may be supposed, in keeping out of view the real character of the country. I know not how else to account for the light which has suddenly burst upon us from this bank of the Mississippi, and which has at once proved it to be as valuable for the purposes of agriculture as for those of mining, and as sylvan in its appearance as if it were not fringed, as it were, with rocks, and lying at a great elevation above the water. This elevation is so considerable as to permit a lively descent in the streams, forming numerous mill-seats. The surface of the country is not, however, broken, but may be compared to the heavy and lazy-rolling waves of the sea after a tempest. These wave-like plains are often destitute of trees, except a few scattering ones, but present to the eye an almost boundless field of native herbage. Groves of oak sometimes diversify those native meadows, or cover the ridges which bound them. Very rarely does any rock appear above the surface. The highest elevations, the Platte Mounds, and the Blue Mound, are covered with soil and with trees. Numerous brooks of limpid water traverse the plains, and find their way into either the Wisconsin, Rock River, or the Mississippi. The common deer is still in possession of its favorite haunts; and the traveller is very often startled by flocks of the prairie-hen rising up in his path. The surface soil is a rich black alluvion; it yields abundant crops of corn, and, so far as they have been tried, all the cereal gramina. I have never, either in the West or out of the West, seen a richer soil, or more stately fields of corn and oats, than upon one of the plateaux of the Blue Mound.

Such is the country which appears to be richer in ores of lead than any other mineral district in the world—which yielded forty millions of pounds in seven years—produced a single lump of ore of two thousand cubic feet—and appears adequate to supply almost any amount of this article that the demands of commerce require.

The River of Galena rises in the mineral plains of Iowa county, in that part of the Northwestern Territory which is attached, for the purposes of temporary government, to Michigan. It is made up of clear and permanent springs, and has a descent which affords a very valuable water-power. This has been particularly remarked at the curve called Mill-seat Bend. No change in its general course, which is southwest, is, I believe, apparent after it enters the northwest angle of the State of Illinois. The town of Galena, the capital of the mining country, occupies a somewhat precipitous semicircular bend, on the right (or north) bank of the river, six or seven miles from its entrance into the Mississippi. Backwater, from the latter, gives the stream itself the appearance, as it bears the name, of a "river," and admits steamboat navigation thus far. It is a rapid brook immediately above the town, and of no further value for the purpose of navigation. Lead is brought in from the smelting furnaces, on heavy ox-teams, capable of carrying several tons at a load. I do not know that water has been, or that it cannot be made subservient in the transportation of this article from the mines. The streams themselves are numerous and permanent, although they are small, and it would require the aid of so many of these, on any projected route, that it is to be feared the supply of water would be inadequate. To remedy this deficiency, the Wisconsin itself might be relied on. Could the waters of this river be conducted in a canal along its valley from the portage to the bend at Arena, they might, from this point, be deflected in a direct line to Galena. This route would cut the mine district centrally, and afford the upper tributaries of the Pekatolika and Fever Rivers as feeders. Such a communication would open the way to a northern market, and merchandise might be supplied by the way of Green Bay, when the low state of water in the Mississippi prevents the ascent of boats. It would, at all times, obviate the tedious voyage, which goods ordered from the Atlantic cities have to perform through the straits of Florida and Gulf of Mexico. A railroad could be laid upon this route with equal, perhaps superior advantages. These things may seem too much like making arrangements for the next generation. But we cannot fix bounds to the efforts of our spreading population, and spirit of enterprise. Nor, after what we have seen in the way of internal improvement, in our own day and generation, should we deem anything too hard to be accomplished.

I set out from Galena in a light wagon, drawn by two horses, about ten o'clock in the morning (August 17th), accompanied by Mr. B. It had rained the night and morning of the day previous, which rendered the streets and roads quite muddy. A marly soil, easily penetrated by rain, was, however, as susceptible to the influence of the sun, and, in a much shorter period than would be imagined, the surface became dry. Although a heavy and continued shower had thoroughly drenched the ground, and covered it with superfluous water, but very little effects of it were to be seen at this time. We ascended into the open plain country, which appears in every direction around the town, and directed our course to Gratiot's Grove. In this distance, which, on our programme of the route, was put down, at fifteen miles, a lively idea of the formation and character of the country is given. The eye is feasted with the boundlessness of its range. Grass and flowers spread before and beside the traveller, and, on looking back, they fill up the vista behind him. He soon finds himself in the midst of a sylvan scene. Groves fringe the tops of the most distant elevations, and clusters of trees—more rarely, open forests—are occasionally presented. The trees appear to be almost exclusively of the species of white oak and rough-bark hickory. Among the flowers, the plant called rosin-weed attracts attention by its gigantic stature, and it is accompanied, as certainly as substance by shadow, by the wild indigo, two plants which were afterwards detected, of less luxuriant growth, on Fox River. The roads are in their natural condition; they are excellent, except for a few yards where streams are crossed. At such places there is a plunge into soft, black muck, and it requires all the powers of a horse harnessed to a wagon to emerge from the stream.

On reaching Gratiot's Grove, I handed letters of introduction to Mr. H. and B. Gratiot. These gentlemen appear to be extensively engaged in smelting. They conducted me to see the ore prepared for smelting in the log furnace; and also the preparation of such parts of it for the ash furnace as do not undergo complete fusion in the first process. The ash furnace is a very simple kind of air furnace, with a grate so arranged as to throw a reverberating flame upon the hearth where the prepared ore is laid. It is built against a declivity, and charged, by throwing the materials to be operated upon, down the flue. A silicious flux is used; and the scoria is tapped and suffered to flow out, from the side of the furnace, before drawing off the melted lead. The latter is received in an excavation made in the earth, from which it is ladled out into iron moulds. The whole process is conducted in the open air, with sometimes a slight shed. The lead ore is piled in cribs of logs, which are roofed. Hammers, ladles, a kind of tongs, and some other iron tools are required. The simplicity of the process, the absence of external show in buildings, and the direct and ready application of the means to the end, are remarkable, as pleasing characteristics about the smelting establishment.

The ore used is the common sulphuret, with a foliated, glittering and cubical fracture. It occurs with scarcely any adhering gangue. Cubical masses of it are found, at some of the diggings, which are studded over with minute crystals of calcareous spar. These crystals, when examined, have the form of the dog-tooth spar. This broad, square-shaped, and square-broken mineral, is taken from east and west leads, is most easy to smelt, and yields the greatest per centum of lead. It is estimated to produce fifty per cent. from the log furnace, and about sixteen more when treated with a flux in the ash furnace.

Miners classify their ore from its position in the mine. Ore from east and west leads, is raised from clay diggings, although these diggings may be pursued under the first stratum of rock. Ore from north and south leads, is termed "sheet minerals," and is usually taken from rock diggings. The vein or sheet stands perpendicularly in the fissure, and is usually struck in sinking from six to ten feet. The sheet varies in thickness from six or eight inches, in the broadest part, to not more than one. The great mass found at "Irish diggings" was of this kind.

I observed, among the piles of ore at Gratiot's, the combination of zinc with lead ore, which is denominated dry bone. It is cast by as unproductive. Mr. B. Gratiot also showed me pieces of the common ore which had undergone desulphuration in the log furnace. Its natural splendor is increased by this process, so as to have the appearance of highly burnished steel. He also presented me some uniform masses of lead, recrystallized from a metallic state, under the hearth of the ash furnace. The tendency to rectangular structure in these delicate and fragile masses is very remarkable. Crystallization appears to have taken place under circumstances which opposed the production of a complete and perfect cube or parallelogram, although there are innumerable rectangles of each geometric form.

In the drive from Gratiot's to Willow Springs, we saw a succession of the same objects that had formed the prominent features of the landscape from Galena. The platte mounds, which had appeared on our left all the morning, continued visible until we entered the grove that embraces the site of the springs. Little mounds of red earth frequently appeared above the grass, to testify to the labors of miners along this part of the route. In taking a hasty survey of some of the numerous excavations of Irish diggings, I observed among the rubbish small flat masses of a yellowish white amorphous mineral substance of great weight. I have not had time to submit it to any tests. It appears too heavy and compact for the earthy yellow oxide of lead. I should not be disappointed to find it an oxide of zinc. No rock stratum protrudes from the ground in this part of the country. The consolidated masses, thrown up from the diggings, appear to be silicated limestone, often friable, and not crystalline. Galena is found in open fissures in this rock.

We reached the springs in the dusk of the evening, and found good accommodations at Ray's. Distance from Galena thirty miles.

The rain fell copiously during the night, and on the morning (18th) gave no signs of a speedy cessation. Those who travel ought often, however, to call to mind the remark of Xenophon, that "pleasure is the result of toil," and not permit slight impediments to arrest them, particularly when they have definite points to make. We set forward in a moderate rain, but in less than an hour had the pleasure to perceive signs of its mitigating, and before nine o'clock it was quite clear. We stopped a short time at Bracken's furnace. Mr. Bracken gave me specimens of organic remains, in the condition of earthy calcareous carbonates, procured on a neighboring ridge. He described the locality as being plentiful in casts and impressions such as he exhibited, which appeared to have been removed from the surface of a shelly limestone. At Rock-Branch diggings, I found masses of calcareous spar thrown from the pits. The surface appears to have been much explored for lead in this vicinity. I stopped to examine Vanmater's lead. It had been a productive one, and affords a fair example of what are called east and west leads. I observed a compass standing on the line of the lead, and asked Mr. V. whether much reliance was to be placed upon the certainty of striking the lead by the aid of this instrument. He said that it was much relied on. That the course of the leads was definite. The present one varied from a due east and west line but nine minutes, and the lead had been followed without much difficulty. The position of the ore was about forty feet below the surface. Of this depth about thirty-six feet consisted of the surface rock and its earthy covering. A vein of marly clay, enveloping the ore, was then penetrated. A series of pits had been sunk on the course of it, and the earth and ore in the interstices removed, and drawn to the surface by a windlass and bucket. Besides the ore, masses of iron pyrites had been thrown out, connected with galena. In stooping to detach some pieces from one of these masses, I placed my feet on the verge of an abandoned pit, around which weeds and bushes had grown. My face was, however, averted from the danger; but, on beholding it, I was made sensible that the least deviation from a proper balance would have pitched me into it. It was forty feet deep. The danger I had just escaped fell to the lot of Mr. B.'s dog, who, probably deceived by the growth of bushes, fell in. Whether killed or not, it was impossible to tell, and we were obliged to leave the poor animal, under a promise of Mr. V., that he would cause a windlass to be removed to the pit, to ascertain his fate.

At eleven o'clock we reached Mineral Point, the seat of justice of Iowa county. I delivered an introductory letter to Mr. Ansley, who had made a discovery of copper ore in the vicinity, and through his politeness, visited the locality. The discovery was made in sinking pits in search of lead ore. Small pieces of green carbonate of copper were found on striking the rock, which is apparently silico-calcareous, and of a very friable structure. From one of the excavations, detached masses of the sulphuret, blue and green mingled, were raised. These masses are enveloped with ochery clay.

In riding out on horseback to see this locality, I passed over the ridge of land which first received the appellation of "Mineral Point." No digging was observed in process, but the heaps of red marly clay, the vigorous growth of shrubbery around them, and the number of open or partially filled pits, remain to attest the labor which was formerly devoted in the search for lead. And this search is said to have been amply rewarded. The track of discovery is conspicuously marked by these excavations, which often extend, in a direct line, on the cardinal points, as far as the eye can reach. Everywhere the marly clay formation appears to have been relied on for the ore, and much of it certainly appears to be in sitû in it. It bears no traces of attrition; and its occurrence in regular leads forbids the supposition of its being an oceanic arrangement of mineral detritus. At Vanmater's, the metalliferous clay marl is overlaid by a grayish sedimentary limestone. Different is the geological situation of what is denominated gravel ore, of which I noticed piles, on the route from Gratiot's. This bears evident marks of attrition, and appears to have been uniformly taken from diluvial earth.

On returning to the village from this excursion, I found Mr. B. ready to proceed, and we lost no time in making the next point in our proposed route. A drive of five miles brought us to the residence of Colonel Dodge, whose zeal and enterprise in opening this portion of our western country for settlement, give him claims to be looked up to as a public benefactor. I here met the superintendent of the mines (Captain Legate), and after spending some time in conversation on the resources and prospects of the country, and partaking of the hospitalities politely offered by Colonel D. and his intelligent family, we pursued our way. The village of Dodgeville lies at the distance of four miles. Soon after passing through it some part of our tackle gave way, in crossing a gully, and I improved the opportunity of the delay to visit the adjacent diggings, which are extensive. The ore is found as at other mines, in regular leads, and not scattered about promiscuously in the red marl. Masses of brown oxide of iron were more common here than I had noticed them elsewhere. Among the rubbish of the diggings, fragments of hornstone occur. They appear to be, most commonly, portions of nodules, which exhibit, on being fractured, various discolorings.

Night overtook us before we entered Porter's Grove, which is also the seat of mining and smelting operations. We are indebted to the hospitality of Mr. M., of whom my companion was an acquaintance, for opening his door to us, at an advanced hour of the evening. Distance from Willow Springs, twenty-five miles.

There is no repose for a traveller. We retired to rest at a late hour, and rose at an early one. The morning (19th) was hazy, and we set forward while the dew was heavy on the grass. Our route still lay through a prairie country. The growth of native grass, bent down with dew, nearly covered the road, so that our horses' legs were continually bathed. The rising sun was a very cheerful sight, but as our road lay up a long ascent, we soon felt its wilting effects. Nine miles of such driving, with not a single grove to shelter us, brought us to Mr. Brigham's, at the foot of the Blue Mound, being the last house in the direction to Fort Winnebago. The distance from Galena is sixty-four miles, and this area embraces the present field of mining operations. In rapidly passing over it, mines, furnaces, dwelling-houses, mining villages, inclosed fields, upland prairies (an almost continued prairie), groves, springs, and brooks, have formed the prominent features of the landscape. The impulse to the settlement of the country was first given by its mineral wealth; and it brought here, as it were by magic, an enterprising and active population. It is evident that a far greater amount of labor was a few years ago engaged in mining operations; but the intrinsic value of the lands has operated to detain the present population, which may be considered as permanent. The lands are beautifully disposed, well watered, well drained by natural streams, and easily brought into cultivation. Crops have everywhere repaid the labors of the farmer; and, thus far, the agricultural produce of the country has borne a fair price. The country appears to afford every facility for raising cattle, horses, and hogs. Mining, the cardinal interest heretofore, has not ceased in the degree that might be inferred from the depression of the lead market; and it will be pursued, with increased activity, whenever the purposes of commerce call for it. In the present situation of the country, there appear to be two objects essential to the lasting welfare of the settlements: first, a title to their lands from Congress; second, a northern market for the products of their mines and farms. To these, a third requisite may be considered auxiliary, namely, the establishment of the seat of territorial government at some point west of Lake Michigan, where its powers may be more readily exercised, and the reciprocal obligations of governor and people more vividly felt.

Mr. Brigham, in whom I was happy to recognize an esteemed friend, conducted us over his valuable plantation. He gave me a mass of a white, heavy metallic substance, taken as an accompanying mineral, from a lead of Galena, which he has recently discovered in a cave. Without instituting any examination of it but such as its external characters disclose, it may be deemed a native carbonate of lead. The mass from which it was broken weighed ninety or one hundred pounds. And its occurrence, at the lead, was not alone.

From the Blue Mound to Fort Winnebago is an estimated distance of fifty-six miles. The country is, however, entirely in a state of nature. The trace is rather obscure; but, with a knowledge of the general geography and face of the country, there is no difficulty in proceeding with a light wagon, or even a loaded team, as the Indian practice of firing the prairies every fall has relieved the surface from underbrush and fallen timber. After driving a few miles, we encountered two Winnebagoes on horseback, the forward rider having a white man in ties behind him. The latter informed us that his name was H., that he had come out to Twelve-mile Creek, for the purpose of locating himself there, and was in pursuit of a hired man, who had gone off, with some articles of his property, the night previous. With this relation, and a boshu[ [274] for the natives, with whom we had no means of conversing, we continued our way, without further incident, to Duck Creek, a distance of ten miles. We here struck the path, which is one of the boundary lines, in the recent purchase from the Winnebagoes. It is a deeply marked horse path, cutting quite through the prairie sod, and so much used by the natives as to prevent grass from growing on it; in this respect, it is as well-defined a landmark as "blazed tree," or "saddle." The surveyor appointed to run out the lines, had placed mile-posts on the route, but the Winnebagoes, with a prejudice against the practice which is natural, pulled up many, and defaced others. When we had gone ten miles further, we began to see the glittering of water through the trees, and we soon found ourselves on the margin of a clear lake. I heard no name for this handsome sheet of water. It is one of the four lakes, which are connected with each other by a stream, and have their outlet into Rock River, through a tributary called the Guskihaw. We drove through the margin of it, where the shores were sandy, and innumerable small unio shells were driven up. Most of these small pieces appeared to be helices. Standing tent-poles, and other remains of Indian encampments, appeared at this place. A rock stratum, dark and weather-beaten, apparently sandstone, jutted out into the lake. A little further, we passed to the left of an abandoned village. By casting our eyes across the lake, we observed the new position which had been selected and occupied by the Winnebagoes. We often assign wrong motives, when we undertake to reason for the Indian race; but in the present instance, we may presume that their removal was influenced by too near a position to the boundary path.

We drove to the second brook, beyond the lake, and encamped.

Comfort in an encampment depends very much upon getting a good fire. In this we totally failed last night, owing to our having but a small piece of spunk, which ignited and burned out without inflaming our kindling materials. The atmosphere was damp, but not sufficiently cooled to quiet the ever-busy mosquito. Mr. B. deemed it a hardship that he could not boil the kettle, so as to have the addition of tea to our cold repast. I reminded him that there was a bright moon, and that it did not rain; and that, for myself, I had fared so decidedly worse, on former occasions, that I was quite contented with the light of the moon and a dry blanket. By raising up and putting a fork under the wagon-tongue, and spreading our tent-cloth over it, I found the means of insulating ourselves from the insect hordes, but it was not until I had pitched my mosquito net within it that we found repose.

On awaking in the morning (20th), we found H., who had passed us the day before in company with the Winnebagoes, lying under the wagon. He had returned from pursuing the fugitive, and had overtaken us, after twelve o'clock at night. He complained of being cold. We admitted him into the wagon, and drove on to reach his camp at Twelve-mile Creek. In crossing what he denominated Seven-mile Prairie, I observed on our right a prominent wall of rock, surmounted with image-stones. The rock itself consisted of sandstone. Elongated water-worn masses of stone had been set up, so as to resemble, at a distance, the figures of men. The illusion had been strengthened by some rude paints. This had been the serious or the sportive work of Indians. It is not to be inferred, hence, that the Winnebagoes are idolaters. But there is a strong tendency to idolatry in the minds of the North American Indians. They do not bow before a carved image, shaped like Dagon or Juggernaut; but they rely upon their guardian spirits, or personal manitos, for aid in exigencies, and impute to the skins of animals, which are preserved with religious care, the power of gods. Their medicine institution is also a gross and bold system of semi-deification connected with magic, witchcraft, and necromancy. Their jossakeeds are impostors and jugglers of the grossest stamp. Their wabenos address Satan directly for power; and their metais, who appear to be least idolatrous, rely more upon the invisible agency of spirits and magic influence, than upon the physical properties of the medicines they exhibit.

On reaching Twelve-mile Creek, we found a yoke of steers of H., in a pen, which had been tied there two days and nights without water. He evinced, however, an obliging disposition, and, after refreshing ourselves and our horses, we left him to complete the labors of a "local habitation." The intermediate route to Fort Winnebago afforded few objects of either physical or mental interest. The upland soil, which had become decidedly thinner and more arenaceous, after reaching the Lake, appears to increase in sterility on approaching the Wisconsin. And the occurrence of lost rocks (primitive boulders), as Mr. B. happily termed them, which are first observed after passing the Blue Mound, becomes more frequent in this portion of the country, denoting our approach to the borders of the northwestern primitive formation. This formation, we have now reason to conclude, extends in an angle, so far south as to embrace a part of Fox River, above Apukwa Lake.

Anticipated difficulties always appear magnified. This we verified in crossing Duck Creek, near its entrance into the Wisconsin. We found the adjoining bog nearly dry, and drove through the stream without the water entering into the body of the wagon. It here commenced raining. Having but four miles to make, and that a level prairie, we pushed on. But the rain increased, and poured down steadily and incessantly till near sunset. In the midst of this rain-storm we reached the fort, about one o'clock, and crossed over to the elevated ground occupied by the Indian Department, where my sojourn, while awaiting the expedition, was rendered as comfortable as the cordial greeting and kind attention of Mr. Kinzie, the agent, and his intelligent family, could make it.

A recapitulation of the distances from Galena makes the route as follows, viz: Gratiot's Grove, fifteen miles; Willow Springs, fifteen; Mineral Point, seven; Dodgeville, nine; Porter's Grove, nine; Blue Mound, nine; Duck Creek, ten; Lake, ten; Twelve-mile Creek, twenty-four; Crossing of Duck Creek, eight; and Fort Winnebago, four; total, one hundred and twenty miles.

H. R. S.

To George P. Morris, Esq., New York.

3. Official Report of the Exploratory Expedition to the Actual Source of the Mississippi River in 1832.

Office of the Indian Agency of Sault Ste. Marie,
Sept. 1, 1832.

Sir: I had the honor to inform you, on the 15th ultimo, of my return from the sources of the Mississippi, and that I should communicate the details of my observations to you as soon as they could be prepared.

On reaching the remotest point visited heretofore by official authority, I found that the waters on that summit were favorable to my tracing this river to its utmost sources. This point having been left undetermined by prior expeditions, I determined to avail myself of the occasion to take Indian guides, with light canoes, and, after encamping my heavy force, to make the ascent. It was represented to be practicable in five days. I accomplished it, by great diligence, in three. The distance is 158 miles above Cass Lake. There are many sharp rapids, which made the trial severe. The river expands into numerous lakes.

After passing about forty miles north of Red Cedar Lake, during which we ascended a summit, I entered a fine large lake, which, to avoid repetitions in our geographical names, I called Queen Anne's Lake. From this point the ascent of the Mississippi was due south; and it was finally found to have its origin in a handsome lake, of some seven miles in extent, on the height of land to which I gave the name of Itasca.

This lake lies in latitude 47° 13' 25". It lies at an altitude of 1,575 feet, by the barometer, above the Gulf of Mexico. It affords me satisfaction to say, that, by this discovery, the geographical point of the origin of this river is definitely fixed. Materials for maps and plans of the entire route have been carefully collected by Lieut. James Allen, of the U. S. Army, who accompanied me, with a small detachment of infantry, as high as Cass Lake; and, having encamped them at that point, with my extra men, he proceeded with me to Itasca Lake. The distance which is thus added to the Mississippi, agreeably to him, is 164 miles, making its entire length, by the most authentic estimates, to be 3,200 miles. In this distance there are numerous and arduous rapids, in which the total amount of ascent to be overcome is 173 feet.

Councils were held with the Indians at Fond du Lac, at Sandy Lake, Cass Lake, at the mouth of the Great De Corbeau River, &c.

In returning, I visited the military bands at Leech Lake; passing from thence to its source, and descending the whole length of the Crow-wing River, and thence to St. Anthony's Falls, I assembled the Sioux at the agency of St. Peter's, and at the Little Crow's village. The Chippewas of the St. Croix and Broule Rivers were particularly visited. Many thousands of the Chippewa and Sioux nations were seen and counselled with, including their most distinguished chiefs and warriors. Everywhere they disclaimed a connection with Black Hawk and his schemes. I left the Mississippi, about forty miles above the point where, in a few days, the Sauk chief was finally captured and his forces overthrown; and, reaching the waters of Lake Superior, at the mouth of the Brule, returned from that point to the agency at Sault de Ste. Marie.

The flag of the Union has secured respect from the tribes at every point; and I feel confident in declaring the Chippewas and Sioux, as tribes, unconnected with the Black Hawk movement.

I am, sir, very respectfully,
Your obedient servant,
HENRY R. SCHOOLCRAFT,
U. S. Ind. Agent.

C. Herring, Esq., Commissioner of Indian Affairs

IV.
VACCINATION OF THE INDIANS.

4. Report of the number and position of the Indians vaccinated on the Exploratory Expedition to the Sources of the Mississippi, conducted by Mr. Schoolcraft, in 1832. By Dr. Douglass Houghton.

Sault Ste. Marie, Sept. 21, 1832.

Sir: In conformity with your instructions, I take the earliest opportunity to lay before you such facts as I have collected, touching the vaccination of the Chippewa Indians, during the progress of the late expedition into their country: and also "of the prevalence, from time to time, of the smallpox" among them.

The accompanying table will serve to illustrate the "ages, sex, tribe, and local situation" of those Indians who have been vaccinated by me. With the view of illustrating more fully their local situation, I have arranged those bands residing upon the shores of Lake Superior; those residing in the Folle Avoine country (or that section of country lying between the highlands southwest from Lake Superior, and the Mississippi River); and those residing near the sources of the Mississippi River, separately.

Nearly all the Indians noticed in this table were vaccinated at their respective villages; yet I did not fail to vaccinate those whom we chanced to meet in their hunting or other excursions.

I have embraced, with the Indians of the frontier bands, those half-breeds, who, in consequence of having adopted more or less the habits of the Indian, may be identified with him.

But little difficulty has occurred in convincing the Indians of the efficacy of vaccination; and the universal dread in which they hold the appearance of the smallpox among them, rendered it an easy task to overcome their prejudices, whatever they chanced to be. The efficacy of the vaccine disease is well appreciated, even by the most interior of the Chippewa Indians; and so universal is this information, that only one instance occurred where the Indian had never heard of the disease.

In nearly every instance the opportunity which was presented for vaccination, was embraced with cheerfulness and apparent gratitude; at the same time manifesting great anxiety that, for the safety of the whole, each one of the band should undergo the operation. When objections were made to vaccination, they were not usually made because the Indian doubted the protective power of the disease, but because he supposed (never having seen its progress), that the remedy must nearly equal the disease which it was intended to counteract.

Our situation, while travelling, did not allow me sufficient time to test the result of the vaccination in most instances; but an occasional return to bands where the operation had been performed, enabled me, in those bands, either to note the progress of the disease, or to judge from the cicatrices marking the original situation of the pustules, the cases in which the disease had proved successful.

CHIPPEWA INDIANS.		MALES.						FEMALES.
	BANDS.	U n d e r 10.	10 to 20.	20 to 40.	40 to 60.	60 to 80.	O v e r 80.	U n d e r 10.	10 to 20.	20 to 40.	40 to 60.	60 to 80.	O v e r 80.	M a l e s.	F e m a l e s.	T o t a l.
Lake Superior	Sault Ste. Marie	93	22	19	8	2	1	75	28	21	10	3	1	145	138	283
	Grand Island	17	9	7	2	...	...	12	5	7	...	...	...	35	24	59
	Keweena Bay	23	11	10	6	1	...	20	12	17	5	2	1	51	57	108
	Ontonagon River	7	8	10	3	...	...	13	5	12	6	1	...	28	37	65
	La Pointe	37	32	40	6	2	1	38	25	28	12	2	...	118	106	224
	Fond du Lac	50	21	45	10	2	...	41	18	35	13	6	2	128	115	243
Folle Avoine Country
	Lac du Flambeau	6	2	6	1	1	...	2	3	4	2	2	...	16	15	29
	Ottowa Lake	11	4	8	1	...	...	10	7	3	2	...	...	24	22	46
	Yellow River	11	2	6	1	...	...	11	3	6	2	1	...	20	23	43
	Nama Kowagun of St. Croix River	4	1	2	1	...	...	4	...	3	2	...	...	8	9	17
	Snake River	14	3	7	4	1	1	25	3	12	1	1	...	30	42	72
Sources of the Mississippi River
	Sandy Lake	75	21	47	10	2	...	86	19	48	23	6	2	155	184	339
	Lake Winnipeg	4	4	10	3	...	...	1	1	1	2	...	...	21	5	26
	Cass, or Upper Red Cedar Lake	18	5	11	6	...	1	18	3	8	5	1	1	41	36	77
	Leech Lake	76	43	73	16	4	1	96	41	61	25	2	1	213	226	439
	Lake Superior	227	103	131	35	7	2	199	93	120	46	14	5	505	477	982
	Folle Avoine Country	46	12	29	8	2	1	52	12	32	9	4	...	98	109	207
	Sources of the Mississippi	173	73	141	35	6	2	201	64	118	55	9	4	430	451	881
Total		446	188	301	78	15	5	452	169	270	110	27	9	1033	1037	2070

About one-fourth of the whole number were vaccinated directly from the pustules of patients laboring under the disease; while the remaining three-fourths were vaccinated from crusts, or from virus which had been several days on hand. I did not pass by a single opportunity for securing the crusts and virus from the arms of healthy patients; and to avoid, as far as possible, the chance of giving rise to a disease of a spurious kind, I invariably made use of those crusts and that virus, for the purposes of vaccination, which had been most recently obtained. To secure, as far as possible, against the chances of escaping the vaccine disease, I invariably vaccinated in each arm.

Of the whole number of Indians vaccinated, I have either watched the progress of the disease, or examined the cicatrices of about seven hundred. An average of one in three of those vaccinated from crusts has failed, while of those vaccinated directly from the arm of a person laboring under the disease, not more than one in twenty has failed to take effect—when the disease did not make its appearance after vaccination, I have invariably, as the cases came under my examination, revaccinated until a favorable result has been obtained.

Of the different bands of Indians vaccinated, a large proportion of the following have, as an actual examination has shown, undergone thoroughly the effects of the disease; viz: Sault Ste. Marie, Keweena Bay, La Pointe, and Cass Lake, being seven hundred and fifty-one in number; while of the remaining thirteen hundred and seventy-eight, of other bands, I think it may safely be calculated that more than three-fourths have passed effectually under the influence of the vaccine disease: and as directions to revaccinate all those in whom the disease failed, together with instructions as to time and manner of vaccination, were given to the chiefs of the different bands, it is more than probable that, where the bands remained together a sufficient length of time, the operation of revaccination has been performed by themselves.

Upon our return to Lake Superior, I had reason to suspect, on examining several cicatrices, that two of the crusts furnished by the surgeon-general, in consequence of a partial decomposition, gave rise to a spurious disease, and these suspicions were confirmed when revaccinating with genuine vaccine matter, when the true disease was communicated. Nearly all those Indians vaccinated with those two crusts, have been vaccinated, and passed regularly though the vaccine disease.

The answers to my repeated inquiries respecting the introduction, progress, and fatality of the smallpox, would lead me to infer that the disease has made its appearance at least five times, among the bands of Chippewa Indians noticed in the accompanying table of vaccination.

The smallpox appears to have been wholly unknown to the Chippewas of Lake Superior until about 1750; when a war-party, of more than one hundred young men, from the bands resident near the head of the lake, having visited Montreal for the purpose of assisting the French in their then existing troubles with the English, became infected with the disease, and but few of the party survived to reach their homes. It does not appear, although they made a precipitate retreat to their own country, that the disease was at this time communicated to any others of the tribe.

About the year 1770, the disease appeared a second time among the Chippewas, but, unlike that which preceded it, it was communicated to the more northern bands.

The circumstances connected with its introduction are related nearly as follows:—

Some time in the fall of 1767 or 8, a trader who had ascended the Mississippi, and established himself near Leech Lake, was robbed of his goods by the Indians residing at that lake; and, in consequence of his exertions in defending his property, he died soon after.

These facts became known to the directors of the Fur Company, at Mackinac; and, each successive year after, requests were sent to the Leech Lake Indians, that they should visit Mackinac, and make reparation for the goods they had taken, by a payment of furs, at the same time threatening punishment in case of a refusal. In the spring of 1770, the Indians saw fit to comply with this request; and a deputation from the band visited Mackinac, with a quantity of furs, which they considered an equivalent for the goods which had been taken. The deputation was received with politeness by the directors of the Company, and the difficulties readily adjusted. When this was effected, a cask of liquor and a flag closely rolled were presented to the Indians as a token of friendship. They were at the same time strictly enjoined neither to break the seal of the cask nor to unroll the flag, until they had reached the heart of their own country. This they promised to observe; but while returning, and after having travelled many days, the chief of the deputation made a feast for the Indians of the band at Fond du Lac, Lake Superior, upon which occasion he unsealed the cask and unrolled the flag for the gratification of his guests. The Indians drank of the liquor, and remained in a state of inebriation during several days. The rioting was over, and they were fast recovering from its effects, when several of the party were seized with violent pain. This was attributed to the liquor they had drunk; but the pain increasing, they were induced to drink deeper of the poisonous drug, and in this inebriated state several of the party died, before the real cause was suspected. Other like cases occurred; and it was not long before one of the war-party who had visited Montreal in 1750, and who had narrowly escaped with his life, recognized the disease as the same which had attacked their party at that time. It proved to be so; and of those Indians then at Fond du Lac, about three hundred in number, nearly the whole were swept off by it. Nor did it stop here; for numbers of those at Fond du Lac, at the time the disease made its appearance, took refuge among the neighboring bands; and although it did not extend easterly on Lake Superior, it is believed that not a single band of Chippewas north or west from Fond du Lac escaped its ravages. Of a large band then resident at Cass Lake, near the source of the Mississippi River, only one person, a child, escaped. The others having been attacked by the disease, died before any opportunity for dispersing was offered. The Indians at this day are firmly of the opinion that the smallpox was at this time communicated through the articles presented to their brethren by the agent of the Fur Company at Mackinac; and that it was done for the purpose of punishing them more severely for their offences.

The most western bands of Chippewas relate a singular allegory of the introduction of the smallpox into their country by a war-party, returning from the plains of the Missouri, as nearly as information will enable me to judge, in the year 1784. It does not appear that, at this time, the disease extended to the bands east of Fond du Lac; but it is represented to have been extremely fatal to those bands north and west from there.

In 1802 or 3, the smallpox made its appearance among the Indians residing at the Sault Ste. Marie, but did not extend to the bands west from that place. The disease was introduced by a voyager, in the employ of the Northwest Fur Company, who had just returned from Montreal; and although all communication with him was prohibited, an Indian imprudently having made him a visit, was infected with and transmitted the disease to others of the band. When once communicated, it raged with great violence, and of a large band scarcely one of those then at the village survived, and the unburied bones still remain, marking the situation they occupied. From this band the infection was communicated to a band residing upon St. Joseph's Island, and many died of it; but the surgeon of the military post then there, succeeded, by judicious and early measures, in checking it before the infection became general.

In 1824, the smallpox again made its appearance among the Indians at the Sault Ste. Marie. It was communicated by a voyager to the Indians upon Drummond's Island, Lake Huron; and through them several families at Sault Ste. Marie became infected. Of those belonging to the latter place, more than twenty in number, only two escaped. The disease is represented to have been extremely fatal to the Indians at Drummond's Island.

Since 1824, the smallpox is not known to have appeared among the Indians at the Sault Ste. Marie, nor among the Chippewas north or west from that place. But the Indians of these bands still tremble at the bare name of a disease which (next to the compounds of alcohol) has been one of the greatest scourges that has ever overtaken them since their first communication with the whites. The disease, when once communicated to a band of Indians, rages with a violence wholly unknown to the civilized man. The Indian, guided by present feeling, adopts a course of treatment (if indeed it deserves that appellation) which not unfrequently arms the disease with new power. An attack is but a warning to the poor and helpless patient to prepare for death, which will almost assuredly soon follow. His situation under these circumstances is truly deplorable; for while in a state that even, with proper advice, he would of himself recover, he adds fresh fuel to the flame which is already consuming him, under the delusive hope of gaining relief. The intoxicating draught (when it is within his reach) is not among the last remedies to which he resorts, to produce a lethargy from which he is never to recover. Were the friends of the sick man, even under these circumstances, enabled to attend him, his sufferings might be, at least, somewhat mitigated; but they too are, perhaps, in a similar situation, and themselves without even a single person to minister to their wants. Death comes to the poor invalid, and, perhaps, even as a welcome guest, to rid him of his suffering.

By a comparison of the number of Indians vaccinated upon the borders of Lake Superior with the actual population, it will be seen that the proportion who have passed through the vaccine disease is so great as to secure them against any general prevalence of the smallpox; and perhaps it is sufficient to prevent the introduction of the disease to the bands beyond, through this channel. But in the Folle Avoine country it is not so. Of the large bands of Indians residing in that section of country, only a small fraction have been vaccinated; while of other bands, not a single person has passed through the disease.

Their local situation undoubtedly renders it of the first importance that the benefits of vaccination should be extended to them. Their situation may be said to render them a connecting link between the southern and northwestern bands of Chippewas; and while on the south they are liable to receive the virus of the smallpox from the whites and Indians, the passage of the disease through them to their more northern brethren would only be prevented by their remaining, at that time, completely separated. Every motive of humanity towards the suffering Indian, would lead to extend to him this protection against a disease he holds in constant dread, and of which he knows, by sad experience, the fatal effects. The protection he will prize highly, and will give in return the only boon a destitute man is capable of giving; the deep-felt gratitude of an overflowing heart.

I have the honour to be
Very respectfully, sir,
Your obedient servant,
DOUGLASS HOUGHTON.

Henry R. Schoolcraft, Esq.,
U. S. Ind. Agt., Sault de Ste. Marie.