CHAPTER 15 - Notes
[323]. See Note [[107]], Chapter [6]
[324]. For a remarkable later development of the veranda outside England, see Robertson, E. G., ‘The Australian Verandah’, Architectural Review, CXXVII (1960), 238-45.
[325]. There are many examples in various English books of the first third of the century; characteristic are those offered by T. F. Hunt, J. B. Papworth, and P. F. Robinson. See Note [[134]] to Chapter [6].
[326]. See Note [[132]], Chapter [6].
[327]. See Note [[128]], Chapter [6].
[328]. See Note [[133]], Chapter [6].
[329]. See Note [[308]], Chapter [14].
[330]. See Note [[132]], Chapter [6].
[331]. In the Builder for 15 January 1859 and in the Supplement to Kerr, R., The Gentleman’s House, 2nd ed., London, 1865.
[332]. Contemporaries saw this house rather as a reaction towards the ‘Old English’ after the ‘modernism’ of the High Victorian Gothic and the Second Empire of the preceding decade. How conscious Shaw himself was of the significance of his own innovations it is difficult to say.
[333]. The plan was first published by Muthesius in 1904; this does not mean that its character was not known to contemporary architects, however.
[334]. By this time photo-lithographic processes made it possible for Shaw’s perspectives to appear in the Building News practically as facsimiles of his originals. Had it been necessary, as in the fifties and sixties, to ‘translate’ them into wood-engravings the transmission of the Shavian influence abroad would certainly have been much less effective.
[335]. See Note [[133]], Chapter [6]. The term ‘Eastlake’ is sometimes rather inaccurately used for the Stick Style.
[336]. See Wheeler, G., Rural Houses, New York, 1851, with later editions to 1868, and his Homes for the People in Suburb and Country, New York, 1855, with later editions to 1867.
[337]. See Gardner, E. C., Homes and How to Build Them, Boston, 1874, and also his Illustrated Homes, Boston, 1875.
[338]. See Woodward, G. E., Woodward’s Country Houses, New York, 1865; Woodward’s Architecture, Landscape Gardening and Rural Art, New York, 1867; Woodward’s Cottage and Farm Houses, New York, 1867; and Woodward’s National Architect, New York, 1868. Of Woodward’s Country Houses there were eight successive editions within a decade, thus rivalling in this period the popularity of Downing’s Cottage Residences in the forties and fifties; however, it is worth noting that the latter still remained in print.
[339]. See Sturges, W. K., ‘Long Shadow of Norman Shaw: Queen Anne Revival’, Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians, IX (1950), 21-5.
[340]. Scully in The Shingle Style provides evidence that the idea of a great hall was not unknown in America well before this. It may be unnecessary to suppose that Richardson knew of the Hinderton plan, since one or two comparable ones can be found in books appearing in America in the fifties; see, for example, the Nathan Reeve house in Newburgh, N.Y., published as ‘Design No. 22’ in Vaux, C., Villas and Cottages, New York, 1857. However that may be, the great hall theme was rarely exploited in Second Empire or Stick Style houses of the sixties. It makes a notable appearance or re-appearance, as the case may be, in Richardson’s planning just after 1870. See Notes VI-4 and VIII-2 in the 1961 edition of my Richardson book.
[341]. The term is Vincent Scully’s. Various themes touched on in this and succeeding paragraphs are discussed at length in his homonymous volume and provided there with a full roster of illustrations.
[342]. It is of interest that when the Monograph of the Work of McKim, Mead & White was prepared in 1915 almost all this early work was omitted. It has been rediscovered by critics and historians in the last thirty years, beginning with Mumford in the Brown Decades in 1931.
[343]. Just how the influence reached American architects so early is not altogether clear. The first treatise in English on Japanese architecture is Morse, E. S., Japanese Homes and Their Surroundings, Boston, 1886; new ed., New York, 1961. See Lancaster, C., ‘Japanese Buildings in the United States before 1900: Their Influence upon American Domestic Architecture’, Art Bulletin, XXXV (1953), 217-24.
[344]. See Hitchcock, H. R., ‘Frank Lloyd Wright and the “Academic Tradition” in the Nineties’, Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes, VII (1947), 46-63.
[345]. For an unsuspected but possible influence on Wright in this façade, see Gebhard, D., ‘A Note on the Chicago Fair of 1893 and Frank Lloyd Wright’, Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians, XVIII (1959), 63-5.
[346]. Japanese influence was more evident at the Chauncey L. Williams house at 520 Edgewood Place in River Forest, Ill., of 1895, notably in the use of rough boulders at the foot of the brick wall and flanking the entrance. Wright by this time was enthusiastically interested in Japanese prints; whether he also knew Morse’s book of 1886 (see Note 20 supra) is not clear.
[347]. This was very much extended, but along the original lines, in 1901, as shown on Plate 128B. The present River Forest Tennis Club, a much smaller structure, is not the same, though it bears some superficial resemblance to the Golf Club. The building of 1898-1901 was demolished in 1905.
[348]. I am grateful to John Brandon-Jones for allowing me to read the manuscript of his unpublished monograph on Voysey. Without his assistance of various sorts this account of Voysey could not have been written and illustrated.
[349]. See Note [[261]], Chapter [12].
[350]. The ‘House at Doverscourt for A. J. W. Ward’, published in the British Architect, 11 April 1890, was apparently never executed any more than those illustrated the previous year. It is very like Perrycroft, built in 1893, the first of Voysey’s important country houses, thus suggesting that on paper his style had in fact largely crystallized by this date before his Forster house was begun. It is of interest that the plan of the Ward project is more open than those of any of his executed houses; it may well have influenced Baillie Scott (see below).
[351]. Brandon-Jones suggests, however, that the very plain Regency villa in which Voysey was then living in St John’s Wood may have had some generic influence on the Forster house.
[352]. At Perrycroft the mullions are of wood, originally painted green. At the Forster house they were of stone, and that is true of almost all the later houses. So also the slates here were Welsh and grey; when he began to work in the Lake District he turned to green slates, earlier used by Godwin on Whistler’s house. These became standard on his later houses wherever they were built.
[353]. For a later tribute to his influence and that of Baillie Scott abroad, see Fisker, K., ‘Tre pionerer fra aarhundredskiftet’, Byggmästaren, 1947, 221-32; the third ‘pioneer’, rather surprisingly, is Tessenow (see Chapter [20]).
[354]. For a remarkable later work of Lethaby, see Pevsner, N., ‘Lethaby’s Last’, Architectural Review, CXXX (1961), 354-7. This church, at Brockhampton-by-Ross in Herefordshire, was roofed with pre-cast concrete slabs at the surprisingly early date of 1900-2; and its simplified, rather angular, Gothic design is, in effect, already proto-Expressionist.
[355]. See Pevsner, N., ‘George Walton, His Life and Work’, Journal of the Royal Institute of British Architects, XLVI (1939), 537-48.
[356]. Voysey was also a notable designer of wallpapers and chintzes, perhaps the most notable of his generation in England.