ANALYTICAL TABLE OF CONTENTS.
| CHAPTER I. | |
| STATEMENT OF THE RESOURCES FOR INVESTIGATING HISTORY, AND PROOFS OF THEREGULARITY OF HUMAN ACTIONS. THESE ACTIONS ARE GOVERNED BY MENTAL ANDPHYSICAL LAWS: THEREFORE BOTH SETS OF LAWS MUST BE STUDIED, AND THERECAN BE NO HISTORY WITHOUT THE NATURAL SCIENCES. | |
| PAGE | |
| Materials for writing history | [1–3] |
| Narrow range of knowledge possessed by historians | [4–5] |
| Object of the present work | [6] |
| Human actions, if not the result of fixed laws, must be due to chance or to supernatural interference | [8] |
| Probable origin of free-will and predestination | [9–12] |
| Theological basis of predestination, and metaphysical basis of free-will | [12–16] |
| The actions of men are caused by their antecedents, which exist either in the human mind orin the external world | [18–20] |
| Therefore history is the modification of man by nature, and of nature by man | [20–21] |
| Statistics prove the regularity of actions in regard to murder and other crimes | [22–26] |
| Similar proof respecting suicides | [27–29] |
| Also respecting the number of marriages annually contracted | [31–32] |
| And respecting the number of letters sent undirected | [32] |
| The historian must ascertain whether mind or nature has most influenced human actions; andtherefore there can be no history without physical science | [33–35] |
| Note A. Passages from Kant on free-will and necessity | [35–38] |
CHAPTER II. | |
| INFLUENCE EXERCISED BY PHYSICAL LAWS OVER THE ORGANIZATIONOF SOCIETY AND OVER THE CHARACTER OF INDIVIDUALS. | |
| Man is affected by four classes of physical agents; namely, climate, food, soil, and the general aspect of nature | [39–41] |
| Operation of these agents on the accumulation of wealth | [41–51] |
| Their operation on the distribution of wealth | [51–64] |
| Illustrations of these principles from Ireland | [65–67] |
| From Hindustan | [69–82] |
| From Egypt | [82–93] |
| From Central America | [93–94] |
| And from Mexico and Peru | [95] |
| Operation of physical laws in Brazil | [101–108] |
| Influence of the general aspects of nature upon the imagination and the understanding | [118–119] |
| Under some aspects, nature is more prominent than man; under others, man more than nature | [120] |
| In the former case the imagination is more stimulated than the understanding, and to thisclass all the earliest civilizations belong | [120–121] |
| The imagination is excited by earthquakes and volcanoes | [122–124] |
| And by danger generally | [125–126] |
| Also by an unhealthy climate making life precarious | [126–130] |
| From these causes the civilizations exterior to Europe are mainly influenced by theimagination, those in Europe by the understanding | [130–132] |
| This proposition illustrated by a comparison between Hindustan and Greece | [132–147] |
| Further illustration from Central America | [147–148] |
| Chemical and physiological note on the connection between food and animal heat | [148–151] |
CHAPTER III. | |
| EXAMINATION OF THE METHOD EMPLOYED BY METAPHYSICIANSFOR DISCOVERING MENTAL LAWS. | |
| In the last chapter, two leading facts have been established, which broadly separate Europefrom other parts of the world | [152–156] |
| Hence it appears that of the two classes of mental and physical laws the mental are the moreimportant for the history of Europe | [156–157] |
| Examination of the two metaphysical methods of generalizing mental laws | [158–165] |
| Failure of these methods | [165–167] |
CHAPTER IV. | |
| MENTAL LAWS ARE EITHER MORAL OR INTELLECTUAL. COMPARISON OF MORAL AND INTELLECTUAL LAWS,AND INQUIRY INTO THE EFFECT PRODUCED BY EACH ON THE PROGRESS OF SOCIETY. | |
| The historical method of studying mental laws is superior to the metaphysical method | [168–174] |
| The progress of society is twofold, moral and intellectual | [174–175] |
| Comparison of the moral with the intellectual element | [175] |
| There is no evidence that the natural faculties of man improve | [176–177] |
| Progress, therefore, depends on an improvement in the circumstances under which the faculties come into play | [178] |
| The standard of action having varied in every age, the causes of action must be variable | [179] |
| But moral truths have not changed | [179] |
| And intellectual truths are constantly changing | [181] |
| Intellectual truths are the cause of progress | [182] |
| Ignorant men are mischievous in proportion to their sincerity | [183–185] |
| Illustrations of this from Rome and Spain | [185–188] |
| The diminution of religious persecution is owing to the progress of knowledge | [188–190] |
| The diminution of the warlike spirit is owing to the same cause | [190–192] |
| Illustrations from Russia and Turkey | [195–197] |
| As civilization advances, men of intellect avoid becoming soldiers | [198] |
| Illustrations of this from ancient Greece and modern Europe | [198–202] |
| The three principal ways in which the progress of knowledge has lessened the warlike spirit are: | |
| 1. The invention of gunpowder | [203–209] |
| 2. The discoveries made by political economists | [210–211] |
| 3. The application of steam to purposes of travelling | [219–223] |
| Inference to be drawn as to the causes of social progress | [224–226] |
CHAPTER V. | |
| INQUIRY INTO THE INFLUENCE EXERCISED BY RELIGION, LITERATURE, AND GOVERNMENT. | |
| Recapitulation of preceding arguments | [227] |
| Moral feelings influence individuals, but do not affect society in the aggregate | [228–229] |
| This being as yet little understood, historians have not collected proper materials for writing history | [230] |
| Reasons why the present history is restricted to England | [231–235] |
| Comparison of the history of England with that of France | [235–236] |
| With that of Germany | [237–240] |
| With that of the United States of America | [240–242] |
| Necessity of ascertaining the fundamental laws of intellectual progress | [243] |
| Much may be gained in that respect from studying the histories of Germany, America, France,Spain, and Scotland | [244–246] |
| Deductive spirit in Scotland | [246–252] |
| Influence of religion on the progress of society | [253–266] |
| Illustration from the efforts of missionaries | [254–256] |
| Illustration from the Hebrews | [257–258] |
| Illustration from the early history of Christianity | [259–262] |
| And from Sweden and Scotland | [263–266] |
| Influence of literature on the progress of society | [268–272] |
| Influence of government on the progress of society | [272–287] |
| Illustrated by repeal of the corn-laws | [273–274] |
| The best legislation abrogates former legislation | [275] |
| The interference of politicians with trade has injured trade | [276–278] |
| Legislators have caused smuggling with all its attendant crimes | [278–280] |
| They have also increased hypocrisy and perjury | [281–283] |
| By their laws against usury they have increased usury | [283–284] |
| By other laws they have hindered the advance of knowledge | [284–285] |
| England has been less interfered with in these ways than other nations, and is therefore moreprosperous than they | [286–287] |
CHAPTER VI. | |
| ORIGIN OF HISTORY, AND STATE OF HISTORICAL LITERATURE DURING THE MIDDLE AGES. | |
| Conclusions arrived at by the preceding investigations | [288] |
| An inquiry into the changes in historical researches will throw light on the changes in society | [289–290] |
| The earliest histories are ballads | [291–295] |
| One cause of error in history was the invention of writing | [296–300] |
| A change of religion in any country also tends to corrupt its early history | [300–307] |
| But the most active cause of all was the influence of the clergy | [307–308] |
| Absurdities which were consequently believed | [309–317] |
| Illustration of this from the history of Charlemagne by Turpin | [318–321] |
| And from the history of the Britons by Geoffrey | [321–325] |
| The first improvement in writing history began in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries | [325] |
| But credulity was still prevalent, as is seen in Comines | [327–328] |
| And in the predictions of Stœffler respecting the Deluge | [330] |
| Also in the work of Dr. Horst on the Golden Tooth | [331–332] |
CHAPTER VII. | |
| OUTLINE OF THE HISTORY OF THE ENGLISH INTELLECT FROM THEMIDDLE OF THE SIXTEENTH TO THE END OF THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY. | |
| This absurd way of writing history was the natural result of the state of the age | [333] |
| The spirit of doubt was a necessary precursor of improvement | [334] |
| Hence the supreme importance of scepticism | [335–336] |
| Origin of religious toleration in England | [337] |
| Hooker contrasted with Jewel | [339–343] |
| Scepticism and spirit of inquiry on other subjects | [343–346] |
| This tendency displayed in Chillingworth | [347–350] |
| Chillingworth compared with Hooker and Jewel | [350] |
| Subsequent movement in the same direction, and increasing indifference to theological matters | [352–355] |
| Great advantage of this | [356–358] |
| Under James I. and Charles I. this opposition to authority assumes a political character | [359–361] |
| Under Charles II. it takes a frivolous form at court | [363] |
| Influence of this spirit upon Sir Thomas Browne | [365–367] |
| Its influence upon Boyle | [367–370] |
| It causes the establishment of the Royal Society | [371] |
| Impetus now given to physical science, and attempts of the clergy to oppose it | [372] |
| The clergy are naturally hostile to physical science, because it lessens their own power | [372–373] |
| Illustration of this by the superstition of sailors and agriculturists as compared with soldiers and mechanics | [375–380] |
| Legislative improvements in the reign of Charles II. in spite of political degradation | [380–386] |
| These improvements were due to the sceptical and inquiring spirit | [387–388] |
| Aided by the vices of the king | [388] |
| And by his dislike of the church | [389] |
| He encouraged Hobbes, and neglected the ablest of the clergy | [390–393] |
| The clergy, to recover their ground, allied themselves with James II. | [394–396] |
| This alliance was dissolved by the Declaration of Indulgence | [397–399] |
| The clergy then united with the dissenters and brought about the Revolution of 1688 | [399–400] |
| Importance of the Revolution | [401–403] |
| But the clergy regretted it, and repented of their own act | [403] |
| Hostility between them and William III. | [405–410] |
| Hence a schism in the church | [410–413] |
| Fresh encouragement thus given to scepticism | [413–414] |
| Convocation first despised, and then abolished | [414–415] |
| After the Revolution the ablest men confine themselves to secular professions, and avoided entering the church | [415] |
| The clergy lost all offices out of the church, and their numbers diminished in both Houses of Parliament | [416–418] |
| The church rallied for a moment under Anne | [418–420] |
| But was weakened by the dissenters, headed by Wesley and Whitefield | [420–424] |
| Theology separated from morals and from politics | [424–426] |
| Rapid succession of sceptical controversies | [427–429] |
| Knowledge begins to be diffused, and takes a popular form | [430–433] |
| Political meetings, and publication of parliamentary debates | [433–434] |
| Doctrine of personal representation, and idea of independence | [436] |
| Corresponding change in the style of authors | [436–439] |
| Hence great reforms became inevitable | [439–440] |
| This tendency was aided by George I. and George II. | [441–443] |
| But discouraged by George III., under whom began a dangerous political reaction | [444–446] |
| Ignorance of George III. | [446] |
| Subserviency of Pitt | [446–449] |
| Incompetence of other statesmen, and the king's hatred of great men | [449–451] |
| Deterioration of the House of Lords | [451–455] |
| Ability and accomplishments of Burke | [458–461] |
| He opposed the views of George III., and was neglected by him | [462–467] |
| Burke's subsequent hallucinations and violence | [467–476] |
| The king now favoured him | [476–477] |
| Policy of George III. respecting America | [478–482] |
| This policy reacted upon England | [482–483] |
| Policy in regard to France | [483–486] |
| This also reacted upon England | [486] |
| And produced arbitrary laws against the liberties of England | [487–493] |
| Which were zealously enforced by the executive | [494–496] |
| Gloomy political prospects of England late in the eighteenth century | [496–498] |
| But, owing to the progress of knowledge, a counter reaction was preparing | [498–502] |
| To which, and to the increasing power of public opinion, England owes her great reforms ofthe nineteenth century | [502–505] |