CONTENTS

PAGE
CHAPTER I
The Thesis of this Book[3]

The Jews are an alien body within the society theyinhabit—hence irritation and friction—a problem ispresented by the strains thus set up—the solution ofthat problem is urgently necessary.

An alien body in any organism is disposed of in oneof two ways: elimination and segregation.

Elimination may be by destruction, by excretion orby absorption—in the case of the Jews the first is abominableand, further, has failed—the second means exile:it has also failed—the third, absorption, the most probableand most moral, has failed throughout the past,though having everything in its favour.

There remains segregation, which may be of twoforms: hostile to, or careless of, the alien body, or friendlyto it and careful of its good—in this latter form it maybest be called Recognition. The first kind of segregationhas often been attempted in history—it has been partiallysuccessful over long periods—but has always leftbehind it a sense of injustice and has not really solvedthe problem—also it has always failed in the end.

The true solution is in the second kind of segregation,that is, recognition on both sides of a separate Jewishnationality.

CHAPTER II
The Denial of the Problem[17]

In the immediate past the problem was shirked inWestern Europe by a mere denial of its existence—somewere honestly ignorant of the existence of a Jewishnation—some thought the difference one of religiononly—more admitted the existence of a separate nationbut thought a convenient fiction, that it did not exist,necessary to the modern state.

This ignorance or fiction has broken down in our owntime—partly through the necessary reaction of truthagainst any falsehood—partly through the increasingnumbers of the Jews in Western countries—more throughthe great increase of their power.

Yet, though this old "Liberal" fiction about theJews is dead, having proved unworkable in the face offact, it had something to be said for it—it secured peacefor a while—it chose models from the past—and it wasbased on a certain truth, to wit, that the Jew takes onvery rapidly the superficial characters of the nation inwhich he happens for the time to be living—moreover itwas desired by the Jews themselves—example of theold Jewish Peer and his claim "to be let alone"—practicalproof of the failure in his case.

At any rate the old "Liberal" fiction is now quiteuseless—the problem is admitted and must be solved.

CHAPTER III
The Present Phase of the Problem[43]

The Jewish problem, present throughout history, hasassumed a particular character to-day—it is the characterof a sharp reaction against the old pretence thatJews were identical with the nations in which theyhappened to live—it first took the form of irritationonly—it was suddenly exasperated in a very high degreeby the Jewish revolution in Russia—but long beforethis the increasing power of Jews in public life, the anti-Semiticwriting on the Continent, the Dreyfus agitation,the South African War, and the Jewish leadership ofSocialism had prepared the way—The situation on theoutbreak of the Great War—Bolshevism—a shortdescription to be expanded in a later chapter—Bolshevismis a Jewish movement, but not a movement of theJewish race as a whole—its particular effect was torelease criticism of Jewish power which had hithertobeen silent from fear of, or sympathy with, Capitalism.

Men hesitated to attack the Jews as financiers becausethe stability of society and of their own fortunes wasbound up with finance—but when a body of Jews alsoappeared as the active enemies of existing society and ofprivate fortune, the restraint was removed—since theBolshevist movement open (and hostile) discussion ofthe Jewish problem has become universal.

CHAPTER IV
The General Causes of Friction[69]

The strain between Jewry and its hosts in Islam andChristendom much older than any modern cause canaccount for—the true causes are both general and particular—Icall those general which are ineradicable andproceed from the contrasting natures of the two races,particular those which depend upon the will on eitherside and can be modified to the advantage of both.

The general cause of friction being a contrast in fundamentalcharacter, we note that the common accusationsbrought against Jews are false, as are the common praisesgiven him by those not of the race.—In each case what hasto be noted is not a series of virtues or vices special tothe Jew, but the racial character or tone of each quality.

These examined—the Jewish courage—examples—theJewish generosity—the strength of Jewish patriotism—theconsequent indifference to our national feelings—accusationsarising therefrom, especially in time of war—theJewish power of concentration—of eloquence—theJewish tendency to "push" a Jewish success and hidea Jewish failure or danger—the evil effects of this tendencyin our mutual relations.

The poverty of the Jewish people—false effect producedby a few great Jewish fortunes—the instability of these—cringingof wealthy Europeans to Jewish money-dealers—dependenceof our politicians on wealthy Jews—evileffect of this in the attempt to regulate domestic affairsof Eastern Europe.

The ill effect of the partially Jewish financial monopoly—especiallywith Parliamentary corruption as pronouncedas it is to-day.

CHAPTER V
The Special Causes of Friction[99]

I have called "Special" causes of Friction thosewhich are remedial at will by either party—they wouldseem to be, on the Jewish side, the habit of secrecy andthe habit of expressing a sense of superiority—on ourside a disingenuousness and unintelligence in our treatmentof Jews and a lack of charity.

The deplorable Jewish habit of secrecy—the use offalse names—examples—excuses for same not adequate—aregular code of such names which deceive us but canbe decoded by fellow Jews.

The expression of superiority by the Jew—our statesmanshiphas never sufficiently allowed for it—examplesof this expression—Jewish interference in our religion—ornational quarrels—and other departments which arealien to Jewish interests—on the other hand this qualityhas been a preservation of the race—the Jew shouldnote the corresponding sense of superiority on our side—eventhe poor hack-writer, if he be of European blood,feels himself superior to the Jewish millionaire.

CHAPTER VI
The Cause of Friction upon our Side[123]

This department of our inquiry often neglectedthrough an error—it is presumed that, because we arethe hosts and the Jew alien to us, no responsibility fallson us—this error forgets that the Jew is permanentlywith us and that every permanent human relationinvolves responsibility.

The first cause of friction on our side is disingenuousnessin our dealings with the Jew—examples of this—weconceal from the Jew our real feelings—we deceivehim—the richer classes who intermarry with Jews andenter into business partnership with them especiallyto blame—the populace more straightforward—thisdeceiving of the Jew leaves him troubled when the quarrelcomes to a head—he has not heard what is said behindhis back.

Disingenuousness in our suppression of the Jewishproblem in history—gross examples of it in contemporarylife and particularly in the popular press—Jews called"Russians," "Germans," anything but what they are.

Unintelligence a second cause of friction—example:our treatment of Jewish immigration—we hate it, yetallow it because we dare not give it its right name—unintelligenttreatment of the Jew in fiction—unintelligencein our astonishment at his international position—exampleof the cabinet minister's cousin who got intotrouble.

Last cause, lack of charity—people won't put themselvesin the shoes of the Jew and see how things lookfrom his side—we do not (as we should) mix with Jewsof every class and address their societies—Summary—Awarning against the idea that the friction between theJews and ourselves is unimportant—it has bred catastrophein the past and may in the future.

CHAPTER VII
The Anti-Semite[145]

Error of neglecting to study Anti-Semitism on accountof its extravagance—it is a most significant thing, howeverill-balanced—character of the Anti-Semite—he doesnot recognize a Jewish problem to be solved but only aJewish race to be hated—this hatred his whole motive—hisself-contradictions—his delusion—his strength—thepress still on the whole boycotts the Anti-Semitic movement—butit is growing prodigiously—its great powerof documentation—its vast accumulation of evidence—effectthis will have when it comes out.

The Jews met Anti-Semitism by nothing but ridicule—thisweapon insufficient and bound to fail—their enemieshave countered it by accumulating facts—the latter amuch stronger weapon so long as the erroneous Jewishpolicy of secrecy is maintained.

Danger to the Jews of the Anti-Semitic movement—(1)because of its intensity—(2) because of its formidableaccumulation of evidence, which cannot be permanentlysuppressed—(3) and most important, because it isallied to a now widespread and more moderate, but veryhostile, feeling, to which it acts as spear-head.

CHAPTER VIII
Bolshevism[167]

The revolution in Russia will be the historical point ofdeparture whence will date the renewed hostility to theJew in Western Europe.

Examination of that revolution—it was (as said inChapter III) "a Jewish movement, but not a movementof the Jewish race:" importance of this distinction—unfortunatelythe two different terms "Jewish race"and "a Jewish movement" are confused in the popularmind.

The Revolution not the result of an accident or of auniversal plot—element of racial revenge—the Jew nota revolutionary—special character of the Russian situation—IndustrialCapitalism, the great evil of our time,there recent and weak—therefore open to special attack—aninternational evil—the only two internationalforces applicable were the Jews and the Catholic Church—whythe Catholic Church cannot directly attack industrialCapitalism—why the Jew who happens to be opposedto it can and does directly attack it—neither our instinctfor property nor our Nationalism an obstacle in hiscase.

Grave perils to the Jew arise from his identificationwith Bolshevism—the more reason to meet these perilsby a sane treatment of the Jewish problem.

CHAPTER IX
The Position in the World as a Whole[189]

The Jewish problem varies (1) according to the extentto which Jews have acquired control and domination invarious places; (2) according to the tradition of eachcommunity in approaching the problem; (3) according tothe strength in each community of the four internationalforces, which are the Catholic Church, Islam, IndustrialCapitalism, and the Socialist revolt against this last.

The individual Jew does not feel that he is in a positionof control or even that he is interfering with his hosts—yetthat is the universal complaint against him—it is acorporate or collective power—more and more resented.

The position in Russia—repeated—in the Marches ofRussia and Roumania and Poland—in Central Europe—inOccidental Europe—Ireland an exception.

The position in the United States—Mr. Ford and thegreat effect of his action.

The Western tradition more favourable to the Jewsthan the Eastern—problem of the Jews and Islam—positionof the Catholic Church—effect of IndustrialCapitalism and of its converse, Socialism, upon theproblem.

CHAPTER X
The Position of the Jews in England[215]

England has gone to both extremes with the Jew.The Jew in the Roman time and in the Middle Ages—hismonopoly of Usury in early Middle Ages—Theexile of all English Jews under Edward I—their returnunder Cromwell—followed by a growing alliance betweenthe English State and the Jews—largely due to cosmopolitancommercial interests of Britain—also to commonhostility towards the Catholic Church—aided by greatwealth and security of this country—in the later nineteenthcentury the Jews, in spite of their small numbers,colour every English institution, especially the Universitiesand the House of Commons—the interests of thetwo races began to diverge before the Great War—nonethe less a formal alliance maintained through the controlof the politicians by Jewish finance—its culmination inthe attempt to form an Anglo-Judaic state in Palestine.

CHAPTER XI
Zionism[231]

The chief interest of the Zionist experiment lies in itsreaction upon the international position of the Jew—yetthat point is not yet discussed—what will be theeffect of the experiment on the position of Jews outsidePalestine, necessarily the vast majority of the race?—aninevitable alternative—either the Jews lose theirinternational position through loss of the fiction thatthey are not a nation—or the Zionist experiment breaksdown—effect especially in Eastern Europe.

Special effect of the experiment on Great Britain—difficultyof maintaining sacrifice for purely Jewishinterests—which now clash with British—unpopularityof such sacrifice inevitable—grave error of first appointmentto the headship of the New State—unworthiness ofthe politician chosen for that position.

CHAPTER XII
Our Duty[249]

This but a consequence of the conditions established inChapters IV, V and VI—our double duty of mixing withthe Jews and of recognizing their separate nationality—necessityof openly admitting this separate nationalityin conversation and social habits—in spite of difficultiesopposed by convention—in this the wealthier classesshould follow the lead of the populace—folly and dangerof Fear in this matter—the fear of Jewish power adegrading and exasperating thing to the European—delaymakes it worse—our plain duty is to recognizethis alien nation, to respect it, and to treat it frankly aswe do every nationality other than one's own.

CHAPTER XIII
Their Duty[271]

Only a brief mention—for interference or advice indomestic concerns of Jewry would be an impertinence—butit is clear that all specially Jewish institutions favourthe right policy for which I plead—those already inexistence—schools, newspapers, Jewish societies—allincrease of these institutions should be welcome, becausethey emphasize and make clear the separate nationalityof the Jew.

CHAPTER XIV
Various Theories[277]

This chapter is a digression on the various theories on theJewish race and its fortunes which have arisen in historyand some of which are still present.

The theory that reconciliation is impossible—itsattachment to the idea of a special curse or blessing.

The theory of a mysterious necessary alliance betweenIsrael and Britain—its most extravagant forms.

The theory that the Jews are the necessary flux ofEurope, without which our energies would decline—noteon the intellectual independence of the Jew andon his original effect on our thought—demand for aJewish history of Europe and Islam combined.

The theory that the Jewish problem is domestic onlyand no concern of ours—its error, since the relations aremutual.

The two theories of the Jew as a malignant enemyof our innocent selves, and of our malignant enmityagainst the innocent and martyred Jew—both erroneous.

The theory that the Jewish problem is now solvingitself by absorption—this theory false and due to amisunderstanding of history and a neglect of acutemodern and recent differentiation—Mr. Ford's epigramon "the melting-pot."

Fantastic theory that no Jewish national type exists!

CHAPTER XV
Conclusion. Habit or Law?[301]

Granted that the solution I advance (a full recognitionof separate nationality) is the just solution, shouldit be expressed in law?—Not, I think, until it has firstappeared in our morals and social conventions—to beginwith laws and regulations on our side would inevitablybreed oppression—but the suggestion of separate institutionscoming from the Jewish side should be welcomed—urgencyof a settlement—modern quarrels are growingfiercer, not less—but for my part I say, "Peace to Israel."

The Jews are an alien body within the society they inhabit—hence irritation and friction—a problem is presented by the strains thus set up—the solution of that problem is urgently necessary.

An alien body in any organism is disposed of in one of two ways: elimination and segregation.

Elimination may be by destruction, by excretion or by absorption—in the case of the Jews the first is abominable and, further, has failed—the second means exile: it has also failed—the third, absorption, the most probable and most moral, has failed throughout the past, though having everything in its favour.

There remains segregation, which may be of two forms: hostile to, or careless of, the alien body, or friendly to it and careful of its good—in this latter form it may best be called Recognition. The first kind of segregation has often been attempted in history—it has been partially successful over long periods—but has always left behind it a sense of injustice and has not really solved the problem—also it has always failed in the end.

The true solution is in the second kind of segregation, that is, recognition on both sides of a separate Jewish nationality.

In the immediate past the problem was shirked in Western Europe by a mere denial of its existence—some were honestly ignorant of the existence of a Jewish nation—some thought the difference one of religion only—more admitted the existence of a separate nation but thought a convenient fiction, that it did not exist, necessary to the modern state.

This ignorance or fiction has broken down in our own time—partly through the necessary reaction of truth against any falsehood—partly through the increasing numbers of the Jews in Western countries—more through the great increase of their power.

Yet, though this old "Liberal" fiction about the Jews is dead, having proved unworkable in the face of fact, it had something to be said for it—it secured peace for a while—it chose models from the past—and it was based on a certain truth, to wit, that the Jew takes on very rapidly the superficial characters of the nation in which he happens for the time to be living—moreover it was desired by the Jews themselves—example of the old Jewish Peer and his claim "to be let alone"—practical proof of the failure in his case.

At any rate the old "Liberal" fiction is now quite useless—the problem is admitted and must be solved.

The Jewish problem, present throughout history, has assumed a particular character to-day—it is the character of a sharp reaction against the old pretence that Jews were identical with the nations in which they happened to live—it first took the form of irritation only—it was suddenly exasperated in a very high degree by the Jewish revolution in Russia—but long before this the increasing power of Jews in public life, the anti-Semitic writing on the Continent, the Dreyfus agitation, the South African War, and the Jewish leadership of Socialism had prepared the way—The situation on the outbreak of the Great War—Bolshevism—a short description to be expanded in a later chapter—Bolshevism is a Jewish movement, but not a movement of the Jewish race as a whole—its particular effect was to release criticism of Jewish power which had hitherto been silent from fear of, or sympathy with, Capitalism.

Men hesitated to attack the Jews as financiers because the stability of society and of their own fortunes was bound up with finance—but when a body of Jews also appeared as the active enemies of existing society and of private fortune, the restraint was removed—since the Bolshevist movement open (and hostile) discussion of the Jewish problem has become universal.

The strain between Jewry and its hosts in Islam and Christendom much older than any modern cause can account for—the true causes are both general and particular—I call those general which are ineradicable and proceed from the contrasting natures of the two races, particular those which depend upon the will on either side and can be modified to the advantage of both.

The general cause of friction being a contrast in fundamental character, we note that the common accusations brought against Jews are false, as are the common praises given him by those not of the race.—In each case what has to be noted is not a series of virtues or vices special to the Jew, but the racial character or tone of each quality.

These examined—the Jewish courage—examples—the Jewish generosity—the strength of Jewish patriotism—the consequent indifference to our national feelings—accusations arising therefrom, especially in time of war—the Jewish power of concentration—of eloquence—the Jewish tendency to "push" a Jewish success and hide a Jewish failure or danger—the evil effects of this tendency in our mutual relations.

The poverty of the Jewish people—false effect produced by a few great Jewish fortunes—the instability of these—cringing of wealthy Europeans to Jewish money-dealers—dependence of our politicians on wealthy Jews—evil effect of this in the attempt to regulate domestic affairs of Eastern Europe.

The ill effect of the partially Jewish financial monopoly—especially with Parliamentary corruption as pronounced as it is to-day.

I have called "Special" causes of Friction those which are remedial at will by either party—they would seem to be, on the Jewish side, the habit of secrecy and the habit of expressing a sense of superiority—on our side a disingenuousness and unintelligence in our treatment of Jews and a lack of charity.

The deplorable Jewish habit of secrecy—the use of false names—examples—excuses for same not adequate—a regular code of such names which deceive us but can be decoded by fellow Jews.

The expression of superiority by the Jew—our statesmanship has never sufficiently allowed for it—examples of this expression—Jewish interference in our religion—or national quarrels—and other departments which are alien to Jewish interests—on the other hand this quality has been a preservation of the race—the Jew should note the corresponding sense of superiority on our side—even the poor hack-writer, if he be of European blood, feels himself superior to the Jewish millionaire.

This department of our inquiry often neglected through an error—it is presumed that, because we are the hosts and the Jew alien to us, no responsibility falls on us—this error forgets that the Jew is permanently with us and that every permanent human relation involves responsibility.

The first cause of friction on our side is disingenuousness in our dealings with the Jew—examples of this—we conceal from the Jew our real feelings—we deceive him—the richer classes who intermarry with Jews and enter into business partnership with them especially to blame—the populace more straightforward—this deceiving of the Jew leaves him troubled when the quarrel comes to a head—he has not heard what is said behind his back.

Disingenuousness in our suppression of the Jewish problem in history—gross examples of it in contemporary life and particularly in the popular press—Jews called "Russians," "Germans," anything but what they are.

Unintelligence a second cause of friction—example: our treatment of Jewish immigration—we hate it, yet allow it because we dare not give it its right name—unintelligent treatment of the Jew in fiction—unintelligence in our astonishment at his international position—example of the cabinet minister's cousin who got into trouble.

Last cause, lack of charity—people won't put themselves in the shoes of the Jew and see how things look from his side—we do not (as we should) mix with Jews of every class and address their societies—Summary—A warning against the idea that the friction between the Jews and ourselves is unimportant—it has bred catastrophe in the past and may in the future.

Error of neglecting to study Anti-Semitism on account of its extravagance—it is a most significant thing, however ill-balanced—character of the Anti-Semite—he does not recognize a Jewish problem to be solved but only a Jewish race to be hated—this hatred his whole motive—his self-contradictions—his delusion—his strength—the press still on the whole boycotts the Anti-Semitic movement—but it is growing prodigiously—its great power of documentation—its vast accumulation of evidence—effect this will have when it comes out.

The Jews met Anti-Semitism by nothing but ridicule—this weapon insufficient and bound to fail—their enemies have countered it by accumulating facts—the latter a much stronger weapon so long as the erroneous Jewish policy of secrecy is maintained.

Danger to the Jews of the Anti-Semitic movement—(1) because of its intensity—(2) because of its formidable accumulation of evidence, which cannot be permanently suppressed—(3) and most important, because it is allied to a now widespread and more moderate, but very hostile, feeling, to which it acts as spear-head.

The revolution in Russia will be the historical point of departure whence will date the renewed hostility to the Jew in Western Europe.

Examination of that revolution—it was (as said in Chapter III) "a Jewish movement, but not a movement of the Jewish race:" importance of this distinction—unfortunately the two different terms "Jewish race" and "a Jewish movement" are confused in the popular mind.

The Revolution not the result of an accident or of a universal plot—element of racial revenge—the Jew not a revolutionary—special character of the Russian situation—Industrial Capitalism, the great evil of our time, there recent and weak—therefore open to special attack—an international evil—the only two international forces applicable were the Jews and the Catholic Church—why the Catholic Church cannot directly attack industrial Capitalism—why the Jew who happens to be opposed to it can and does directly attack it—neither our instinct for property nor our Nationalism an obstacle in his case.

Grave perils to the Jew arise from his identification with Bolshevism—the more reason to meet these perils by a sane treatment of the Jewish problem.

The Jewish problem varies (1) according to the extent to which Jews have acquired control and domination in various places; (2) according to the tradition of each community in approaching the problem; (3) according to the strength in each community of the four international forces, which are the Catholic Church, Islam, Industrial Capitalism, and the Socialist revolt against this last.

The individual Jew does not feel that he is in a position of control or even that he is interfering with his hosts—yet that is the universal complaint against him—it is a corporate or collective power—more and more resented.

The position in Russia—repeated—in the Marches of Russia and Roumania and Poland—in Central Europe—in Occidental Europe—Ireland an exception.

The position in the United States—Mr. Ford and the great effect of his action.

The Western tradition more favourable to the Jews than the Eastern—problem of the Jews and Islam—position of the Catholic Church—effect of Industrial Capitalism and of its converse, Socialism, upon the problem.

England has gone to both extremes with the Jew. The Jew in the Roman time and in the Middle Ages—his monopoly of Usury in early Middle Ages—The exile of all English Jews under Edward I—their return under Cromwell—followed by a growing alliance between the English State and the Jews—largely due to cosmopolitan commercial interests of Britain—also to common hostility towards the Catholic Church—aided by great wealth and security of this country—in the later nineteenth century the Jews, in spite of their small numbers, colour every English institution, especially the Universities and the House of Commons—the interests of the two races began to diverge before the Great War—none the less a formal alliance maintained through the control of the politicians by Jewish finance—its culmination in the attempt to form an Anglo-Judaic state in Palestine.

The chief interest of the Zionist experiment lies in its reaction upon the international position of the Jew—yet that point is not yet discussed—what will be the effect of the experiment on the position of Jews outside Palestine, necessarily the vast majority of the race?—an inevitable alternative—either the Jews lose their international position through loss of the fiction that they are not a nation—or the Zionist experiment breaks down—effect especially in Eastern Europe.

Special effect of the experiment on Great Britain—difficulty of maintaining sacrifice for purely Jewish interests—which now clash with British—unpopularity of such sacrifice inevitable—grave error of first appointment to the headship of the New State—unworthiness of the politician chosen for that position.

This but a consequence of the conditions established in Chapters IV, V and VI—our double duty of mixing with the Jews and of recognizing their separate nationality—necessity of openly admitting this separate nationality in conversation and social habits—in spite of difficulties opposed by convention—in this the wealthier classes should follow the lead of the populace—folly and danger of Fear in this matter—the fear of Jewish power a degrading and exasperating thing to the European—delay makes it worse—our plain duty is to recognize this alien nation, to respect it, and to treat it frankly as we do every nationality other than one's own.

Only a brief mention—for interference or advice in domestic concerns of Jewry would be an impertinence—but it is clear that all specially Jewish institutions favour the right policy for which I plead—those already in existence—schools, newspapers, Jewish societies—all increase of these institutions should be welcome, because they emphasize and make clear the separate nationality of the Jew.

This chapter is a digression on the various theories on the Jewish race and its fortunes which have arisen in history and some of which are still present.

The theory that reconciliation is impossible—its attachment to the idea of a special curse or blessing.

The theory of a mysterious necessary alliance between Israel and Britain—its most extravagant forms.

The theory that the Jews are the necessary flux of Europe, without which our energies would decline—note on the intellectual independence of the Jew and on his original effect on our thought—demand for a Jewish history of Europe and Islam combined.

The theory that the Jewish problem is domestic only and no concern of ours—its error, since the relations are mutual.

The two theories of the Jew as a malignant enemy of our innocent selves, and of our malignant enmity against the innocent and martyred Jew—both erroneous.

The theory that the Jewish problem is now solving itself by absorption—this theory false and due to a misunderstanding of history and a neglect of acute modern and recent differentiation—Mr. Ford's epigram on "the melting-pot."

Fantastic theory that no Jewish national type exists!

Granted that the solution I advance (a full recognition of separate nationality) is the just solution, should it be expressed in law?—Not, I think, until it has first appeared in our morals and social conventions—to begin with laws and regulations on our side would inevitably breed oppression—but the suggestion of separate institutions coming from the Jewish side should be welcomed—urgency of a settlement—modern quarrels are growing fiercer, not less—but for my part I say, "Peace to Israel."

THE THESIS OF THIS BOOK