IX. THE DUTY OF THE PROFESSION.

I have stated that the prevalence of criminal abortion is in great measure owing to a seeming neglect of fœtal life on the part of medical practitioners, and that in other degree it is attributable to ignorance by the community of the actual character of the offence, an ignorance of physiological facts and laws; and on both these points abundant proof has been afforded of the truth of my assertions.

I have also stated that medical men, in all obstetric matters, are the physical guardians of women and their offspring; a proposition that none can deny.

We have seen that unjustifiable abortion, alike as concerns the infant and society, is a crime second to none; that it abounds, and is frightfully on the increase; and that on medical grounds alone, mistaken and exploded, a misconception of the time at which man becomes a living being, the law fails to afford to infants and to society that protection which they have an absolute right to receive at its hands, and for the absence of which every individual who has, or can exert, any influence in the matter, is rendered so far responsible.

Under these circumstances, therefore, it becomes the medical profession to look to it, lest the whole guilt of this crime rest upon themselves.

And, in the first place, it might be asserted with some truth, that such is indeed the case. For, on the one hand, it was from physicians, as is proved by early medical literature, that the mistaken notions, both of the law and of the people, regarding intra-uterine vitality, were derived; and on the other, the apathy and silence still existing on this subject among medical men, though thousands and hundreds of thousands of human lives are thus directly at stake, and are annually sacrificed, can only be explained on one of two suppositions,—either that we do not yet really believe in the existence of fœtal life, though professing to do so, or that we are too timid or slothful to affirm and defend it. By the one alternative a gross lie seems proved; by the other a degrading and strange inconsistency.

But, I believe, this apparent negligence proceeds only from ignorance of the real duty of the profession. It is my aim, while setting forth a deliberate and carefully prepared opinion upon this point, to inspire, if possible, in my fellow-practitioners throughout the land, somewhat of the holy enthusiasm sure in a good cause to succeed despite every obstacle, and an earnest, uncompromising hostility to this result of combined error and injustice, the permitted increase of criminal abortion.

Enough has already been said to show that there is need of increased vigilance on the part of medical men, lest they themselves become innocent and unintentional abettors of the crime.[256] If, on the other hand, the community were made to understand and to feel that marriage, where the parties shrink from its highest responsibilities, is nothing less than legalized prostitution, many would shrink from their present public confession of cowardly, selfish and sinful lust. If they were taught by the speech and daily practice of their medical attendants, that a value attaches to the unborn child, hardly increased by the accident of its birth, they also would be persuaded or compelled to a similar belief in its sanctity, and to a commensurate respect.

But it is asked, is our silence wrong? Is there not danger otherwise of increasing the crime? These are the questions not of wisdom, or prudence, or philanthropy, but of an arrant pusillanimity. Vice and crime, if kept concealed, but grow apace. They should be stripped of such protection, and their apologists, thereby their accomplices, condemned. Answers, however, are ready at hand to the questions proposed.

“It is one of the great desiderata of registration, that more particularity should be observed in collecting facts relating to the subject of the still-born.”[257]

“Has it been sought,” society demands of the profession, “to account for the peculiarities relating to the still-born, and to combat the causes which in certain circumstances swell their number in so deplorable a manner?”[258]

“An honest and fearless expression of these causes and circumstances, on the part of medical men, would bring to light an amount of knowledge that might be useful in checking this horrible and increasing waste of life.”[259]

“Such an exercise of his knowledge, experience, and true moral courage, is not only the province, but the conscientious duty of the physician.”[260]

“It should be constantly borne in mind, that there is here a high and stern morality, that should stimulate the medical profession in the exercise of their utmost effort and ingenuity, with the view to master and disclose the secrets of these villainous practices; the more villainous, because they are very generally conceived in fraud, practiced in deception, upon innocent and unsuspecting victims, and result the most commonly in the destruction of two lives at once.”[261]

“For ourselves, we have no fear that the truth in reference to the crime of procuring abortion, would do aught but good. It would appear that sheer ignorance in many honest people, is the spring of the horrible intra-uterine murder which exists among us; why not then enlighten this ignorance? It would be far more effectually done by some bold and manly appeal, than by the scattered influence of honorable practitioners alone. Will not the mischief, by-and-by, be all the more deadly, for delaying exposure and attempting relief?

“Whatever estimate may attach to our opinion, we believe that not only ought these things not so to be, but that the public should know it from good authority.”[262]

“This is a topic which ought to be regarded of the highest interest to the profession and the public.”[263]

“It is by far the most important subject before the profession, and in its medical as well as moral bearings, appeals alike to our patriotism and humanity.”[264]

“We think the public have very erroneous ideas of the turpitude of this crime, and we deem it our duty, as conservators both of the public health and morals, to set it in a correct light before them.”[265]

“The question of criminal abortion is doubtless one of extreme difficulty; it is not, however, beyond the reach of the enlightened prudence and the firm will of the authorities. It is a subject of such vital import to society in general, that we feel convinced it cannot but awaken the anxious thought of the persons who, from their position, are entrusted with the application of the laws and the control of public morals.”[266]

Whoever shall succeed in fixing upon it the attention it deserves, “has taken a stand in this matter alike creditable to his head and his heart, and we feel that he will receive the hearty thanks of every true physician.”[267]

“The increasing prevalence of infanticide,” which is but rare compared with criminal abortion, “its dangerous moral influence, the apathy with which so many regard its spread, and the very considerable difficulty in obtaining conviction, call loudly for reform. The question is one of national importance.”[268]

“With this view of the case before us, I suggest it as our imperative duty to direct the attention of legislators to the importance of enacting a statute in conformity thereto.”[269]

Such are the confessions, independently given, of high-minded and honorable medical men. No more can be added, no less would have been true.

It must be granted, then, that a bold and manly utterance of the truth, combining as this must, contradiction of the error and denouncement of the crime, should be made by the members of the profession on every occasion. By this course it is plain that a healthier moral tone would be made to prevail in the community, the crime would become of rarer occurrence, and the laws, such as they are, would be more faithfully attempted to be enforced.

But it has been shown that the laws on the subject of criminal abortion are radically imperfect and defective, and that this is attributable, wholly, to a medical cause. We assert, therefore, that not only is it the duty of the profession as individual components of society, but more especially as medical men, to see them amended, and to leave no means untried, no effort unmade, for the attainment of this end.

“Physicians alone,” says Hodge in his Introductory Address, “can rectify public opinion, they alone can present the subject in such a manner that legislators can exercise their powers aright in the preparation of suitable laws; that moralists and theologians can be furnished with facts to enforce the truth upon the moral sense of the community, so that not only may the crime of infanticide be abolished, but criminal abortion properly reprehended, and that women in every rank and condition of life may be made sensible of the value of the fœtus, and of the high responsibility which rests upon its parents.”[270]

It has been stated, indeed publicly avowed by a medical body,[271] that when a physician “shall become cognizant of any attempt unlawfully to procure abortion, either by persons in the profession or out of it, it shall be his duty immediately to lodge information with some proper legal officer, to the end that such information may lead to the exposure and conviction of the offender.”

This doctrine is doubtless true to a great extent, but it cannot be applied to the confidential disclosures of patients themselves, which no man has a right to reveal, unless constrained by the direct command of the court, at which, it has been ruled, even professional secrets must be divulged.[272]

It follows, from the evidence we have now adduced, that if it be the duty of the profession to urge upon individuals the truth regarding this crime, it is equally their duty to urge it upon the law, by whose doctrines the people are bound; and upon that people, the community, by whose action the laws are made.

And this should be done by us, if we would succeed in suppressing the crime, not by separate action alone, but conjointly, as the profession, grandly representing its highest claim,—the saving of human life.

Every step toward this end should be hailed with enthusiasm. The late action of the State Society of Massachusetts, directly resulting from professional agitation of the subject, deserves praise and imitation; the body referred to having passed a series of resolutions to the following effect: “That the Fellows of the Massachusetts Medical Society regard with disapprobation and abhorrence all attempts to procure or promote abortion, except in cases where it may be necessary for the preservation of the mother’s life; and that no person convicted of such attempt, can, consistently with its by-laws, any longer remain a fellow of the society.”[273]

But the mere passage of resolutions in disapproval of this horrible and so rapidly increasing crime is not sufficient to effect its abatement. Something more is wanted than the testimony of record books, the pointless vote of a board of councillors. There must come a hearty, earnest, and unanimous voice from the mass of the profession; an assertion that criminal abortion, or at least its permitted commission, shall no longer exist.

Too much zeal cannot be shown by physicians in relieving themselves from the weight of responsibility they may have incurred by innocently causing the increased destruction of human life. Let it not be supposed by the public that there is among us, either in theory or practice, any disregard of the unborn child. If such impression have already obtained, from our own negligence, the falsehoods of irregular practitioners, or otherwise, it should at once be removed. Fœtal life ever is, and ever has been, held sacred by all respectable physicians, and whenever criminal abortion has been known to have been advised, perpetrated or abetted by one claiming our honorable name, he has invariably and at once lost all professional standing.

We have seen that it is no trifling matter, this awful waste of human life. It is a subject that demands the best efforts of the whole profession as a body and as men. The crime, no longer practiced in secret, must be met boldly; and met with unanimity, it will be met successfully.

But whether these efforts are to be at once decisive or not, whether they are to be received with the gratitude of the community or its disfavor, is no concern of ours. Our duty is very plain; it is to stand, irrespective of personal consequences, in the breach fast making in the public morality, decency, and conscience, and, to the best of our strength, to defend them.

It might be, it very likely would be, for our immediate pecuniary interest, as a profession, to preserve silence; for we have shown that abortions, of all causes, tend to break down and ruin the health of the community at large. But to harbor this thought, even for a moment, were dishonorable. “I will never set politics against ethics,” said Bacon, “for true ethics are but as a handmaid to divinity and religion.”

We must take this decided stand, there is no choice; else we are recreant to the high trust we have assumed, and to ourselves. Whether the suppression of abortion be effected or no, one thing is certain, our own hands will have been cleansed of this sea of blood. We shall have declared our abhorrence and our innocence of the crime.

Longer silence and waiting by the profession would be criminal. If these wretched women, these married, lawful mothers, aye, and these Christian husbands, are thus murdering their children by thousands, through ignorance, they must be taught the truth; but if, as there is reason to believe is too often the case, they have been influenced to do so by fashion, extravagance of living, or lust, no language of condemnation can be too strong.

Let us, then, meet the issue earnestly and boldly. Silence and patient expectance have been fairly tried; the disease is not self-limited; the evil, instead of working its own cure, has assumed a gigantic, an awful growth.

Abstract discussions of this matter, by ourselves, and within the closed doors of our several societies, no longer avail. We are all agreed upon the guilt of abortion; we ever have been. Our prayers for its suppression have not been answered, for they have hitherto been offered with inactive hand.

We should, as a profession, openly and with one accord appeal to the community in words of earnest warning; setting forth the deplorable consequences of criminal abortion, the actual and independent existence, from the moment of conception, of fœtal life. And that the effort should not be one of words merely, we should, as a profession, recommend to the legislative bodies of the land, the revision and subsequent enforcement of all laws, statutory or otherwise, pertaining to this crime,—that the present slaughter of the innocents may to some extent, at least, be made to cease. For it is “a thing deserving all hate and detestation, that a man in his very originall, whiles he is framed, whiles he is enlived, should be put to death under the very hands and in the shop of nature.”[274]

In conclusion; a committee, consisting of Drs. Blatchford, of New York, Hodge, of Pennsylvania, Pope, of Missouri, Barton, of South Carolina, Lopez, of Alabama, Semmes, of the District of Columbia, Brisbane, of Wisconsin, and the writer, was appointed by the National Medical Association, at its meeting at Nashville, in 1857, to report upon criminal abortion, with a view to its general suppression. The report of this committee, brief, but in strict accordance with the series of papers now ended, has lately been made to the Association, at its session held at Louisville, in May of the present year. The report was accepted, and the resolutions appended to it[275] were unanimously adopted.

In behalf of the committee, of whom he had the honor to be chairman, the writer cannot close this portion of his labors without thanking the physicians of the land, represented as they are by the Association, for their hearty and noble response to the appeal that has been made them. He would express, were it possible, the gratitude not of individuals, but society; for by this act the profession has again been true to “its mighty and responsible office of shutting the great gates of human death.”