FOOTNOTES
[1] In the memorial of Antonio Velazquez, successor of the adelantado, Diego Velazquez, Memorial del negocio de D. Antonio Velazquez de Bazan, in Mendoza, Col. Doc. Inéd., x. 80-6, taken from the archives of the Indies, the credit of this expedition is claimed wholly for the governor. Indeed, Velazquez himself repeatedly asserts, as well as others, that the expedition was made at his cost. But knowing the man as we do, and considering the claims of others, it is safe enough to say that the governor did not invest much money in it. The burden doubtless fell on Córdoba, who was aided, as some think, by his associates, Cristóbal Morante and Lope Ochoa de Caicedo, in making up what the men of Darien lacked, Torquemada, i. 349, notwithstanding the claims for his fraternity of Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., i. Ogilby, Hist. Am., 76, says the three associates were all Cuban planters; that they equipped three ships, Velazquez adding one. This Hernandez de Córdoba was not he who served as lieutenant under Pedrarias, though of the same name.
[2] Opinion has been divided as to the original purpose of the expedition. As it turned out, it was thought best on all sides to say nothing of the inhuman and unlawful intention of capturing Indians for slaves. Hence, in the public documents, particularly in the petitions for recompense which invariably followed discoveries, pains is taken to state that it was a voyage of discovery, and prompted by the governor of Cuba. As in the Décadas Abreviadas de los Descubrimientos, Mendoza, Col. Doc. Inéd., viii. 5-54, we find that ‘El adelantado Diego Velazquez de Cuéllar es autor del descubrimiento de la Nueva España,’ so, in effect, it is recorded everywhere. Indeed, Bernal Diaz solemnly asserts that Velazquez at first stipulated that he should have three cargoes of slaves from the Guanaja Islands, and that the virtuous one hundred indignantly refused so to disobey God and the king as to turn free people into slaves. ‘Y desque vimos los soldados, que aquello que pedia el Diego Velazquez no era justo, le respondimos, que lo que dezia, no lo mandaua Dios, ni el Rey; que hiziessemos á los libres esclavos.’ Hist. Verdad., i. On the strength of which fiction, Zamacois, Hist. Méj., ii. 224, launches into laudation of the Spanish character. The honest soldier, however, finds difficulty in making the world believe his statement. Las Casas, Hist. Ind., iv. 348, does not hesitate to say very plainly that the expedition was sent out to capture Indians, ‘ir é enviar á saltear indios para traer á ella,’ for which purpose there were always men with money ready; and that on this occasion Córdoba, Morante, and Caicedo subscribed 1,500 or 2,000 castellanos each, to go and catch Indians, either at the Lucayas Islands or elsewhere. Torquemada, i. 349, writes more mildly, yet plainly enough; ‘para ir à buscar Indios, à las Islas Convecinas, y hacer Rescates, como hasta entonces lo acostumbraban.’ Cogolludo, Hist. Yucathan, 1-6, follows Bernal Diaz almost literally. Gomara, Hist. Ind., 60, is non-committal, stating first ‘para descubrir y rescatar,’ and afterward, ‘Otros dizen que para traer esclauos de las yslas Guanaxos a sus minas y granjerias.’ Oviedo and Herrera pass by the question. Landa, Rel. de Yucatan, 16, ‘a rescatar esclavos para las minas, que ya en Cuba se yva la gente apocando y que otros dizen que salio a descubrir tierra.’ Says the unknown author of De Rebus Gestis Ferdinandi Cortesii, in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., i. 338, ‘In has igitur insulas ad grassandum et prædandum, ut ita dicam, ire hi de quibus suprà dictum est, constituerant; non in Iucatanam.’ It is clear to my mind that slaves were the first object, and that discovery was secondary, and an after-thought.
[3] Bernal Diaz holds persistently to 110. It was 110 who came from Tierra Firme, and after divers recruits and additions the number was still 110.
[4] Authorities vary, from four days given by Las Casas, and six by Oviedo, to 21 by Bernal Diaz and Herrera. The date of departure is also disputed, but the differences are unimportant. Compare Peter Martyr, dec. iv. cap. vi.; Dufey, Résumé Hist. Am., i. 93; Clavigero, Storia Mess., iii. 3; Las Casas, Hist. Ind., iv. 348-63; Cogolludo, Hist. Yucathan, 3-8; Gomara, Hist. Ind., 60-1; Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 1-2; Herrera, dec. ii. lib. ii. cap. xvii.; Solis, Hist. Mex., i. 22-4; Vida de Cortés, or De Rebus Gestis Ferdinandi Cortesii, in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., i. 331-41; March y Labores, Marina Española, i. 463-8; Robertson’s Hist. Am., i. 237-40; Fancourt’s Hist. Yuc., 5-8.
[5] Though remarkably fair and judicious in the main, Mr Prescott’s partiality for a certain class of his material is evident. To the copies from the Spanish archives, most of which have been since published with hundreds of others equally or more valuable, he seemed to attach an importance proportionate to their cost. Thus, throughout his entire work, these papers are paraded to the exclusion of the more reliable, but more accessible, standard authorities. In the attempt, at this point, to follow at once his document and the plainly current facts, he falls into an error of which he appears unconscious. He states, Conq. Mex., i. 222, that Córdoba ‘sailed with three vessels on an expedition to one of the neighboring Bahama Islands, in quest of Indian slaves. He encountered a succession of heavy gales which drove him far out of his course.’ The Bahama Islands are eastward from Habana, while Cape San Antonio is toward the west. All the authorities agree that the expedition sailed directly westward, and that the storm did not occur until after Cape San Antonio had been passed, which leaves Mr Prescott among other errors in that of driving a fleet to the westward, in a storm, when it has already sailed thither by the will of its commander, in fair weather.
[6] Following Gomara and Torquemada, Galvano mentions the name of no other place in this voyage than that of Punta de las Dueñas, which he places in latitude 20°. He further remarks, Descobrimentos, 131, ‘He gẽte milhor atauiada que ha em neuhũa outra terra, & cruzes em q’ os Indios adorauam, & os punham sobre seus defuntos quando faleciam, donde parecia que em algum tẽpo se sentio aly a fe de Christo.’ The anonymous author of De Rebus Gestis and all the best authorities recognize this as the first discovery. ‘Sicque non ad Guanaxos, quos petebant, appulerunt, sed ad Mulierum promontorium.’ Fernando Colon places on his map, 1527, y: de mujeres; Diego de Ribero, 1529, d’ mugeres, the next name north being amazonas. Vaz Dourado, 1571, lays down three islands which he calls p:. de magreles; Hood, 1592, Y. de mueres; Laet, 1633, Yas de mucheres; Ogilby, 1671, yas desconocidas; Dampier, 1699, I. mugeras; Jefferys, 1776, Ia de Mujeres, or Woman’s I. It was this name that led certain of the chroniclers to speak of islands off the coast of Yucatan inhabited by Amazons. ‘Sirvió de asilo en nuestros dias al célebre pirata Lafitte.’ Boletin de la Sociedad Mex. de Geog., iii. 224.
[7] For a description of these people see Bancroft’s Native Races, i. 645-747.
[8] See Landa, Rel. de Yuc., 6. ‘Domum Cotoche sonat: indicabant enim domus et oppidum haud longè abesse.’ De Rebus Gestis Ferdinandi Cortesii, in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., i. 339. ‘Conez cotoche, q̄ quiere dezir, Andad aca a mis casas.’ Herrera, dec. ii. lib. ii. cap. xvii. ‘Cotohe, cotohe,’ that is to say, ‘a house.’ Fancourt’s Hist. Yuc., 6. ‘Cotoche, q̄ quiere dezir casa.’ Gomara, Hist. Ind., 61. ‘Con escotoch, con escotoch, y quiere dezir, andad acá á mis casas.’ Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 2. This, the north-eastern point of Yucatan, is on Fernando Colon’s map, 1527, gotoche; on the map of Diego de Ribero, 1529, p: d’cotoche; Vaz Dourado, 1571, C:. de quoteche; Pilestrina, c:. de sampalq. Hood places a little west of the cape a bay, B. de conil; the next name west is Atalaia. Goldschmidt’s Cartog. Pac. Coast, MS., i. 358. Kohl, Beiden ältesten Karten, 103, brings the expedition here the 1st of March. Las Casas, Hist. Ind., iv. 350, confounds Córdoba’s and Grijalva’s voyages in this respect, that brings the former at once to Cozumel, when, as a matter of fact, Córdoba never saw that island.
[9] So called by the natives, but by the Spaniards named San Lázaro, because ‘it was a Domingo de Lazaro’ when they landed. Yet Ribero writes chãpa, while Vaz Dourado employs llazaro, and Hood, Campechy; Laet gives the name correctly; Ogilby and Jefferys call the place S. Frco de Campeche. ‘Los Indios le deziã Quimpech.’ Herrera, dec. ii. lib. ii. cap. xvii.
[10] Now Champoton, applied to river and town. Ribero writes camrõ; Hood, Champoto; Mercator, Chapãton, and town next north, Maranga. Potonchan, in the aboriginal tongue, signifies, ‘Stinking Place.’ Mercator has also the town of Potõchan, west of Tabasco River. West-Indische Spieghel, Patõcham. Laet, Ogilby, and Jefferys follow with Champoton in the usual variations. ‘Y llegaron á otra provincia,’ says Oviedo, i. 498, ‘que los indios llaman Aguanil, y el principal pueblo della se dice Moscoba, y el rey ó caçique de aquel señorio se llama Chiapoton;’ and thus the author of De Rebus Gestis Ferdinandi Cortesii, ‘Nec diu navigaverant, cùm Mochocobocum perveniunt.’ Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., 340.
[11] Pinzon and Solis must have found alligators in their northward cruise, otherwise Peter Martyr could not honestly lay down on his map of India beyond the Ganges, in 1510, the baya d’ lagartos north of guanase. Mariners must have given the coast a bad name, for directly north of the R. de la of Colon, the R:. de laḡ r̄ tos of Ribero, the R:. de lagarts of Vaz Dourado, and the R. de Lagartos of Hood, are placed some reefs by all these chart-makers, and to which they give the name Alacranes, Scorpions. The next name west of Lagartos on Map No. x., Munich Atlas, is costanisa, and on No. xiii. Ostanca. Again next west, on both, is Medanos. On No. x., next to costa nisa, and on No. xiii., west of Punta de las Arenas, is the name Ancones. Ogilby gives here B. de Conil, and in the interior south, a town Conil; east of R. de Lagartos is also the town Quyo, and in large letters the name Chuaca.
[12] ‘Dezian los Españoles q’ estavan hablãdo con el Diego Velazquez, y con los Indios: Señor estos Indios dizen, que su tierra se llama Yucatã, y assi se, quedò cõ este nõbre, que en propria lengua no se dize assi.’ Hist. Verdad., 5. Gomara, Hist. Ind., 60, states that after naming Catoche, a little farther on the Spaniards met some natives, of whom they asked the name of the town near by. Tecteta, was the reply, which means, ‘I do not understand.’ The Spaniards, accepting this as the answer to their question, called the country Yectetan, and soon Yucatan. Waldeck, Voy. Pittoresque, 25, derives the name from the native word ouyouckutan, ‘listen to what they say.’ The native name was Maya. See Bancroft’s Native Races, v. 614-34. There are various other theories and renderings, among them the following: In answer to Córdoba’s inquiry as to the name of their country, the natives exclaimed, ‘uy u tan, esto es: oyes como habla?’ Zamacois, Hist. Mej., ii. 228. ‘Que preguntando a estos Indios, si auia en su tierra aquellas rayzes que se llama Yuca.... Respondian Ilatli, por la tierra en que se plantan, y que de Yuca juntado con Ilatli, se dixo Yucatta, y de alli Yucatan.’ Herrera, dec. ii. lib. ii. cap. xviii. Whencesoever the origin, it was clearly a mistake, as there never was an aboriginal designation for the whole country, nor, like the Japanese, have they names for their straits or bays. For some time Yucatan was supposed to be an island. Grijalva called the country Isla de Santa María de Remedios, though that term was employed by few. In early documents the two names are united; instance the instructions of Velazquez to Cortés, where the country is called la Ysla de Yucatan Sta María de Remedios. On Cortés’ chart of the Gulf of Mexico, 1520, it is called Yucatan, and represented as an island. Colon, 1527, and Ribero, 1529, who write Ivcatan; Ptolemy, in Munster, 1530, Iucatana; Orontius, on his globe, 1531, Iucatans; Munich Atlas, no. iv., 1532-40, cucatan; Baptista Agnese, 1540-50, Iucatan; Mercator, 1569, Ivcatan; Michael Lok, 1582, Incoton; Hondius, 1595, Laet, Ogilby, etc., Yucatan, which now assumes peninsular proportions.
Arms of the Republic of Mexico.
Ancient Arms of the City of Mexico, from a rare print.
The term Mexico has widely different meanings under different conditions. At first it signified only the capital of the Nahua nation, and it was five hundred years before it overspread the territory now known by that name. Mexico City was founded in 1325, and was called Mexico Tenochtitlan. The latter appellation has been connected with Tenuch, the Aztec leader at this time, and with the sign of a nopal on a stone, called in Aztec, respectively nochtli and tetl, the final syllable representing locality, and the first, te, divinity or superiority. The word Mexico, however, was then rarely used, Tenochtitlan being the common term employed; and this was retained by the Spaniards for some time after the conquest, even in imperial decrees, and in the official records of the city, though in the corrupt forms of Temixtitan, Tenustitan, etc. See Libro de Cabildo, 1524-9, MS. Torquemada, i. 293, states distinctly that even in his time the natives never employed any other designation for the ancient city than Tenochtitlan, which was also the name of the chief and fashionable ward. Solis, Conq. Mex., i. 390, is of opinion that Mexico was the name of the ward, Tenochtitlan being applied to the whole city, in which case Mexico Tenochtitlan would signify the ward Mexico of the city Tenochtitlan. Gradually the Spanish records began to add Mexico to Tenochtitlan, and in those of the first provincial council, held in 1555, we find written Tenuxtitlan Mexico. Concilios Prov., i. and ii., MS. In the course of time the older and more intricate name disappeared, though the city arms always retained the symbolic nopal and stone. Clavigero, Storia Mess., i. 168; iv. 265-70; Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin, viii. 408-15; Veytia, Hist. Ant. Méj., ii. 157-9; Humboldt, Essai Pol., i. 146-7; Cavo, Tres Siglos, i. 2; Carbajal Espinosa, Hist. Mex., i. 92-3. See also Molina, Vocabulario. A number of derivations have been given to the word Mexico, as mexitli, navel of the maguey; metl-ico, place amidst the maguey; meixco, on the maguey border; mecitli, hare; metztli, moon; amexica, or mexica, you of the anointed ones. The signification spring, or fountain, has also been applied. But most writers have contented themselves by assuming it to be identical with the mexi, mexitl, or mecitl, appellation of the war god, Huitzilopochtli, to which has been added the co, an affix implying locality; hence Mexico would imply the place or settlement of Mexica, or Mexicans. This war god, Huitzilopochtli, as is well known, was the mythic leader and chief deity of the Aztecs, the dominant tribe of the Nahua nation. It was by this august personage, who was also called Mexitl, that, according to tradition, the name was given them in the twelfth century, and in these words: ‘Inaxcan aocmoamotoca ynamaz te ca ye am mexica,’ Henceforth bear ye not the name Azteca, but Mexica. With this command they received the distinguishing mark of a patch of gum and feathers to wear upon their forehead and ears. Bancroft’s Native Races, ii. 559; iii. 295-6; v. 324-5 et passim. I can offer no stronger proof as to the way in which the name was regarded at the time of the conquest, and afterwards, than by placing side by side the maps of the sixteenth century and instituting a comparison. In Apiano, Cosmographica, 1575, is a map, supposed to be a copy of one drawn by Apianus in 1520, on which Themisteton is given apparently to a large lake in the middle of Mexico; Fernando Colon, in 1527, and Diego de Ribero, 1529, both give the word Mexico in small letters, inland, as if applied to a town, although no town is designated; Ptolemy, in Munster, 1530, gives Temistitan; Munich Atlas, no. vi., supposed to have been drawn between 1532 and 1540, Timitistan vel Mesicho; Baptista Agnese, 1540-50, Timitistan vel Mesico; Ramusio, 1565, Mexico; Mercator’s Atlas, 1569, Mexico, as a city, and Tenuchitlan; Michael Lok, 1582, Mexico, in Hondius, about 1595, in Drake’s World Encompassed, the city is Mexico, and the gulf Baia di Mexico; Hondius, in Purchas, His Pilgrimes, Laet, Ogilby, Dampier, West-Indische Spieghel, Jacob Colom, and other seventeenth-century authorities, give uniformly to the city, or to the city and province, but not to the country at large, the name as at present written.
CHAPTER II.
JUAN DE GRIJALVA EXPLORES THE WESTERN SIDE OF THE MEXICAN GULF.
1518.
Velazquez Plans a New Expedition—Gives the Command to his Nephew, Juan de Grijalva—Who Embarks at Santiago and Strikes the Continent at Cozumel Island—Coasts Southward to Ascension Bay—Then Turns and Doubles Cape Catoche—Naming of New Spain—Fight at Champoton—Arrival at Laguna de Términos—Alaminos, the Pilot, is Satisfied that Yucatan is an Island—They Coast westward and Discover the Rivers San Pedro y San Pablo and Tabasco—Notable Interview at this Place between the Europeans and the Americans—The Culhua Country—They Pass La Rambla, Tonalá, the Rio Goazacoalco, the Mountain of San Martin, the Rivers of Alvarado and Banderas, and Come to the Islands of Sacrificios and San Juan de Ulua.
As Diego Velazquez talked with Córdoba’s men, and with the captives, Melchor and Julian, and examined the articles obtained from the natives, their superior kind and workmanship, and the gold and images taken from the temple at Catoche by Father Gonzalez, all grew significant of yet greater things beyond. The hardships attending the expedition were light to him who did not share them, and the late commander being now dead, the governor found himself free to act as best suited him.
He determined at once on a new expedition. There was a young man who seemed admirably fitted for the purpose, Juan de Grijalva, a gentleman of the governor’s own town of Cuéllar, nephew of Velazquez, though some deny the fact; he was twenty-eight years of age, handsome, chivalrous, courteous, and as honest as he was brave. He had been with the governor for some time, and the wonder was how so bad a master should have so good a man. There was no lack of volunteers, two hundred and forty[14] coming forward at once; among them several who afterward became famous. Two caravels were added to the two brought back by Córdoba, making in all, refitted and equipped, four vessels, the San Sebastian, the Trinidad, the Santiago, and the Santa María de los Remedios. The pilots and many of the men from the former expedition were engaged, and some natives of Cuba were taken as servants. Grijalva, as commander of the armada, directed one vessel, and Pedro de Alvarado, Alonso Dávila, and Francisco de Montejo,[15] were appointed captains of the others. Grijalva’s instructions were not to settle, but only to discover and trade.[16] License was obtained from the Jeronimite Fathers, who stipulated that Francisco de Peñalosa should accompany the expedition as veedor. As priest, attended one Juan Diaz,[17] and Diego de Godoy went as notary.
Embarking from Santiago de Cuba the 8th of April, 1518, and leaving Cape San Antonio on Saturday,[18] the first of May, they fell to the south of their intended course, and on Monday sighted the island of Cozumel,[19] which they named Santa Cruz,[20] “because,” says Galvano, “they came to it the third of May.” After passing round the northern point on the sixth[21] in search of anchorage, the commander landed with a hundred men, and ascending a high tower took possession of the country; after which, mass was said. And Las Casas questions if it was quite right for Juan Diaz to hold this solemn service in a place where sacrifices were wont to be made to Satan; for even between the two great and formal exercises of the Spaniards, an old Indian priest with his attendants had entered and had blown incense before the idols, as if to rouse his gods to vindicate their might before these opposing worshippers. To the point was given the name San Felipe y Santiago, and to a town standing near, that of San Juan ante Portam Latinam. Then they entered the town, and found there houses of stone, and paved streets, in the eyes of Juan Diaz not unlike the towns of Spanish construction. Meanwhile, a small party penetrated one or two leagues into the interior, and observed other towns and cultivated lands.
While crossing to the Yucatan coast the following day, they descried in the distance three towns, and, as they descended toward the south, a city “so large that Seville could not show to better advantage.” Next they came to a great opening in the shore, to which, after Alaminos had examined it in a boat, they gave the name of Bahía de la Ascension, from the day of discovery. Unable to find a pass in this direction round the supposed island of Yucatan, they turned back, passed Cozumel, and, rounding the peninsula, arrived at Campeche the 25th, rescuing on their way a woman from Jamaica.
Everywhere they beheld the same evidences of high culture seen by Córdoba, the tower-temples and crosses of the Mayas rising from gracefully outlined promontories, and glistening white from behind legended hills, leading them every moment to anticipate the discovery of some magnificent city, such as in our day has been revealed to an admiring posterity; for while the East buries her ancient cities in dust, the West none the less effectually hides hers in foliage. And of the monuments to the greatness of the past, and of the profitless millions here engendered, who shall speak? And why do men call nature considerate or kind? Does she not create only to destroy, and bestow blessings and cursings with the same merciless indifference? Surpassingly lovely, she is at once siren, nurse, and sanguinary beldam. This barren border of the peninsula rested under a canopy of clear or curtained sky, and glared in mingled gloom and brightness beside the fickle gulf; and from the irregular plains of the interior came the heated, perfumed air, telling here of treeless table-lands, of languid vegetation, and there of forests and evergreen groves. “It is like Spain,” cried one. And so they called the country Nueva España,[22] which name, at first applied only to the peninsula of Yucatan, finally spread over the whole of the territory afterward known as Mexico.
At Campeche, or more probably at Champoton,[23] occurred a notable affray. The fleet anchored toward sunset, half a league from shore. The natives immediately put on a warlike front, bent on terrible intimidations, which they continued in the form of shouts and drum-beating during the entire night. So great was their necessity for water that the Spaniards did not wait for the morning, but amidst the arrows, stones, and spears of the natives, they landed the artillery and one hundred men before daybreak, another hundred quickly following. But for their cotton armor the invaders would have suffered severely during this operation. Having reached the shore, however, the guns were planted, and the natives charged and driven back with the loss of three Spaniards slain and sixty wounded, the commander-in-chief, ever foremost in the fight, being three times struck and losing two teeth. Two hundred were killed and wounded among the natives. The town was found deserted. Presently three ancient Americans appeared, who were kindly entreated, and despatched with presents to the fugitives, but they never returned. Two nights were spent ashore, the tower and sacred edifices adjacent being used as barracks.
Embarking, soon a large opening in the coast was discovered, and entered by Grijalva, the chaplain says, the last day of May. Puerto Deseado[24] the commander called his anchorage, being the desired spot in which might be repaired the leaky ships. The Spaniards thought themselves at first at the mouth of a river, but on further examination, it appeared to them more like a sea. Whereupon the pilot Alaminos, who, notwithstanding evidence to the contrary, notwithstanding three days’ explorings, left this salt-sheet still landlocked, never ceased insisting that Yucatan was an island, and he now gravely assured his commander that the great opening opposite Amatique Bay and Golfo Dulce, or if that were too far, then opposite Chetumal or Ascension, confirmed his suppositions, and settled the matter in his mind that this was the termination of the islands; hence the names Boca de Términos, and Laguna de Términos,[25] which followed. The temples here seen were supposed by the Spaniards to be places where merchants and hunters made their sacrifices. A greyhound, eager in the pursuit of game, neglected to return in time and was left behind; when the Spaniards came with Cortés they found the animal well-fed and happy, but excessively glad to see them. Before departing, Grijalva again declared for Spain, “as if,” growls Las Casas, “the thousand possessions already taken were not enough.” Indeed, this fierce charging on a continent, so often repeated, hurling upon the inhabitants a new religion and a new king, was about as effective as Caligula’s advance on Britain, when, preparatory to crossing, he drew up his troops in battle array, on the seaboard, and gave orders to collect shells, the spoils of conquered ocean.
Proceeding the 8th of June, and creeping stealthily along the coast,[26] dropping anchor at night and weighing it with the dawn, they came to a river which they called San Pedro y San Pablo, and then to a larger one, the native name of which was Tabasco,[27] after the cacique of the city, but which the Spaniards called Grijalva, in honor of their commander.
The face of nature here changed. The low, gray hills of the peninsula gave place to elevations of enlivening green, made lustrous by large and frequent streams. Boldly in the front stood the heights at present known as San Gabriel; beyond continued the flat, monotonous foreground of a gorgeous picture, as yet but dimly visible save in the ardent imaginings of the discoverers.
The two smaller vessels only could enter this river of Tabasco, which, though broad, was shallow-mouthed; and this they did very cautiously, advancing a short distance up the stream, and landing at a grove of palm-trees, half a league from the chief town. Upon the six thousand[28] natives who here threatened them, they made ready to fire; but by peaceful overtures the sylvan multitude were brought to hear of Spain’s great king, of his mighty pretensions, and of the Spaniards’ inordinate love of gold. The green beads the natives thought to be stone made of their chalchiuite, which they prized so highly, and for which they eagerly exchanged food. Having a lord of their own they knew not why these rovers should wish to impose upon them a new master; for the rest they were fully prepared, if necessary, to defend themselves. During this interview, at which the interpreters, Melchor and Julian, assisted, the word Culhua,[29] meaning Mexico, was often mentioned in answer to demands for gold, from which the Spaniards inferred that toward the west they would find their hearts’ desire. Then they returned to their ships.
In great state, unarmed, and without sign of fear, Tabasco next day visited Grijalva on board his vessel. He had already sent roasted fish, fowl, maize bread, and fruit, and now he brought gold and feather-work. Out of a chest borne by his attendants was taken a suit of armor, of wood overlaid with gold, which Tabasco placed upon Grijalva, and on his head a golden helmet, giving him likewise masks and breast-plates of gold and mosaic, and targets, collars, bracelets, and beads, all of beaten gold, three thousand pesos in value. With the generous grace and courtesy innate in him, Grijalva took off a crimson velvet coat and cap which he had on when Tabasco entered, also a pair of new red shoes, and in these brilliant habiliments arrayed the chieftain, to his infinite delight.
The Spaniards departed from Tabasco with further assurances of friendship, and two days later sighted the town of Ahualulco, which they named La Rambla, because the natives with tortoise-shell shields were observed hurrying hither and thither upon the shore. Afterward they discovered the river Tonalá, which was subsequently examined and named San Antonio;[30] then the Goazacoalco,[31] which they could not enter owing to unfavorable winds; and presently the great snowy mountains of New Spain, and a nearer range, to which they gave the name San Martin,[32] in justice to the soldier who first saw it. Overcome by his ardor, Pedro de Alvarado pressed forward his faster-sailing ship, and entered before the others a river called by the natives Papaloapan, but named by his soldiers after the discoverer;[33] for which breach of discipline the captain received the censure of his commander. The next stream to which they came was called Rio de Banderas,[34] because the natives appeared in large numbers, carrying white flags on their lances.
With these white flags the natives beckoned the strangers to land; whereupon twenty soldiers were sent ashore under Francisco de Montejo, and a favorable reception being accorded them, the commander approached with his ships and landed. The utmost deference was paid the guests, for, as will hereafter more fully appear, the king of kings, Lord Montezuma, having in his capital intelligence of the strange visitors upon his eastern seaboard, ordered them to be reverentially entertained. In the cool shade was spread on mats an abundance of provisions, while fumes of burning incense consecrated the spot and made redolent the air. The governor of this province was present with two subordinate rulers, and learning what best the Spaniards loved, he sent out and gathered them gold trinkets to the value of fifteen thousand pesos. So valuable an acquisition impelled Grijalva to claim once more for Charles, one of the natives, subsequently christened Francisco, acting as interpreter. After a stay of six days the fleet sailed, passing a small island, white with sand, which Grijalva called Isla Blanca, and then the Isla Verde, gleaming green with foliage amidst the green waters, four leagues from the continent; coming presently to a third island, a league and a half from the mainland, which afforded good anchorage. This, according to Oviedo, was on the 18th of June. On landing the Spaniards found two stone temples, within which lay five human bodies, with bowels opened and limbs cut off; and all about were human heads on poles, while at the top of one of the edifices, ascended by stone steps, was the likeness of a lion in marble, with a hollow head, showing the tongue cut out, and opposite to it a stone idol and blood-fount. Here was evidently a sacrifice to some pagan deity; and touching it is to witness the horror with which these men of Spain regarded such shocking spectacles, while viewing complacently their own atrocious cruelties.
Crossing from Isla de Sacrificios, as they called this blood-bespattered place, the Spaniards landed on the adjoining mainland, and making for themselves shelter with boughs and sails began trading for gold; but the natives being timid and returns inconsiderable, Grijalva proceeded to another island, less than a league from the mainland and provided with water. Here was a harbor sheltered from the dread yet grateful north winds, which in winter rush in with passionate energy, driving away the dreadful summer vómito and tumbling huge surges on the strand, though now they formed but a wanton breeze by day, which slept on waves burnished by the radiant sun or silvered by the moon. Here they landed and erected huts upon the sand.[35] To the Spaniards all nature along this seaboard seemed dyed with the blood of human sacrifices. And here, beside evidences of heathen abominations in the forms of a great temple, idols, priests, and the bodies of two recently sacrificed boys, they had gnats and mosquitoes to annoy them, all which led them to consider the terror of their voyage and the advisability of return. Of the Indian, Francisco, Grijalva asked the significance of the detestable rite of ripping open living human bodies and offering bloody hearts to hungry gods; and the heathen answered, because the people of Culhua, or Ulua, as he pronounced the name, would have it so. From this circumstance, together with the facts that the name of the commander was Juan, and that it was now about the time of the anniversary of the feast of John the Baptist, the island was named San Juan de Ulua,[36] while the continent in that vicinity was called Santa María de las Nieves.