History of Mexico, Volume 1, 1516-1521

by Hubert Howe Bancroft

FOOTNOTES

[54] Indeed, to make the miracle perfect in all its details, a little warping of the facts is perhaps allowable. So when the zealous chroniclers bring into the world the same year, the same day, even the self-same hour, these two great champions for the souls of men, we should not be too critical, though in truth there were two years difference in their ages. ‘Y así, no carece de misterio que el mismo año que Lutero nació en Islebio,’ that is to say Eisleben, ‘villa de Sajonia, nació Hernando Cortés en Medellin, villa de España; aquel para turbar el mundo y meter debajo de la bandera del demonio a muchos de los fieles que de padres y abuelos y muchos tiempos atras eran católicos, y este para traer al gremio de la Iglesia infinita multitud de gentes que por años sin cuento habian estado debajo del poder de Satanás envueltos en vicios y ciegos con la idolatría.’ Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., 174-5. Pizarro y Orellana will not be outdone by any one in zeal or mendacity. ‘Nació este Ilustre Varon el dia mismo que aquella bestia infernal, el Perfido Heresiarca Lutero, salió al mundo.’ Varones Ilvstres, 66. Bernal Diaz is the first authority on the question of age. ‘En el año que passamos con Cortés dende Cuba,’ he writes Hist. Verdad., 238, ‘a la Nueva España, fue el de quinientos y diez y nueue años, y entonces solia dezir estando en conversacion de todos nosotros los compañeros que con él passamos, que auia treynta y quatro años, y veynte y ocho que auian passado hasta que murio, que son sesenta y dos años.’ While agreeing with Bernal Diaz in the date of Cortés’ death, December 2, 1547, Gomara says he was then sixty-three. From his false premise Mendieta elaborates a comparison between Luther and Cortés, dwelling with pious pathos on the holocaust of human victims offered up at the consecration of the great Aztec temple at Mexico, which deed, he coolly states, was committed on the day Cortés was born. For the facts, see Bancroft’s Native Races, v. 5, 439-40. Without taking the trouble to test Mendieta’s statement, Torquemada, i. 340-1, carries the miraculous still further. Following the heaven-descended Cortés in his piratical raid on Mexico, he sees the hand of God in the finding of Aguilar, who, like Aaron, was to be the mouthpiece of his chief, in the alliances with native states, and in the great victories and hair-breadth escapes of the conqueror, fighting under the banner of the cross.

[55] According to the Testimonio de Hidalguia de Cortés, in Col. Doc. Inéd., iv. 238-9, the names of the mother’s parents were Diego Altamirano and Leonor Sanchez Pizarro, which would reverse her surnames, and make the son a Cortés y Altamirano. But Gomara, De Rebus Gestis Ferdinandi Cortesii, and other authorities, do not accept this form. This important document, however, the Testimonio, establishes the fact that both parents were hidalgos, ‘gozando de los oficios que gozan los hijosdalgo en ... Medellin.’ Some historians strain themselves to make Cortés the scion of a Roman family, or even of a king of Lombardy and Tuscany, whose descendants entered Spain during Gothic rule. Those who have tastes in that direction may consult Siculus, Viris Illust., 141; Anales de Aragon, iii. xiv.; Pizarro y Orellana, Varones Ilvstres, 67. Las Casas, Hist. Ind., iv. 11, who claimed acquaintance with the family, slurs their pretensions to high origin. ‘Ambos hijosdalgo sin raça’ is the qualification in Sandoval, Hist. Carlos V., i. 160. No doubt the parents of Cortés were respectable and amiable people, but to attempt to make of them other than they were is folly. ‘Catharinia namque probitate, pudicitiâ et in conjugem amore, nulli ætatis suae feminae cessit.’ De Rebus Gestis Ferdinandi Cortesii, in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., i. 310-11. This document refers to Martin Cortés as ‘levis armaturae equitum quinquaginta dux fuerit,’ on which evidence Prescott makes the man a captain when he is only a lieutenant, which yet more clearly appears by Gomara, who states, Hist. Mex., 4, that he was a ‘teniente de vna compañia de Ginetes.’

[56] The nurse was a ‘vezina de Oliua,’ and her method of choosing a patron was characteristic of the times. ‘La deuocion fue echar en suertes los doze apostoles, y darle por auogado el postrero q̄ ssliesse, y salio san Pedro. En cuyo nõbre se dixeron ciertas missas y oraciones, con las quales plugo a Dios q̄ sanasse.’ Gomara, Hist. Mex., 4.

[57] And Pizarro y Orellana, Varones Ilvstres, 66-69, indulges in a lengthy dissertation upon the effect of mothers’ milk on heroes. ‘Criole a sus pechos Doña Catalina Pizarro su madre: y a la generosidad deste lacticinio atribuye Marineo e Siculo su gran valor, y virtud.’

[58] Pizarro y Orellana, Varones Ilvstres, 67, states that he was supported at college by Monroy and Rodriguez. It is possible that his proud spirit chafed under this dependence, or that he felt too deeply his position as a poor student among the wealthy youth there congregated; or that this aid was withdrawn owing to the turbulent character here developed by the young man. These views find support in Gomara, Hist. Mex., 4: ‘Boluiose a Medellin, harto o arrepentido de estudiar, o quiça falto de dineros.’ While admitting the want both of money and inclination for study, Torquemada, i. 345, states that a quartan fever came on as he was preparing for the study of law, and was the chief cause of his leaving the college. Las Casas, Hist. Ind., iv. 11, gives him the honors of a bachiller, and as having studied law, both of which statements are unlikely, considering his short course. ‘Aprendiendo gramática’ implies a course of study in Latin and Greek, as well as rhetoric, which it required three years to complete. Plan de Estudios de la Universidad de Salamanca, quoted by Folsom, in Cortés’ Despatches, 10. According to Peralta, ‘asento con un escribano, ... y aprendió á escrebir,’ etc. in Valladolid. Not. Hist., 56.

[59] Verses which were tolerably good, and even procured him some fame. Anales, 220. ‘Quando hablaua con Letrados, y hombres Latinos, respondia á lo que le dezian en Latin.’ Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 238. The combined qualities of scholar and general have called up a not inappropriate comparison between Cortés and Cæsar. See Helps’ Span. Conq., and other authorities.

[60] Some claim him for a relative of Cortés. See Pizarro y Orellana, Varones Ilvstres, 70; Solis, Hist. Mex., i. 45; De Rebus Gestis Ferdinandi Cortesii, in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., i. 312.

[61] ‘Anduvo se a la flor del berro, aun q̄ no sin trabajos y necessidades cerca de vn año.’ Gomara, Hist. Mex., 5. ‘Squandered his means at Valencia with bad companions,’ is the term used in Sandoval, Hist. Carlos, i. 161.

[62] Torquemada, i. 346, sees in the bird a messenger from God to conduct safely his chosen instrument for converting the natives of the New World. Pizarro y Orellana, Varones Ilvstres, 69-70, recognizes the Holy Ghost, who assumed this form, and comments on similar appearances elsewhere. How goodly a thing is faith!

[63] He assisted in the pacification of Higne, Bauruco, Daiguao, Iutagna, Jaraguá, and Amguayagua. Cortés, Memorial, in Col. Doc. Inéd., iv. 220.

[64] The author of De Rebus Gestis Ferdinandi Cortesii directs this expedition to Cuba, after delaying it three months in the hope of securing the services of Cortés, in both of which statements he is in error. Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., i. 318-19.

[65] ‘Socium et ministrum consiliorum omnium adsumit.’ De Rebus Gestis Ferdinandi Cortesii, in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., i. 320. So highly did Velazquez esteem the qualities of his friend, ‘diu multùmque Cortesium rogat, ut secum eat: maria ac montes pollicetur, si operam ad id bellum polliceatur.’ Id., 319. Las Casas, who knew Cortés at a later time, makes him one of the two secretaries of Velazquez, the other being Andrés de Duero; and this would coincide with the above. Las Casas is too inconsistent to be very reliable. On the same page he refers to Cortés as a prudent, reticent man, and also as a prater not to be trusted with secrets; useful to Velazquez only for his knowledge of Latin. Hist. Ind., iv. 10-11. Herrera, dec. i., lib. ix., cap. viii., follows Las Casas. Gomara, Hist. Mex., 6, calls him ‘oficial del tesorero Miguel de Passamõte, para tener cuẽta cõ los quintos y hazienda del rey, y aun el mesmo Diego Velazquez se lo rogo, por ser habil y diligente.’ Gomara may have had his reasons for not connecting him too closely with his later enemy, but he admits on this and on the following page that Velazquez intrusted him with business affairs of his own, which he was afterward charged with having divulged. Among these duties was superintending the construction of a mint and hospital. The position of clerk to a treasurer would of course be inferior to that of secretary to the chief of the expedition; yet if the treasurer was as illiterate as Contador Láres, his clerk would rank rather as deputy.

[66] ‘Era muy resabido y recatado,’ says Las Casas, ‘puesto que no mostraba saber tanto, ni ser de tanta habilidad como despues lo mostró en cosas árduas.’

[67] The deceased head of the family bore the name of Diego Suarez Pacheco, the mother that of María de Marcaida, also wrongly written Mercaida. The son, Juan Suarez, the partner of Cortés in the Cuban encomienda, afterward settled in Mexico. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 12-13. See also Proceso de Marcayda, in Cortés, Residencia, ii. 333. Peralta, the son of Juan, gives the family a genealogy of high order. Not. Hist., 57. ‘Suarez ... gente pobre.’ Las Casas, Hist. Ind., iv. 13. ‘Doña Catalina Suarez Pacheco (the daughter), doncella noble y recatada.’ Solis, Hist. Mex., i. 46, and Pizarro y Orellana, Varones Ilvstres, 70, also write Suarez, Herrera and Gomara, Xuarez. The latter says three or four daughters, Hist. Mex., 7, but it seems that there were four children in all. Those who write the more common form of Suarez are more explicit, and deserve at least equal credit with Gomara.

[68] Velazquez was married not long after his arrival in Cuba to the daughter of Contador Cuéllar. The bride died within the same week. Herrera, dec. i. lib. ix. cap. ix. ‘Velazquez fauoreciala por amor de otra su hermana, q̄ tenia ruin fama, y aun el era demasiado mugeril.’ Gomara, Hist. Mex., 7. Delaporte, Reisen, x. 141-2, assumes that Cortés won the love of her whom Velazquez wished to possess; while Gordon, Anc. Mex., ii. 32, supposes that the bride had been the object of Velazquez’ gallantry; hence the trouble. Folsom, on the other hand, marries one of the Suarez sisters to Velazquez, and calls him the brother-in-law of Cortés. Cortés, Despatches, 9, 11-12.

[69] Gomara, Hist. Mex., 7, insists that Velazquez had no motive for anger except the refusal of Cortés to marry. The meeting of conspirators at his house gave plausibility to the charges of his enemies. By others it is even stated that at these meetings Cortés defended the governor against the charges of the conspirators and overruled their plots. De Rebus Gestis Ferdinandi Cortesii, in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., i. 325-6. The preponderance of evidence, however, is against this supposition.

[70] ‘Estando para se embarcar en una canoa de indios con sus papeles, fué Diego Velazquez avisado y hízolo prender y quísolo ahorcar.’ Las Casas, Hist. Ind., iv. 11. He was cast in the fort prison, lest the army should proclaim him general. ‘Timebat ne si quis,’ etc. De Rebus Gestis Ferdinandi Cortesii, in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., i. 325 and 326-7.

[71] In De Rebus Gestis Ferdinandi Cortesii, in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., i. 326-7, it is related that Cortés broke the ropes holding him by means of a stick, and filed the padlock of the chains. Seizing a bludgeon he advanced on the sleeping jailer, resolved to break his head if he moved. But Cristóbal de Lagos either slept or pretended not to hear the noise as Cortés seized the sword and shield at his head. Swinging open a small window, Cortés slid down and hurried to the sanctuary, giving on the way a word of cheer and advice to the conspirators who were held within the prison.

[72] ‘Cortés ... tuuo por cierto q̄ lo embiariã a santo Domingo o a España.’ Gomara, Hist. Mex., 7. There would have been no reasons for his fears on this score, if he possessed papers implicating Velazquez, as Gomara states. Another version is that the alcaldes imposed a heavy sentence on Cortés, after his capture, and that Velazquez, on being appealed to by Duero and others, was noble-minded enough to grant a pardon. He discharged him from his service, however, and had him placed on board a ship for Española. Torquemada, i. 348. Herrera says that Catalina lived near the church, and while Cortés was making love to her an alguacil named Juan Escudero, whom Cortés afterward hanged in Mexico, came up behind him and pinioned his arms, while the soldiers rushed to his assistance. Dec. i. lib. ix. cap. ix.; Cortés, Residencia, i. 63, etc. Las Casas, Hist. Ind., iv. 11; De Rebus Gestis Ferdinandi Cortesii, in Icazbalceta, i. 327-8, give minutely the mode of capture.

[73] Broke the pump and crawled through, ‘Organum pneumaticum,’ etc. De Rebus Gestis Ferdinandi Cortesii, in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., i. 329.

[74] The current of the Macaguanigua River did not allow him to enter it, and elsewhere the breakers would upset the boat. Stripping himself, he tied to his head certain documents against Velazquez, held by him as notary of the ayuntamiento and clerk of the treasurer, and thereupon swam ashore. He entered his house, consulted with Juan Suarez, and reëntered the temple, armed. Gomara, Hist. Mex., 7. De Rebus Gestis Ferdinandi Cortesii, in Icazbalceta, vi. 329-30, refers to a friend of Cortés chained in the same ship’s hold, and states that Cortés rowed ashore. On the way to the house of Suarez he narrowly escapes a patrol. Having secured arms, he proceeds to cheer his captive partisans, and then enters the sanctuary. At dawn the captain of the vessel from which Cortés escaped comes also to the temple, to secure himself against Velazquez’ wrath, no doubt, but is refused admission into the sacristy by his fellow-refugee, who suspects the man, and fears that the provisions may not outlast the siege. In Herrera, dec. i. lib. ix. cap. viii., Cortés drifts about on a log and is finally cast ashore.

[75] So the story was current at the time, and I doubt not it contains some degree of truth, notwithstanding Las Casas, Hist. Ind., iv. 11-12, scouts it as a pure fabrication. He knew both men; Velazquez as a proud chief, exacting the deepest reverence from those around him, and making them tremble at his frown; while Cortés was in those days so lowly and humble as to be glad to curry favor with the meanest servants of the governor. The good bishop is evidently prejudiced. In De Rebus Gestis Ferdinandi Cortesii, in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., i. 332-4, the facts are a little elaborated and contradictory, as usual. Cortés escapes the guard round the church, and reaches the farm. ‘Halloh, señores!’ he shouts, ‘Cortés is at the door, and salutes Señor Velazquez, his excellent and gallant captain.’ Velazquez is astonished, yet pleased, at the arrival of one whom he always had regarded as a friend and beloved brother. He orders supper and bed to be prepared; but Cortés insists that none shall approach, or he will lance them. He demands to know what complaints there are against him. He abhors the suspicion of being a traitor, and will clear himself. ‘Receive me,’ he concludes, ‘in your favor with the same good faith that I return to it.’ ‘Now I believe,’ answers Velazquez, ‘that you regard as highly my name and fame as your own loyalty.’ They shake hands, and Cortés now enters the house to fully explain the misunderstanding. After supper they retire to one bed. In the morning the messenger, Diego Orellana, arrives to announce Cortés’ flight, and finds them lying side by side. Cortés will not proceed with the expedition just then; but after arranging his affairs he joins, to the delight of the general, who follows his advice implicitly, as he had done in former campaigns. After their victorious return Cortés enjoys greater honors than ever. Peralta, who also gives the story at length, states that Cortés surprised Velazquez asleep. At the request of the governor he gave himself up to the jailer in order to be formally released. Nat. Hist., 58-62. Still Peralta is a little confused.

[76] She was received by Cortés in Mexico, after the conquest, with great distinction; but died in about three months after her arrival.

[77] Las Casas, who, as usual, will have a fling at Cortés, writes: ‘Tuvo Cortés un hijo ó hija, no sé si en su mujer, y suplicó á Diego Velazquez que tuviese por bien de se lo sacar de la pila en el baptismo y ser su compadre, lo que Diego Velazquez aceptó, por honralle.’ Hist. Ind., iv. 13. Among Cortés’ children a natural daughter by a Cuban Indian is mentioned, Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 238, but it is not likely that Cortés would ask the governor to stand godfather to a natural child. The same writer makes Velazquez the groomsman or sponsor at the marriage. ‘Fue su padrino, quando Cortés se velò con Doña Catalina;’ Id., 13; Vetancvrt, Teatro Mex., pt. iii. 109. Although compadre is not unfrequently used as a mere term of friendship, it is not likely to have been applied by a marriage padrino; hence the title of co-father indicates that it originated at the font.

[78] An office granted only to men of note and to leading conquistadores. Solis, Hist. Mex., i. 46. It conveyed the title of ‘muy virtuoso señor,’ the governor being called ‘muy magnífico señor,’ Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., xii. 225, and permitted the holder to walk side by side with the governor. Herrera, dec. ii. lib. iii. cap. xii. ‘Auia sido dos vezes Alcalde en la Villa de Sãtiago de Boroco, adõde era vezino: porque en aquestas tierras se tiene por mucha honra.’ Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 13. He does not refer to him as alcalde at Santiago de Cuba, where the fleet is fitting out, as he clearly states. Gomara, Hist. Mex., 4, mentions merely that he was here before the quarrel with Velazquez. Some writers assume that Santiago de Cuba is the same as Santiago de Baracoa, but Herrera, loc. cit., and others, observe the distinction.

CHAPTER V.
SAILING OF THE EXPEDITION.
1518-1519.

The Quality of Leader Desired—Instructions Issued to Hernan Cortés, Commander-in-Chief—The Character of Cortés Undergoes a Change—Cost of the Expedition—By whom Borne—Places Established for Enlistment—The Banner—Cortés Puts on the Great Man—More of his Character—The Scene at Santiago Harbor—The Governor’s Jester—Dark Suspicions of Velazquez—Departure from Santiago—Cortés at Trinidad—Fresh Recruits—Verdugo Receives Orders to Depose Cortés—The Fleet Proceeds to San Cristóbal, or The Habana—Review at Guaguanico—Speech of Cortés—Organization into Companies—Departure from Cuba.

With relations so lovingly established, and with a personal knowledge of the military genius of Cortés, and the strength and versatility of his character, it would seem that here would be the first instant choice of the governor for the command of the important expedition now in preparation. But the quality of the man required did not altogether hinge on merit. As we have seen, Velazquez required for his purpose an anomalous creation. He must be able but humble; able to command men, and able likewise to obey his chief; honest to Velazquez, but false, if necessary, to all the world else. It was not an Alexander or an Alcibiades that was wanted; not so much a man as a thing: “Piper, non homo,” as Petronius Arbiter said; pungent as pepper, and not a human being.

Be this as it may, the sordid friendship of Láres and Duero prevailed with the governor, and on the 23d of October, 1518, his instructions to Hernan Cortés, commander-in-chief of the expedition, were drawn up before the notary, Alonso de Escalante, in accordance with the permission granted by the authorities at Santo Domingo, which limited the enterprise to exploration; the privilege to colonize depending on royal favor for which Velazquez must sue in Spain.[79]

One would think that after these twenty-five years of experience there could be found no ecclesiastic or ruler so childish as to expect morality or humanity from the wolves of Spain let loose among the naked and defenceless of America. And yet we find the friars of Española, in pursuance of the devout and high-minded views expressed by Velazquez, subscribing to instructions which enjoin Cortés to observe a conduct befitting a Christian soldier, as if there were any reasonable hope of his doing so. He must prohibit blasphemy, licentiousness, and gambling among his men, and on no account molest the natives, but gently inform them of the glory of God, and of the Catholic king. Possession must be taken in Velazquez’ name and the secrets of the country ascertained. Search must be made for Grijalva and Olid, and for the Christian captives supposed to be in Yucatan. We might again mark the double-dealing of the governor, who discharges Grijalva for not having settled contrary to his instructions, while charging the new commander not to seize the country, yet expecting him to do so.[80] The instructions consist of thirty clauses, and the document reflects no credit on the scrivener.[81]

Man and his character are subject to environment. Neither is finished until decay has well set in. Long before the receipt of his commission the adolescent Cortés was a creation of the past; even the adult Cortés was a different being before and after his appointment. His action now was the expression of new intuitions. Always under the influence of turbulent emotions, his ambition had suddenly become more aggressive. In pure impulses, in refined feelings, in noble instincts, he was essentially defective. He harbored no ideal of duty, such as we have seen in the mind of Grijalva. His code of ethics was neither broad nor catholic. And notwithstanding his great respect for religion, so great indeed as to excite suspicion that he cared very little for it; notwithstanding his outward piety, and his devotion to the church, the lighter immoralities fitted him with an ease and grace that hampered his movements not in the least. Yet for all this the alcalde of Santiago suddenly became a great man, not in name only, but actually; wellnigh revolutionizing the society of which he himself was the product. To him, and to others, his commission was a match applied to explosive material, letting loose the latent force. The leaders of the first gulf-shore expeditions, Córdoba, Grijalva, and Cortés, present themselves before us in relatively increasing proportions. Córdoba, the first, was least, though a most gentlemanly and kind-hearted pirate. Grijalva, though second to Cortés in talents and fame, was far before him in honesty. During the preparations which quickly followed the appointment of Cortés, the inherent qualities of the man developed to a degree alarming alike to friends and enemies, and astonishing to himself. He found his nature a strong one, with magnetic attractions, and an affinity with danger. He found himself possessed of that higher courage of the mind which begets self-confidence, breeds the hero, and ends in the achievement of the uttermost. And genius was there; he began to feel it and to know it: the genius of ambition and egotism, whose central figure was himself, an all-prevailing sentiment, before which right, religion, humanity, and even life itself, must be subservient. His rapidly evolving will was becoming ponderous, overwhelming. Fame was becoming to him what ambition was to Columbus; only he possessed his idea instead of being possessed by it. Sufficiently educated for the purposes of statecraft, opportunity alone was needed to enable him to turn every weapon to the furtherance of his own designs. Without attempting to pry into the occult, he now began to see things with a large and liberal eye. Life was assuming tremendous realities, which bridled impulse; yet it was an ordeal he believed he could face. While in sophistry he found himself equal to Euripides, he began to put on bombast such as Æschylus could not have scorned, and to display an energy as sublime as that of Archilochus; yet all this time his good sense was supplemented by graceful courtesy. All who worship the bright wit and intellectual versatility that flatter ambition and yield unscrupulous success may henceforth bow the knee to Hernan Cortés.

No sooner was his commission sealed than Cortés set himself about the task of collecting his many requirements. His own few thousand pesos of ready money were quickly spent; then he mortgaged his estates, and borrowed to the uttermost from his friends. Velazquez was free with everything except his substance; free with his advice and ostentation, free with the ships of others, and willing to sell to the expedition the products of his farm at exorbitant prices. Nevertheless the investment to the governor, as well as to Cortés, was large, the former furnishing some ships of his own and some money, the whole cost of vessels and outfit being about twenty thousand ducats.[82]

Establishing places of enlistment throughout the island, Cortés roused to action his many friends, both in person and by letter. At principal settlements the expedition was proclaimed about the streets, in the king’s name, by the beating of drums and the voice of the crier. One third of the proceeds of the adventure was promised the soldiers and subalterns, two thirds going to the outfitters.[83] A banner of black taffeta was embroidered with the royal arms in gold, and blue and white flames surrounding a red cross, and round the border it bore the inscription, “Amici sequamur crucem, si nos habuerimus fidem in hoc signo vincemus.” Friends, let us follow the cross, and if we have faith under this sign we shall conquer.[84]

Assuming a dress and bearing more fitting a military commander, Cortés threw open his doors, and by judiciously combining the frank joviality of a soldier with the liberal hospitality of a man of wealth, he rapidly drew to his adventure all the available men of the island. There were not lacking those to sneer at this assumption of preëminence, which flaunted it so bravely with plume and medal, with martial music and retinue, saying, here was a lord without lands.[85] But they little knew the strength and firmness of him who, having once put on the great man, would lay the livery down but with his life. This soldierly display, always taking to the Castilian fancy, could scarcely be called affectation, for the genius which commands success was present, and the firmness of resolve was covered with such pleasing affability as to render its presence scarcely suspected. With his fine soldierly qualities were financial and executive ability, and fair common sense, a rare combination in a Spanish cavalier. While loving adventure he did not altogether hate ideas. His world now spread itself before him, as divided into two unequal classes, those that use others, and those that are used by others, and he resolved himself forever into the former category. Like Diogenes, though enslaved at Crete, Cortés felt that if he could do one thing better than another it was to command men. Coupled with this egotism was the sensible intuition that the mastery of others begins with self-mastery. Indeed his command over himself, as well as over others, was most remarkable. “By my conscience!” was a favorite oath, which implies not brutal passion. At times a swelling vein in the forehead, and another in the throat, indicated rising anger, manifested also by a peculiarity of throwing off his cloak; but the voice would remain decorous, and the words seldom passed beyond a “Mal pese á vos!” May it bear heavily upon you. To the insolent soldier, whom we shall often find overstepping the bounds of prudence, he would merely say, “Be silent!” or “Go, in God’s name, and be more careful if you would escape punishment.” Equally composed in argument, he wielded his persuasive powers to their best advantage. Rio de Avenida, the Rushing River, was at one time a nickname, and later he affected long hair and lawsuits. At the gaming-table, to which he was greatly addicted, he won or lost with equal sang-froid, ever ready with a witticism to smooth the varying course of fortune. Though he did not hesitate as gay Lothario to invade the family of another, most unreasonably he was very jealous lest his own family should be invaded. While liberal to friend or mistress, and ready to sacrifice almost anything to gain an object, he was not always regarded as over-generous by his men, too many of whom were of that class, however, that nothing would satisfy. Although a fair eater, he drank but little, and confined himself to simple diet. This moderation also extended to dress, which, before his elevation, was not only neat but tasteful in its rich simplicity, ornamented with few but choice jewels, and with little diversity. A love of pomp, however, developed with his rising fortunes, more particularly in the way of showy residences and a large retinue, which accorded well with the courtly manners native to the Spaniard claiming noble blood. Cervantes says that in the army even the niggardly become prodigal.

Cortés found the way of throwing into his cause not only himself, but others, in some respects as able as himself. His liberal measures and enthusiasm became infectious, and brought to enrolment wealthy volunteers, who furnished not only their own outfit, but helped to provide others.[86] Within a short time there joined over three hundred men, among them some high in the service and confidence of the governor—instance, Francisco de Morla his chamberlain, Martin Ramos de Láres a Basque, Pedro Escudero, Juan Ruano, Escobar, and Diego de Ordaz mayordomo of Velazquez, and instructed by him to watch proceedings and secretly report.

The harbor of Santiago at this time presented a busy scene. There were the hurrying to and fro of laborers and recruits, the clang of carpenters’ hammers upon ships undergoing repairs, the collecting of goods, and the loading of vessels. Every day the landing was enlivened by the presence of the governor, often arm-in-arm with his most dutiful and compliant captain-general, surrounded by gayly dressed attendants and followed by half the town. On one of these visits of inspection, while engaged in friendly conversation respecting the progress of affairs, the Governor’s jester, Francisquillo, who was present, as usual, performing his antics before his master, cried out, “Ah, friend Diego!” Then to Cortés, “And how fares our brave captain, he of Medellin and Estremadura? Be careful, good master, or we shall soon have to beat the bush for this same Cortés.” Velazquez laughed heartily, and turning to his companion exclaimed, “Compadre, do you hear this fool?” “What, señor?” replied Cortés, pretending preoccupation. “He says you will run away with our fleet,” replied Velazquez. “Pay no attention to the knave, your worship; I am very sure these infamous pleasantries never emanated from his mad brain,” rejoined Cortés, deeply chagrined. And ere the laugh died away on the lips of the governor his timid breast was chilled by fearful forebodings. What if it were true, thought Velazquez, and this fellow, whom I have lifted from his low estate, should declare for himself on reaching New Spain? Then he called to mind his late quarrel with Cortés, and the courage, energy, and determination displayed by the latter throughout. The governor trembled when he thought of it. About him were enough of the disappointed only too ready to fan these suspicions into a flame.[87]

I regret having to spoil a good story; but the truth is, the drama reported by Bartolomé Las Casas, and reiterated by Herrera and Prescott, was never performed. It tells how Cortés put to sea, Prescott asserts the very night after the jester’s warning; and that in the morning, when the governor, early roused from his bed, rushed down to the landing with all the town at his heels, Cortés returned part way in an armed boat and bandied words with him. Beside being improbable, almost impossible, this version is not sustained by the best authorities.[88] The fact is, some time elapsed, after the suspicions of the governor had first been aroused, before the sailing of the fleet, during which interval Grijalva with his ships returned.

Gomara states that Velazquez sought to break with Cortés and send only Grijalva’s vessels, with another commander; but to this Láres and Duero, whose advice was asked by the governor, made strong objection, saying that Cortés and his friends had spent too much money now to abandon the enterprise, which was very true; for like the appetite of Angaston which came with eating, the more Cortés tasted the sweets of popularity and power, the more stomach he had for the business. And the more the suspicions of the governor grew, the greater were the captain-general’s assurances of devotion, and the firmer became the determination of Cortés and his followers to prosecute this adventure, in which they had staked their all.[89]

Warned by Láres and Duero of every plot, Cortés hurried preparations, sending friends to forage, and shipping stores with the utmost despatch, meanwhile giving secret orders for all to be ready to embark at a moment’s notice. Finally, the hour having come, on the evening of the 17th of November, with a few trusty adherents, Cortés presented himself before the governor, and politely took his leave. It fell suddenly on Velazquez, in whose eyes all movements relating to the expedition had of late become the manœuvres of men conspired to overreach him. But having neither the excuse nor the ability to stop the expedition he let the officers depart.

By playing with the devil one soon learns to play the devil. From the governor’s house Cortés hastened to the public meat depository, seized and added to his stores the town’s next week’s supply, and left the keeper, Fernando Alfonso, a gold chain, all he had remaining wherewith to make payment.[90] It was a dull, dry, gray November morning, the 18th, very early, after mass had been said, when the squadron, consisting of six vessels, sailed out of Santiago harbor amidst the vivas of the populace and the inward cursings of the governor.[91] But of little avail was Velazquez’ remorse; for Cortés carried no Æolian wind-bags to drive him back from his destination.

Despatching one of the vessels to Jamaica[92] for provisions, Cortés touched at Macaca for further supplies, and thence steered for Trinidad, where he was received with demonstrations of enthusiasm by the alcalde mayor, Francisco Verdugo brother-in-law of Velazquez, and by other hidalgos, who placed their houses at his disposal. Raising his standard before his quarters, he proclaimed the expedition and invited volunteers, as he had done at Santiago. Soon his force was augmented by over one hundred of Grijalva’s men. Here also joined several captains and hidalgos, afterward famous in New Spain adventure. There were the five brothers Alvarado, Alonso de Ávila, Gonzalo Mejía afterward treasurer at Mexico, Cristóbal de Olid, Alonzo Hernandez Puertocarrero cousin of the count of Medellin, Gonzalo de Sandoval who became so great a friend of Cortés, Juan Velazquez de Leon a relative of the governor, and others.[93] From the plantations of Santi Espíritu and elsewhere came many. This Cortés beheld with proud satisfaction, and welcomed these important acquisitions with martial music and peals of artillery.

In seeking supplies Cortés paid little heed to rights of property, so long as he obtained what he needed; he was subsequently not a little proud of his success. “By my faith,” he boasts in Spain in 1542, “but I did play the corsair genteelly.” Among the arbitrary purchases was that of a vessel from Jamaica laden with provisions for the mines, for which the owner might accept promissory notes or nothing.[94] Another vessel from the same place, on the same mission, Cortés sent Ordaz to seize and convey to Cape San Antonio, or perhaps to San Cristóbal where we afterward find him, there to await the fleet. This captain, it will be remembered, was the spy of Velazquez, and to him, therefore, rather than to another, was given this mission, to prevent his watching proceedings at Trinidad. The commander of the seized vessel was Juan Nuñez Sedeño, who was induced to join the expedition.[95] Meanwhile in the breast of Velazquez was stirred afresh the poison of jealousy by an astrologer, one Juan Millan, employed by the enemies of Cortés to work on the fears of the governor. The result was the arrival at Trinidad, in hot haste, of two messengers from the governor, with orders for Verdugo to detain the fleet, the command of which had been transferred to Vasco Porcallo. Moreover, all the retainers of Velazquez were called upon to aid in deposing Cortés. It was no difficult matter, however, for Cortés to persuade Verdugo of two things: first, that there were no grounds for Velazquez’ fears, and secondly, if there were, force would now avail him nothing. So strong was Cortés in his position that he could easily lay the town in ashes should its authorities attempt to interfere in his purposes. Taking one of the messengers, Pedro Lasso, into his service, by the other Cortés wrote Velazquez, in language most respectful, begging him to believe that he would always be true to his God, his king, and his dear friend and governor. In like notes the robin and the screech-owl muffle their voices when danger is near, so as to conceal the distance, and make themselves seem far away. Thus passed twelve days, according to Bernal Diaz, at Trinidad, when one of the vessels was despatched to the north side of the island for supplies, and the fleet departed for San Cristóbal, then Habana,[96] while Pedro de Alvarado, with fifty soldiers and all the horses, proceeded thither overland, adding to their number at the plantations on the way.

One night during the voyage to San Cristóbal, the flag-ship was separated from the other vessels and stranded on a reef near Isla de Pinos. With skill and promptness Cortés transferred the contents in small boats to the shore, set free the lightened vessel, and, reloading, joined his captains at San Cristóbal. This accident delayed him seven days, during which time there was no small stir among his men at San Cristóbal as to who should command the fleet in case its captain-general failed to appear. Conspicuous among these questioners was Ordaz, who claimed precedence as Velazquez’ representative. But the arrival of the commander put an end to the controversy and spread unbounded joy throughout the armada. Landing, he accepted the hospitality of Pedro Barba, lieutenant of Velazquez. Among those who joined him here were Francisco Montejo, the future conqueror of Yucatan, and Diego de Soto, who in Mexico became the mayordomo of Cortés. Again the commander rid himself of Ordaz by sending him with a vessel to the plantations near Cape San Antonio, there to await the fleet. The artillery was landed and cleaned; the cross-bows were tested and the firelocks polished. Cotton armor was secured. More provisions being required, Quesada, the Episcopal tithe-collector, contributed his stock.

Warranted, as he thought, by his success and prospects, and well aware of the effect on the Spanish mind of some degree of ostentation and military display, Cortés put on the paraphernalia of still greater leadership, and appointed a chamberlain, a chief butler, and a mayordomo, in the persons of Rodrigo Rangel, Guzman, and Juan de Cáceres, which pomp he ever after maintained.[97] Gaspar de Garnica now arrived with letters from Velazquez to Barba, Ordaz, Leon, and others, ordering and entreating them to stop the fleet, arrest Cortés, and send him a prisoner to Santiago. It was of no avail, however. Soldiers, officers, even Barba himself, were enthusiastic for Cortés, who once more wrote the governor, in terms as courteous as they were costless, and shortly afterward, on the 10th of February, 1519, the fleet again set sail.[98] Guaguanico, on the north side of Cape San Antonio, was the place appointed for muster and apportionment.[99] Meanwhile Pedro Alvarado was sent forward with sixty soldiers in the San Sebastian to bring Ordaz to the rendezvous, but driven by a gale beyond his goal and near to Yucatan, he thought it useless to return, and so proceeded to Cozumel Island, where he arrived two days before the others. The expedition consisted of twelve vessels, the flag-ship or capitana of one hundred tons, three others of from sixty to eighty tons, and the rest small brigantines and open craft, including a transport commanded by Ginés Nortes. The soldiers numbered five hundred and eight, and the sailors one hundred and nine, including officers and pilots. The priests present were Juan Diaz and Bartolomé de Olmedo, of the Order of Mercy. Under Juan Benitez and Pedro de Guzman were thirty-two crossbowmen; thirteen men only carried firelocks, the rest being armed with swords and spears. The artillery consisted of ten bronzed guns and four falconets, and was in charge of Francisco de Orozco, aided by Mesa Usagre, Arbenga, and others. About two hundred Cuban Indians, together with some native women and negro slaves, were brought for service, despite the prohibitory clause in the instructions. Sixteen horses receive the minute description and glowing encomium of the soldier Diaz, and play an important part in the coming campaign. The supplies included some five thousand tocinos, or pieces of salt pork, six thousand loads of maize and yucca, fowl, vegetables, groceries, and other provisions. For barter were beads, bells, mirrors, needles, ribbons, knives, hatchets, cotton goods, and other articles.[100]

The force was divided into eleven companies, each under a captain having control on sea and land. The names of the captains were Alonso Hernandez Puertocarrero, Alonso de Ávila, Diego de Ordaz, Francisco de Montejo, Francisco de Morla, Escobar, Juan de Escalante, Juan Velazquez de Leon, Cristóbal de Olid, Pedro de Alvarado, and Cortés, with Anton de Alaminos as chief pilot.[101]

From this list it will be seen that those but lately regarded as of the Velazquez party received their full share in the command. This cannot be attributed so much to the captain-general’s sense of fairness, which forbade him to take advantage of interests voluntarily intrusted to his care, as to a studied policy whereby he hoped to win for his purposes certain men of influence, whom it would, for that matter, have been dangerous to remove.

Before the review, Cortés addressed his soldiers in a speech as shrewd and stirring as that of Marcius at Corioli. Pointing to the thousands of unbaptized, he awakened their religious zeal; dwelling on the grandeur of the undertaking, he stimulated their ambition; referring to the vast wealth these lands contained, he excited their cupidity. Greater and richer lands than all the Spanish kingdoms, he called them, and inhabited by strange races, only awaiting submission to their invincible arms. Their whole fortune was invested in the fleet that carried them; but who would regret so trifling an expenditure when compared with the glorious results to follow? They were setting out upon a career of conquest in the name of their God, who had always befriended the Spanish nation; and in the name of their emperor, for whom they would achieve greater deeds than any ever performed. Riches lay spread before them; but like good and brave men they must look with him to the higher and nobler reward of glory. “Nevertheless,” he archly added, “be true to me, as am I to you, and ere long I will load you with wealth such as you have never dreamed of. I will not say it is to be won without hardships; but who of you are afraid? We are few, but we are brave. Let us therefore on with the work so well begun, joyously and confidently to the end!”[102] There is no passion so artful as avarice in hiding itself under some virtue. Sometimes it is progress, sometimes patriotism, but its warmest cloak has ever been religion. There is a double profit to the devotee whose religion gratifies his avarice, and whose avarice is made a part of his religion.

On the morning of February 18th mass was said, the campaign standard blessed, and Saint Peter invoked, whereupon the prows were pointed toward the islands of the west. All the vessels were to follow the flagship, whose light should be their guide by night; in case of separation they were to steer for Cape Catoche and thence proceed to Cozumel.[103]