FOOTNOTES:
[134] Sidney Clark, of Lawrence.
[135] S. C. Pomeroy.
[136] James H. Lane.
Chapter XVI—Page [259].
ADDRESS TO CONGRESS.
Adopted by the Eleventh National Woman's Rights Convention, held in New York City, Thursday, May 10, 1866.
Prepared by Elizabeth Cady Stanton and Susan B. Anthony.
To the Senate and House of Representatives:
We already have presented to your honorable body during this session many petitions asking the enfranchisement of women; and now, from our national convention, we again make our appeal and urge you to lay no hand on that "pyramid of rights," the Constitution of the Fathers, unless to add glory to its height and strength to its foundation.
We will not rehearse the oft-repeated arguments on the natural rights of every citizen, pressed as they have been on the nation's conscience for the last thirty years in securing freedom for the black race, and so grandly echoed on the floor of Congress during the past winter. We can not add one line or precept to the comprehensive speech recently made by Charles Sumner in the Senate, to prove that "no just government can be formed without the consent of the governed;" to prove the dignity, the education, the power, the necessity, the salvation of the ballot in the hand of every man and woman; to prove that a just government and a true church rest alike on the sacred rights of the individual.
As you are familiar with Sumner's speech on "Equal Rights to All," so convincing in facts, so clear in philosophy, and so elaborate in quotations from the great minds of the past, without reproducing the chain of argument, permit us to call your attention to a few of its unanswerable assertions regarding the ballot:
I plead now for the ballot, as the great guarantee, and the only sufficient guarantee—being in itself peacemaker, reconciler, schoolmaster and protector—to which we are bound by every necessity and every reason; and I speak also for the good of the States lately in rebellion, as well as for the glory and safety of the republic, that it may be an example to mankind.
Ay, sir, the ballot is the Columbiad of our political life, and every citizen who has it is a full-armed Monitor.
The ballot is schoolmaster. Reading and writing are of inestimable value, but the ballot teaches what these can not teach.
Plutarch records that the wise man of Athens charmed the people by saying that equality causes no war, and "both the rich and the poor repeated it."
The ballot is like charity, which never faileth, and without which man is only as sounding brass or a tinkling cymbal. The ballot is the one thing needful, without which rights of testimony and all other rights will be no better than cobwebs which the master will break through with impunity. To him who has the ballot all other things shall be given—protection, opportunity, education, a homestead. The ballot is like the horn of abundance, out of which overflow rights of every kind, with corn, cotton, rice and all the fruits of the earth. Or, better still, it is like the hand of the body, without which man, who is now only a little lower than the angels, must have continued only a little above the brutes. They are fearfully and wonderfully made; but as is the hand in the work of civilization, so is the ballot in the work of government. "Give me the ballot, and I can move the world."
Do you wish to see harmony truly prevail, so that industry, society, government, civilization, may all prosper, and the republic may wear a crown of true greatness? Then do not neglect the ballot.
Lamartine said, "Universal suffrage is the first truth and only basis of every national republic."
In regard to "taxation without representation," Mr. Sumner quotes from Lord Coke:
The supreme power can not take from any man any part of his property without consent in person or by representation.
Taxes are not to be laid on the people, but by their consent in person or by representation.
I can see no reason to doubt but that the imposition of taxes, whether on trade, or on land or houses or ships, or real or personal, fixed or floating property in the colonies, is absolutely irreconcilable with the rights of the colonies, as British subjects and as men. I say men, for in a state of nature no man can take any property from me without my consent. If he does, he deprives me of my liberty and makes me a slave. The very act of taxing, exercised over those who are not represented, appears to me to deprive them of one of their most essential rights as freemen, and if continued seems to be in effect an entire disfranchisement of every civil right. For what one civil right is worth a rush, after a man's property is subject to be taken from him at pleasure without his consent?
In demanding suffrage for the black man you recognize the fact that, as a freedman, he is no longer a "part of the family," and that therefore his master is no longer his representative; hence, as he will now be liable to taxation, he must also have representation. Woman, on the contrary, has never been such a "part of the family" as to escape taxation. Although there has been no formal proclamation giving her an individual existence, the single woman always has had the right to property and wages, the right to make contracts and do business in her own name. And even married women, by recent legislation, have been secured in these civil rights. Woman now holds a vast amount of the property in the country and pays her full proportion of taxes, revenue included. On what principle, then, do you deny her representation? By what process of reasoning was Charles Sumner able to stand up in the Senate, a few days after these sublime utterances, and rebuke 15,000,000 disfranchised tax-payers for the exercise of their mere right of petition? If he felt that this was not the time for woman even to mention her right to representation, why did he not, in some of his splendid sentences, propose to release the wage-earning and property-owning women from the tyranny of taxation?
We propose no new theories. We simply ask that you secure the practical application of the immutable principles of our government to all, without distinction of race, color or sex. And we urge our demand now, because you have now the opportunity and the power to take this onward step in legislation. The nations of the earth stand watching and waiting to see if our Revolutionary idea, "all men are created equal," can be realized in government. Crush not, we pray you, the myriad hopes which hang on our success. Peril not this nation with another bloody war. Men and parties must pass away, but justice is eternal; and only they who work in harmony with its laws are immortal. All who have carefully contrasted the speeches of this Congress with those made under the old regime of slavery, must have seen the added power and eloquence which greater freedom gives. But still you propose no action on your grand ideas. Your joint resolutions, your reconstruction reports, do not reflect your highest thought.
The Constitution, as it stands, in basing representation on "respective numbers" covers a broader ground than any you have yet proposed. Is not the only amendment needed to Article 1, Section 3, to strike out the exceptions which follow "respective numbers?" And is it not your duty, by securing a republican form of government to every State, to see that these "respective numbers" are made up of enfranchised citizens, thus bringing your legislation up to the Constitution—not the Constitution down to your party possibilities? The only tenable ground of representation is universal suffrage, as it is only through universal suffrage that the principle of "equal rights to all" can be realized. All prohibitions based on race, color, sex, property or education are violations of the republican idea; and the various qualifications now proposed are but so many plausible pretexts to debar new classes from the ballot-box. The limitations of property and intelligence, though unfair, can be met; as with freedom must come the repeal of statute laws that deny schools and wages to the negro, and time will make him a voter. But color and sex! Neither time nor statutes can make black, white, or woman, man! You assume to be the representatives of 15,000,000 women—American citizens—who already possess every attainable qualification for the ballot. Women read and write, hold many offices under government, pay taxes and suffer the penalties of crime, and yet are denied individual representation.
For twenty years we have labored to bring the statute-laws of the several States into harmony with the broad principles of the Constitution, and have been so far successful that in many of them little remains to be done except to secure the right of suffrage. Hence, our prompt protest against the propositions before Congress to introduce the word "male" into the Federal Constitution, which, if successful, would sanction all State action in withholding the ballot from woman. As the only way in which disfranchised citizens can appear before you, we availed ourselves of the sacred right of petition; and, as our representatives, it was your duty to give those petitions a respectful reading and a serious consideration. How a Republican Senate failed in that duty, is already inscribed on the page of history. Some tell us it is not judicious to press the claims of women now; that this is not the time. Time? When you propose legislation so fatal to the best interests of woman and the nation, shall we be silent until after the deed is done? No! As we love justice, we must resist tyranny. As we honor the position of American senator, we must appeal from the politician to the man.
With man, woman shared the dangers of the Mayflower on a stormy sea, the dreary landing on Plymouth Rock, the rigors of New England winters and the privations of a seven years' war. With him she bravely threw off the British yoke, felt every pulsation of his heart for freedom, and inspired the glowing eloquence which maintained it through the century. With you, we have just passed through the agony and death, the resurrection and triumph of another revolution, doing all in our power to mitigate its horrors and gild its glories. And now, think you, we have no souls to fire, no brains to weigh your arguments; that, after education such as this, we can stand silent witnesses while you sell our birthright of liberty to save from a timely death an effete political organization? No, as we respect womanhood, we must protest against this desecration of the magna charta of American liberties; and with an importunity not to be repelled, our demand must ever be, "No compromise of human rights"—"No admission to the Constitution of inequality of rights or disfranchisement on account of color or sex."
In the oft-repeated experiments of class and caste, who can number the nations that have risen but to fall? Do not imagine you come one line nearer the demand of justice by enfranchising but another shade of manhood; for, in denying representation to woman, you still cling to the same false principle on which all the governments of the past have been wrecked. The right way, the safe way, is so clear, the path of duty is so straight and simple, that we who are equally interested with yourselves in the result, conjure you to act not for the passing hour, not with reference to transient benefits, but to do now the one grand deed which shall mark the zenith of the century—proclaim Equal Eights to All. We press our demand for the ballot at this time in no narrow, captions or selfish spirit; from no contempt of the black man's claims, nor antagonism to you who, in the progress of civilization, are now the privileged order; but from the purest patriotism, for the highest good of every citizen, for the safety of the republic, and as a glorious example to the nations of the earth.
Chapter XX—Page [342].
MISS ANTHONY'S FIFTIETH BIRTHDAY.
February 15, 1870.
Careful readers of the Tribune have probably succeeded in discovering that we have not always been able to applaud the course of Miss Susan B. Anthony. Indeed, we have often felt, and sometimes said, that her methods were as unwise as we thought her aims undesirable. But through these years of disputation and struggling, she has thoroughly impressed friends and enemies alike with the sincerity and earnestness of her purposes....
Fifty years ago the full moon of suffrage rose in the small, red and wrinkled countenance of the infant Susan B. Anthony. "Agitation is the word," says Miss Anthony, in these her later years. Agitation was probably the word then, as a happy family surrounded the cradle of the boisterous phenomenon. Miss Anthony has compressed into her half-century a deal of work, talk, hurry and resolution. Beginning with the women's temperance conventions in 1848, she has strewn the gliding years with organizations, societies, conventions innumerable, to the wonderment, if not always to the admiration, of an observant world. "Through all these years," remarks Mrs. Henry B. Stanton, "Miss Anthony was the connecting link between me and the outer world—the reform scout who went to see what was going on in the enemy's camp, and returned with maps and observations to plan the mode of attack." It has been intimated that Miss Anthony has not remained sweet Dian's votary, in maiden meditation fancy free, because nobody asked her to change her name and station. Many victims, we are told, are carrying crushed hearts and blighted hopes through life, and all because of the unrelenting cruelty exercised by this usually good-humored woman towards the whole male sex.—The Tribune.
Miss Anthony bears her fifty summers lightly. Whatever our sentiments may be as to the cause she advocates, we do full justice to her resistless energy and activity and unswerving fidelity to her principles. Charming and cordial in her manners, with kind words for all, she welcomed every guest last evening and made them at ease.—The Times.
It was regarded last night, and was a topic of conversation, that the public announcement that Miss Anthony was fifty years old was one more of the courageous things for which her life has been distinguished. Battling with the wrong and striving for the right has not left so rigid a mark of the progress of time upon her features as to prevent her keeping up a little fiction about being fair and forty. Miss Anthony prefers the truth, and she says that the register in the family Bible supports the assertion that a half-century of rolling years have passed before her.—The Herald.
Miss Anthony looked her very best last night, and let the truth be said, even should it be followed by persecuting proposals from the bachelors, she didn't look much more than five-and-twenty. The genial salutations and happy surroundings of the hour effaced for the time those lines which care and labor and fifty years will make, however pure the soul within. Miss Anthony was happy and she looked it.... She wears her years and honors well. May we live till the celebration of her centenary, and she read the report thereof next day in the columns of the Evening Mail.—The Mail.
In these latter days the aspirations and activities of woman are greatly quickened, and her day of pure and perfect freedom seems near at hand. When the year of jubilee shall at last ring in, no name will be more highly honored than that of Miss Susan B. Anthony; and her honors have been well deserved. Early and late, in season and out, in places high and low, all over this broad land, by voice and pen, has she labored with unflagging zeal for the exalted liberty of woman.... Men who have honored mothers, pure sisters, devoted wives and loving daughters, owe to Miss Anthony a heavy debt of gratitude for her life-work in behalf of women.—The Globe.
Miss Anthony's reception has been one of the events of the week.... Men who have expended about half of the time and half of the energy in the business of money-making which Miss Anthony has expended in benefiting the race, have become millionaires, and have been held up to the rising generation as examples of energy and industry worthy of imitation. Bronzes have been erected and numerous biographies written to do them honor. Had Miss Anthony labored for herself as devotedly as she has for others, she would no doubt have received the usual reward in greenbacks; and but for the fact of her being a woman, might have had a bronze erected in her honor.—The Courier.
It is not always true that "the good die young," for Miss Susan B. Anthony has lived to celebrate her fiftieth birthday.... Right glad are we that the anniversary was observed with due pomp and circumstance. No kindly tribute to great moral worth is too good for this good woman. As one of the chief heroines of our generation, she abundantly deserves all the honors which were paid her on that festal night. There are many public-spirited workers in our busy land; many noble souls who have devoted their life-long energies to the elevation of their fellow-beings; many moral pioneers, who, when they die, will leave the world better than they found it; and conspicuous among these is the staunch, unwearied and indomitable woman who, at the end of half a century of life, can remember but few idle or wasted days. If Miss Anthony's persevering efforts in behalf of her sex are not worthy of generous praise, then there is no just fame due to a brave career. If her methods have sometimes lacked soundness of judgment, they have never lacked nobility of purpose. There exists a peculiar, invaluable and time-honored class of plain and substantial women who are said to be "as honest as the day is long;" and Susan B. Anthony is the queen of this royal race. Dauntless and tireless as the sterner sex, sympathetic and tender as the gentler, we sometimes think that she is both man and woman in one. She is one of the sterling characters of our day. The whole people ought to rejoice that such a woman was born, has lived and still toils.—The Independent.
Out of scores of letters received space allows the reproduction of but a few:
I shall always be present in sympathy with any number of people who will express their admiration of the sterling traits which adorn the life and character of the lady who now passes the fiftieth anniversary of her most devoted and unselfish life. I am glad to tender the legal representative of a dollar for each of these years, with the confident assurance of the early triumph of that cause to which her life has been singularly devoted. This greenback is no surer of being redeemed in gold than is my confidence in the golden era of legal enfranchisement for woman!... Long before Miss Anthony sees her "threescore and ten," the political equality of all American citizens will be fully established. With sentiments of the highest esteem, I am, very cordially and truly,
S. C. Pomeroy.
... God bless her, and may she live many happy, joyous years! That she and her noble co-workers are soon to see the complete triumph of the woman's cause I firmly believe. And when in after years the great benefactors of this century are sought for, Susan B. Anthony's name will be found occupying one of the highest niches in the temple of honest fame. Truly yours,
J. P. Root. [Lieutenant-Governor of Kansas.]
... Enclosed is a check for $50, one for each year of your life. Will agree to give you the same pro rata sum on your one hundredth, birthday. With love, your brother,
D. R. Anthony.
There will be among those who sympathize with and rejoice in your labors, no lack of testimony tonight to their persistency and value; but from one who deplores both, you will perhaps be willing to hear a hearty, cordial, admiring expression of the regard he is nevertheless forced to cherish for the sincerity and the unmistakably disinterested devotion which has marked your long and hopeful work in the cause you hold so dear and serve so faithfully. I can not wish you the success you seek—let me give you this better wish, that the anniversary your friends celebrate tonight may never bring fewer tokens of regard than now, and never find you seeming less the faithful worker "of cheerful yesterdays and confident tomorrows." With renewed congratulations I am, very cordially yours,
Whitelaw Reid.
I could not be where I longed to be last evening, where I could look upon the toilworn face of the true, tried and never found wanting—the one of all others who has borne the heat of the day, and that without wilting or complaining ever hopeful and ever pursuing "the even tenor of her way." Absence shall not keep from thee my mite, and how I wish it were ten, yes, twenty times as much, but here it is with my love, respect and genuine friendship. Be of brave heart and believe that I am thy fast friend,
Abby Hopper Gibbons.
Yours is a "golden wedding" indeed—for the fiftieth anniversary of a life that has been wedded to a great cause is a far more glorious golden wedding than those which generally go by that name. Accept my heartiest wishes for your welfare and for the success of your novel celebration. Heretofore the privilege of growing old and possessing common sense has belonged exclusively to the other sex. Sincerely yours,
Frances Ellen Burr.
Please accept the enclosed check of $50, as a slight token of regard from our absent trio. As I hardly need tell you, the lion's share of this birthday gift is sent by my father, but neither mother nor I will admit that in the unsubstantial, and yet I hope not valueless part of the offering, the personal regard and appreciation of your noble work for woman which accompany it, our contribution is any less than his. I remain yours very truly,
Laura Curtis Bullard.
You have worked for the slave and for woman. Your fifty years shine about you and rest like a halo of glory around your head.... Fifty years today! When that half-century again rolls around, you and I will be in our graves and our names and work will stand back of us to all time. But into that future I look with prophetic eye to see woman no longer enslaved, and to find, not only on this continent, but over the world, as benefactor of the race, the name of Susan B. Anthony. Your affectionate friend,
Matilda Joslyn Gage.
My good husband in writing from Toledo says: "Tell Susan that all the newspaper accounts taken together could not increase the pride which I have long felt in her pertinacious, obstinate, fault-finding, raspish, strong-minded, dogmatic and grand career. God bless her!" To all of which I subscribe most affectionately,
Elizabeth R. Tilton.
... If your Bible says you are fifty, I will try to be as reverential as possible when next we meet. I wish you similar health and strength when you are seventy-five—you'll find no change in me. I send you by express today Whittier's poems. Ever affectionately,
Ellen Wright Garrison.
All the people who know you and who don't know you were given opportunity to utter their good wishes, and poor me, wandering across these western spaces, quite left out in the cold! Please ma'am, why did I know nothing of your reception till it was all over? I should have sent you what I now send—a gray silk gown, wherein you are to make yourself fine and grand, and a draft for $200 as a little nest-egg.
If I only had a happy ease with my pen, how glad I would have been to put on paper in glowing words just what I think of the faithful, unselfish, earnest, single-minded, courageous years, which my dear old Susan has given to the service of humanity. How, through poverty and persecution, evil tongues and slanderous words, ridicule and reproach, she has said, "Nothing shall daunt me; 'tis God's service;" and so speaking, has held fast the profession of her faith without wavering.... God bless her! God bless her! The tears come to my eyes as I write that benediction, and think how gently and earnestly men and women alike in time to come will repeat it when her name is mentioned; when those same men and women shall see her life and her work, not as now "through a glass darkly," but as those who gaze through the sunshine of truth. Good-by, dear friend—many happy years for you, prays your loving
Anna E. Dickinson.
Accept the enclosed check for $50, not as a present, merely, but as a debt, honestly due, for "services rendered." Had there been no "agitation" for the last twenty years, resulting in so complete a "Revolution," we teachers might still be working for $1 per week and "boarding 'round." But thanks to your unfailing "persistency," and the faithfulness of your co-workers in speaking for a class, the majority of whom dare not speak for themselves through fear of losing the little already gained, the salaries of all workingwomen have been largely increased.... So, if need be, fight as valiantly, dear sister, for the next twenty years as for the last, or at least till woman's right to a voice in the laws by which she is governed shall be acknowledged in every State and Territory of our country. Affectionately your sister,
Mary S. Anthony.
On this, your fiftieth birthday, permit me to present you my check for $50, as a slight and very inadequate expression of admiring gratitude on my part for your twenty years of arduous and self-sacrificing labor in the cause of woman. What woman has gained already, and it is much, what I and others have been able to achieve in professional life, must be mainly ascribed to you, and such as you.... Your faithful friend and co-worker,
Clemence S. Lozier.
Although away here in Rome, I have kept track of your goings-on through The Revolution, which comes regularly.... I wish I could have been there to assist at the merrymaking. Miss Manning has kindly offered to take a little remembrance [an Etruscan gold and garnet pin] to you when she goes home, which you are to wear with that new silk dress. You see how selfish I am. I wish to compel you not only to think of me, but to associate me in your mind with our peerless Anna, God bless the dear child! Ever affectionately,
Kate N. Doggett.
The presents received were too numerous to mention. From Mr. and Mrs. Cheney, South Manchester, Conn., $50; Erie Co. (N. Y.) Suffrage Association, $50; Henry Ward Beecher, the Tiltons, Frank D. Moulton, Mrs. Hooker, Mrs. S. C. Pomeroy, $25 each; Mr. and Mrs. Samuel E. Sewall, $20; and from other friends, sums of ten, fifteen and twenty dollars, amounting in all to $1,000. In addition were a broché shawl from Mrs. Stanton, gold watch, chain and pin from Miss Sarah Johnston, pen-and-ink sketch from Eliza Greatorex, point and duchesse lace collars and handkerchiefs, sets of books, engravings, gold pens, pocket-books, travelling case, and floral offerings.
Chapter XXV—Page [435].
CONSTITUTIONAL ARGUMENT.
Delivered in twenty-nine of the post-office districts of Monroe, and twenty-one of Ontario, in Miss Anthony's canvass of those counties prior to her trial in June, 1873.
Friends and Fellow-Citizens:—I stand before you under indictment for the alleged crime of having voted at the last presidential election, without having a lawful right to vote. It shall be my work this evening to prove to you that in thus doing, I not only committed no crime, but instead simply exercised my citizen's right, guaranteed to me and all United States citizens by the National Constitution beyond the power of any State to deny.
Our democratic-republican government is based on the idea of the natural right of every individual member thereof to a voice and a vote in making and executing the laws. We assert the province of government to be to secure the people in the enjoyment of their inalienable rights. We throw to the winds the old dogma that government can give rights. No one denies that before governments were organized each individual possessed the right to protect his own life, liberty and property. When 100 or 1,000,000 people enter into a free government, they do not barter away their natural rights; they simply pledge themselves to protect each other in the enjoyment of them through prescribed judicial and legislative tribunals. They agree to abandon the methods of brute force in the adjustment of their differences and adopt those of civilization. Nor can you find a word in any of the grand documents left us by the fathers which assumes for government the power to create or to confer rights. The Declaration of Independence, the United States Constitution, the constitutions of the several States and the organic laws of the Territories, all alike propose to protect the people in the exercise of their God-given rights. Not one of them pretends to bestow rights.
All men are created equal, and endowed by their Creator with certain inalienable rights. Among these are life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness. To secure these, governments are instituted among men, deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed.
Here is no shadow of government authority over rights, or exclusion of any class from their full and equal enjoyment. Here is pronounced the right of all men, and "consequently," as the Quaker preacher said, "of all women," to a voice in the government. And here, in this first paragraph of the Declaration, is the assertion of the natural right of all to the ballot; for how can "the consent of the governed" be given, if the right to vote be denied? Again:
Whenever any form of government becomes destructive of these ends, it is the right of the people to alter or abolish it, and to institute a new government, laying its foundations on such principles, and organizing its powers in such form, as to them shall seem most likely to effect their safety and happiness.
Surely the right of the whole people to vote is here clearly implied; for however destructive to their happiness this government might become, a disfranchised class could neither alter nor abolish it, nor institute a new one, except by the old brute force method of insurrection and rebellion. One-half of the people of this nation today are utterly powerless to blot from the statute books an unjust law, or to write there a new and a just one. The women, dissatisfied as they are with this form of government, that enforces taxation without representation—that compels them to obey laws to which they never have given their consent—that imprisons and hangs them without a trial by a jury of their peers—that robs them, in marriage, of the custody of their own persons, wages and children—are this half of the people who are left wholly at the mercy of the other half, in direct violation of the spirit and letter of the declarations of the framers of this government, every one of which was based on the immutable principle of equal rights to all. By these declarations, kings, popes, priests, aristocrats, all were alike dethroned and placed on a common level, politically, with the lowliest born subject or serf. By them, too, men, as such, were deprived of their divine right to rule and placed on a political level with women. By the practice of these declarations all class and caste distinctions would be abolished, and slave, serf, plebeian, wife, woman, all alike rise from their subject position to the broader platform of equality.
The preamble of the Federal Constitution says:
We, the people of the United States, in order to form a more perfect union, establish justice, insure domestic tranquillity, provide for the common defence, promote the general welfare and secure the blessings of liberty to ourselves and our posterity, do ordain and establish this Constitution for the United States of America.
It was we, the people, not we, the white male citizens, nor we, the male citizens; but we, the whole people, who formed this Union. We formed it not to give the blessings of liberty but to secure them; not to the half of ourselves and the half of our posterity, but to the whole people—women as well as men. It is downright mockery to talk to women of their enjoyment of the blessings of liberty while they are denied the only means of securing them provided by this democratic-republican government—the ballot.
The early journals of Congress show that, when the committee reported to that body the original articles of confederation, the very first one which became the subject of discussion was that respecting equality of suffrage. Article IV said:
The better to secure and perpetuate mutual friendship and intercourse between the people of the different States of this Union, the free inhabitants of each of the States (paupers, vagabonds and fugitives from justice excepted) shall be entitled to all the privileges and immunities of the free citizens of the several States.
Thus, at the very beginning, did the fathers see the necessity of the universal application of the great principle of equal rights to all, in order to produce the desired result—a harmonious union and a homogeneous people.
Luther Martin, attorney-general of Maryland, in his report to the legislature of that State of the convention which framed the United States Constitution, said:
Those who advocated the equality of suffrage took the matter up on the original principles of government: that the reason why each individual man in forming a State government should have an equal vote, is because each individual, before he enters into government, is equally free and equally independent.
James Madison said:
Under every view of the subject, it seems indispensable that the mass of the citizens should not be without a voice in making the laws which they are to obey, and in choosing the magistrates who are to administer them.... Let it be remembered, finally, that it has ever been the pride and the boast of America that the rights for which she contended were the rights of human nature.
These assertions by the framers of the United States Constitution of the equal and natural right of all the people to a voice in the government, have been affirmed and reaffirmed by the leading statesmen of the nation throughout the entire history of our government. Thaddeus Stevens, of Pennsylvania, said in 1866: "I have made up my mind that the elective franchise is one of the inalienable rights meant to be secured by the Declaration of Independence." B. Gratz Brown, of Missouri, in the three days' discussion in the United States Senate in 1866, on Senator Cowan's motion to strike "male" from the District of Columbia suffrage bill, said:
Mr. President, I say here on the floor of the American Senate, I stand for universal suffrage and as a matter of fundamental principle, do not recognize the right of society to limit it on any ground of race or sex. I will go farther and say that I recognize the right of franchise as being intrinsically a natural right. I do not believe that society is authorized to impose any limitations upon it that do not spring out of the necessities of the social state itself. Sir, I have been shocked, in the course of this debate, to hear senators declare this right only a conventional and political arrangement, a privilege yielded to you and me and others; not a right in any sense, only a concession! Mr. President, I do not hold my liberties by any such tenure. On the contrary, I believe that whenever you establish that doctrine, whenever you crystallize that idea in the public mind of this country, you ring the death-knell of American liberties.
Charles Sumner, in his brave protests against the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Amendments, insisted that so soon as by the Thirteenth Amendment the slaves became free men, the original powers of the United States Constitution guaranteed to them equal rights—the right to vote and to be voted for. In closing one of his great speeches he said:
I do not hesitate to say that when the slaves of our country became "citizens" they took their place in the body politic as a component part of the "people," entitled to equal rights and under the protection of these two guardian principles: First, that all just governments stand on the consent of the governed; and second, that taxation without representation is tyranny; and these rights it is the duty of Congress to guarantee as essential to the idea of a republic.
The preamble of the constitution of the State of New York declares the same purpose. It says: "We, the people of the State of New York, grateful to Almighty God for our freedom, in order to secure its blessings, do establish this constitution." Here is not the slightest intimation either of receiving freedom from the United States Constitution, or of the State's conferring the blessings of liberty upon the people; and the same is true of every other State constitution. Each and all declare rights God-given, and that to secure the people in the enjoyment of their inalienable rights is their one and only object in ordaining and establishing government. All of the State constitutions are equally emphatic in their recognition of the ballot as the means of securing the people in the enjoyment of these rights. Article I of the New York State constitution says:
No member of this State shall be disfranchised or deprived of the rights or privileges secured to any citizen thereof, unless by the law of the land, or the judgment of his peers.
So carefully guarded is the citizen's right to vote, that the constitution makes special mention of all who may be excluded. It says: "Laws may be passed excluding from the right of suffrage all persons who have been or may be convicted of bribery, larceny or any infamous crime."
In naming the various employments which shall not affect the residence of voters, Section 3, Article II, says "that neither being kept in any almshouse, or other asylum, at public expense, nor being confined in any public prison, shall deprive a person of his residence," and hence of his vote. Thus is the right of voting most sacredly hedged about. The only seeming permission in the New York State constitution for the disfranchisement of women is in Section 1, Article II, which says: "Every male citizen of the age of twenty-one years, etc., shall be entitled to vote."
But I submit that in view of the explicit assertions of the equal right of the whole people, both in the preamble and previous article of the constitution, this omission of the adjective "female" should not be construed into a denial; but instead should be considered as of no effect. Mark the direct prohibition, "No member of this State shall be disfranchised, unless by the law of the land, or the judgment of his peers." "The law of the land" is the United States Constitution; and there is no provision in that document which can be fairly construed into a permission to the States to deprive any class of citizens of their right to vote. Hence New York can get no power from that source to disfranchise one entire half of her members. Nor has "the judgment of their peers" been pronounced against women exercising their right to vote; no disfranchised person is allowed to be judge or juror—and none but disfranchised persons can be women's peers. Nor has the legislature passed laws excluding women as a class on account of idiocy or lunacy; nor have the courts convicted them of bribery, larceny or any infamous crime. Clearly, then, there is no constitutional ground for the exclusion of women from the ballot-box in the State of New York. No barriers whatever stand today between women and the exercise of their right to vote save those of precedent and prejudice, which refuse to expunge the word "male" from the constitution.
The clauses of the United States Constitution cited by our opponents as giving power to the States to disfranchise any classes of citizens they please, are contained in Sections 2 and 4, Article I. The second says:
The House of Representatives shall be composed of members chosen every second year by the people of the several States; and the electors in each State shall have the qualifications requisite for electors of the most numerous branch of the State legislature.
This can not be construed into a concession to the States of the power to destroy the right to become an elector, but simply to prescribe what shall be the qualifications, such as competency of intellect, maturity of age, length of residence, that shall be deemed necessary to enable them to make an intelligent choice of candidates. If, as our opponents assert, it is the duty of the United States to protect citizens in the several States against higher or different qualifications for electors for representatives in Congress than for members of the Assembly, then it must be equally imperative for the national government to interfere with the States, and forbid them from arbitrarily cutting off the right of one-half the people to become electors altogether. Section 4 says:
The times, places and manner of holding elections for senators and representatives shall be prescribed in each State by the legislature thereof; but Congress may at any time, by law, make or alter such regulations, except as to the places of choosing senators.
Here is conceded to the States only the power to prescribe times, places and manner of holding the elections; and even with these Congress may interfere in all excepting the mere place of choosing senators. Thus, you see, there is not the slightest permission for the States to discriminate against the right of any class of citizens to vote. Surely, to regulate can not be to annihilate; to qualify can not be wholly to deprive. To this principle every true Democrat and Republican said amen, when applied to black men by Senator Sumner in his great speeches from 1865 to 1869 for equal rights to all; and when, in 1871, I asked that senator to declare the power of the United States Constitution to protect women in their right to vote—as he had done for black men—he handed me a copy of all his speeches during that reconstruction period, and said:
Put "sex" where I have "race" or "color," and you have here the best and strongest argument I can make for woman. There is not a doubt but women have the constitutional right to vote, and I will never vote for a Sixteenth Amendment to guarantee it to them. I voted for both the Fourteenth and Fifteenth under protest; would never have done it but for the pressing emergency of that hour; would have insisted that the power of the original Constitution to protect all citizens in the equal enjoyment of their rights should have been vindicated through the courts. But the newly-made freedmen had neither the intelligence, wealth nor time to await that slow process. Women do possess all these in an eminent degree, and I insist that they shall appeal to the courts, and through them establish the powers of our American magna charta to protect every citizen of the republic.
But, friends, when in accordance with Senator Sumner's counsel I went to the ballot-box, last November, and exercised my citizen's right to vote, the courts did not wait for me to appeal to them—they appealed to me, and indicted me on the charge of having voted illegally. Putting sex where he did color, Senator Sumner would have said:
Qualifications can not be in their nature permanent or insurmountable. Sex can not be a qualification any more than size, race, color or previous condition of servitude. A permanent or insurmountable qualification is equivalent to a deprivation of the suffrage. In other words, it is the tyranny of taxation without representation, against which our Revolutionary mothers, as well as fathers, rebelled.
For any State to make sex a qualification, which must ever result in the disfranchisement of one entire half of the people, is to pass a bill of attainder, an ex post facto law, and is therefore a violation of the supreme law of the land. By it the blessings of liberty are forever withheld from women and their female posterity. For them, this government has no just powers derived from the consent of the governed. For them this government is not a democracy; it is not a republic. It is the most odious aristocracy ever established on the face of the globe. An oligarchy of wealth, where the rich govern the poor; an oligarchy of learning, where the educated govern the ignorant; or even an oligarchy of race, where the Saxon rules the African, might be endured; but this oligarchy of sex which makes father, brothers, husband, sons, the oligarchs over the mother and sisters, the wife and daughters of every household; which ordains all men sovereigns, all women subjects—carries discord and rebellion into every home of the nation. This most odious aristocracy exists, too, in the face of Section 4, Article IV, which says: "The United States shall guarantee to every State in the Union a republican form of government."
What, I ask you, is the distinctive difference between the inhabitants of a monarchical and those of a republican form of government, save that in the monarchical the people are subjects, helpless, powerless, bound to obey laws made by political superiors; while in the republican the people are citizens, individual sovereigns, all clothed with equal power to make and unmake both their laws and law-makers? The moment you deprive a person of his right to a voice in the government, you degrade him from the status of a citizen of the republic to that of a subject. It matters very little to him whether his monarch be an individual tyrant, as is the Czar of Russia, or a 15,000,000 headed monster, as here in the United States; he is a powerless subject, serf or slave; not in any sense a free and independent citizen.
It is urged that the use of the masculine pronouns he, his and him in all the constitutions and laws, is proof that only men were meant to be included in their provisions. If you insist on this version of the letter of the law, we shall insist that you be consistent and accept the other horn of the dilemma, which would compel you to exempt women from taxation for the support of the government and from penalties for the violation of laws. There is no she or her or hers in the tax laws, and this is equally true of all the criminal laws.
Take for example the civil rights law which I am charged with having violated; not only are all the pronouns in it masculine, but everybody knows that it was intended expressly to hinder the rebel men from voting. It reads, "If any person shall knowingly vote without his having a lawful right." It was precisely so with all the papers served on me the United States marshal's warrant, the bail-bond, the petition for habeas corpus, the bill of indictment—not one of them had a feminine pronoun; but to make them applicable to me, the clerk of the court prefixed an "s" to the "he" and made "her" out of "his" and "him;" and I insist if government officials may thus manipulate the pronouns to tax, fine, imprison and hang women, it is their duty to thus change them in order to protect us in our right to vote.
So long as any classes of men were denied this right, the government made a show of consistency by exempting them from taxation. When a property qualification of $250 was required of black men in New York, they were not compelled to pay taxes so long as they were content to report themselves worth less than that sum; but the moment the black man died and his property fell to his widow or daughter, the black woman's name was put on the assessor's list and she was compelled to pay taxes on this same property. This also is true of ministers in New York. So long as the minister lives, he is exempted from taxation on $1,500 of property, but the moment the breath leaves his body, his widow's name goes on the assessor's list and she has to pay taxes on the $1,500. So much for special legislation in favor of women!
In all the penalties and burdens of government (except the military) women are reckoned as citizens, equally with men. Also, in all the privileges and immunities, save those of the jury and the ballot-box, the foundation on which rest all the others. The United States government not only taxes, fines, imprisons and hangs women, but it allows them to pre-empt lands, register ships and take out passports and naturalization papers. Not only does the law permit single women and widows the right of naturalization, but Section 2 says, "A married woman may be naturalized without the concurrence of her husband;" (I wonder the fathers were not afraid of creating discord in the families of foreigners;) and again:
When an alien, having complied with the law and declared his intention to become a citizen, dies before he is actually naturalized, his widow and children shall be considered citizens, entitled to all rights and privileges as such, on taking the required oath.
If a foreign born woman by becoming a naturalized citizen is entitled to all the rights and privileges of citizenship, do not these include the ballot which would have belonged to her husband? If this is true of a naturalized woman, is it not equally true of one who is native born?
The question of the masculine pronouns—yes, and nouns too—was settled by the United States Supreme Court, in the case of Silver versus Ladd, December, 1868. The court said:
In construing a benevolent statute of the government, made for the benefit of its own citizens, inviting and encouraging them to settle on its distant public lands, the words "single man" and "unmarried man" may, especially if aided by the context and other parts of the statute, be taken in a generic sense. Held, accordingly, that the Fourth Section of the Act of Congress, of September 21, 1850, granting by way of donation lands in Oregon Territory to every white settler or occupant, American half-breed Indians included, embraced within the term single man an unmarried woman.
Though the words persons, people, inhabitants, electors, citizens, are all used indiscriminately in the national and State constitutions, there was always a conflict of opinion, prior to the war, as to whether they were synonymous terms, but whatever room there was for doubt, under the old regime, the adoption of the Fourteenth Amendment settled that question forever in its first sentence:
All persons born or naturalized in the United States, and subject to the jurisdiction thereof, are citizens of the United States, and of the State wherein they reside.
The second settles the equal status of all citizens:
No State shall make or enforce any law which shall abridge the privileges or immunities of citizens of the United States; nor shall any State deprive any person of life, liberty or property without due process of law, or deny to any person within its jurisdiction the equal protection of the laws.
The only question left to be settled now is: Are women persons? I scarcely believe any of our opponents will have the hardihood to say they are not. Being persons, then, women are citizens, and no State has a right to make any new law, or to enforce any old law, which shall abridge their privileges or immunities. Hence, every discrimination against women in the constitutions and laws of the several States is today null and void, precisely as is every one against negroes.
Is the right to vote one of the privileges or immunities of citizens? I think the disfranchised ex-rebels and ex-State prisoners all will agree that it is not only one of them, but the one without which all the others are nothing. Seek first the kingdom of the ballot and all things else shall be added, is the political injunction.
Webster, Worcester and Bouvier all define citizen to be a person, in the United States, entitled to vote and hold office. Prior to the adoption of the Thirteenth Amendment, by which slavery was forever abolished and black men transformed from property to persons, the judicial opinions of the country had always been in harmony with this definition: In order to be a citizen one must be a voter. Associate-Justice Washington, in defining the privileges and immunities of the citizen, more than fifty years ago, said: "They include all such privileges as are fundamental in their nature; and among them is the right to exercise the elective franchise, and to hold office." Even the Dred Scott decision, pronounced by the Abolitionists and Republicans infamous because it virtually declared "black men had no rights white men were bound to respect," gave this true and logical conclusion, that to be one of the people was to be a citizen and a voter.
Chief-Justice Daniels said:
There is not, it is believed, to be found in the theories of writers on government, or in any actual experiment heretofore made, an exposition of the term citizen which has not been considered as conferring the actual possession and enjoyment of an entire equality of privileges, civil and political.
Associate-Justice Taney said:
The words "people of the United States" and "citizens" are synonymous terms, and mean the same thing. They both describe the political body, who, according to our republican institutions, form the sovereignty, and who hold the power and conduct the government through their representatives. They are what we familiarly call "the sovereign people," and every citizen is one of this people, and a constituent member of this sovereignty.
Thus does Judge Taney's decision, which was so terrible a ban to the black man while he was a slave, now that he is a person and no longer property, pronounce him a citizen, possessed of entire equality of privileges, civil and political; and not only the black man, but the black woman, and all women. It was not until after the abolition of slavery, by which the negroes became free men and hence citizens, that any contrary opinion was rendered. U. S. Attorney-General Bates then said:
The Constitution uses the word "citizen" only to express the political quality, [not equality, mark,] of the individual in his relation to the nation; to declare that he is a member of the body politic, and bound to it by the reciprocal obligations of allegiance on the one side and protection on the other. The phrase, "a citizen of the United States," without addition or qualification, means neither more nor less than a member of the nation.
Then, to be a citizen of this republic is no more than to be a subject of an empire. You and I, and all true and patriotic citizens, must repudiate this base conclusion. We all know that American citizenship, without addition or qualification, means the possession of equal rights, civil and political. We all know that the crowning glory of every citizen of the United States is that he can either give or withhold his vote from every law and every legislator under the government.
Did "I am a Roman citizen" mean nothing more than that I am a "member" of the body politic of the republic of Rome, bound to it by the reciprocal obligations of allegiance on the one side and protection on the other? When you, young man, shall travel abroad, among the monarchies of the old world, and there proudly boast yourself an "American citizen," will you thereby declare yourself neither more nor less than a "member" of the American nation?
This opinion of Attorney-General Bates, that a black citizen was not a voter, given merely to suit the political exigency of the Republican party in that transition hour between emancipation and enfranchisement, was no less infamous, in spirit or purpose, than was the decision of Judge Taney, that a black man was not one of the people, rendered in the interest and at the behest of the old Democratic party in its darkest hour of subjection to the slave power. Nevertheless, all of the adverse arguments, congressional reports and judicial opinions, thus far, have been based on this purely partisan, time-serving decision of General Bates, that the normal condition of the citizen of the United States is that of disfranchisement; that only such classes of citizens as have had special legislative guarantee have a legal right to vote.
If this decision of Attorney-General Bates was infamous, as against black men, but yesterday plantation slaves, what shall we pronounce upon Judge Bingham, in the House of Representatives, and Carpenter, in the Senate of the United States, for citing it against the women of the entire nation, vast numbers of whom are the peers of those honorable gentlemen themselves in morals, intellect, culture, wealth, family, paying taxes on large estates, and contributing equally with them and their sex, in every direction, to the growth, prosperity and well-being of the republic? And what shall be said of the judicial opinions of Judges Cartter, Jameson, McKay and Sharswood, all based upon this aristocratic, monarchial idea of the right of one class to govern another?
I am proud to mention the names of the two United States judges who have given opinions honorable to our republican idea, and honorable to themselves—Judge Howe, of Wyoming Territory, and Judge Underwood, of Virginia. The former gave it as his opinion a year ago, when the legislature seemed likely to revoke the law enfranchising the women of that Territory that, in case they succeeded, the women would still possess the right to vote under the Fourteenth Amendment. The latter, in noticing the recent decision of Judge Cartter, of the Supreme Court of the District of Columbia, denying to women the right to vote under the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Amendments, says:
If the people of the United States, by amendment of their Constitution, could expunge, without any explanatory or assisting legislation, an adjective of five letters from all State and local constitutions, and thereby raise millions of our most ignorant fellow-citizens to all of the rights and privileges of electors, why should not the same people, by the same amendment, expunge an adjective of four letters from the same State and local constitutions, and thereby raise other millions of more educated and better informed citizens to equal rights and privileges, without explanatory or assisting legislation?
If the Fourteenth Amendment does not secure to all citizens the right to vote, for what purpose was that grand old charter of the fathers lumbered with its unwieldy proportions? The Republican party, and Judges Howard and Bingham, who drafted the document, pretended it was to do something for black men; and if that something were not to secure them in their right to vote and hold office, what could it have been? For by the Thirteenth Amendment black men had become people, and hence were entitled to all the privileges and immunities of the government, precisely as were the women of the country and foreign men not naturalized. According to Associate-Justice Washington, they already had:
Protection of the government, the enjoyment of life and liberty, with the right to acquire and possess property of every kind, and to pursue and obtain happiness and safety, subject to such restraints as the government may justly prescribe for the general welfare of the whole; the right of a citizen of one State to pass through or to reside in any other State for the purpose of trade, agriculture, professional pursuit, or otherwise; to claim the benefit of the writ of habeas corpus, to institute and maintain actions of any kind in the courts of the State; to take, hold, and dispose of property, either real or personal, and an exemption from higher taxes or impositions than are paid by the other citizens of the State.
Thus, you see, those newly-freed men were in possession of every possible right, privilege and immunity of the government, except that of suffrage, and hence needed no constitutional amendment for any other purpose. What right in this country has the Irishman the day after he receives his naturalization papers that he did not possess the day before, save the right to vote and hold office? The Chinamen now crowding our Pacific coast are in precisely the same position. What privilege or immunity has California or Oregon the right to deny them, save that of the ballot? Clearly, then, if the Fourteenth Amendment was not to secure to black men their right to vote it did nothing for them, since they possessed everything else before. But if it was intended to prohibit the States from denying or abridging their right to vote, then it did the same for all persons, white women included, born or naturalized in the United States; for the amendment does not say that all male persons of African descent, but that all persons are citizens.
The second section is simply a threat to punish the States by reducing their representation on the floor of Congress, should they disfranchise any of their male citizens, and can not be construed into a sanction to disfranchise female citizens, nor does it in any wise weaken or invalidate the universal guarantee of the first section.
However much the doctors of the law may disagree as to whether people and citizens, in the original Constitution, were one and the same, or whether the privileges and immunities in the Fourteenth Amendment include the right of suffrage, the question of the citizen's right to vote is forever settled by the Fifteenth Amendment. "The right of citizens of the United States to vote shall not be denied or abridged by the United States, or by any State, on account of race, color or previous condition of servitude." How can the State deny or abridge the right of the citizen, if the citizen does not possess it? There is no escape from the conclusion that to vote is the citizen's right, and the specifications of race, color or previous condition of servitude can in no way impair the force of that emphatic assertion that the citizen's right to vote shall not be denied or abridged.
The political strategy of the second section of the Fourteenth Amendment failing to coerce the rebel States into enfranchising their negroes, and the necessities of the Republican party demanding their votes throughout the South to ensure the re-election of Grant in 1872, that party was compelled to place this positive prohibition of the Fifteenth Amendment upon the United States and all the States thereof.
If once we establish the false principle that United States citizenship does not carry with it the right to vote in every State in this Union, there is no end to the petty tricks and cunning devices which will be attempted to exclude one and another class of citizens from the right of suffrage. It will not always be the men combining to disfranchise all women; native born men combining to abridge the rights of all naturalized citizens, as in Rhode Island. It will not always be the rich and educated who may combine to cut off the poor and ignorant; but we may live to see the hard-working, uncultivated day laborers, foreign and native born, learning the power of the ballot and their vast majority of numbers, combine and amend State constitutions so as to disfranchise the Vanderbilts, the Stewarts, the Conklings and the Fentons. It is a poor rule that won't work more ways than one. Establish this precedent, admit the State's right to deny suffrage, and there is no limit to the confusion, discord and disruption that may await us. There is and can be but one safe principle of government—equal rights to all. Discrimination against any class on account of color, race, nativity, sex, property, culture, can but embitter and disaffect that class, and thereby endanger the safety of the whole people. Clearly, then, the national government not only must define the rights of citizens, but must stretch out its powerful hand and protect them in every State in this Union.
If, however, you will insist that the Fifteenth Amendment's emphatic interdiction against robbing United States citizens of their suffrage "on account of race, color or previous condition of servitude," is a recognition of the right of either the United States or any State to deprive them of the ballot for any or all other reasons, I will prove to you that the class of citizens for whom I now plead are, by all the principles of our government and many of the laws of the States, included under the term "previous condition of servitude."
Consider first married women and their legal status. What is servitude? "The condition of a slave." What is a slave? "A person who is robbed of the proceeds of his labor; a person who is subject to the will of another." By the laws of Georgia, South Carolina and all the States of the South, the negro had no right to the custody and control of his person. He belonged to his master. If he were disobedient, the master had the right to use correction. If the negro did not like the correction and ran away, the master had the right to use coercion to bring him back. By the laws of almost every State in this Union today, North as well as South, the married woman has no right to the custody and control of her person. The wife belongs to the husband; and if she refuse obedience he may use moderate correction, and if she do not like his moderate correction and leave his "bed and board," the husband may use moderate coercion to bring her back. The little word "moderate," you see, is the saving clause for the wife, and would doubtless be overstepped should her offended husband administer his correction with the "cat-o'-nine-tails," or accomplish his coercion with blood-hounds.
Again the slave had no right to the earnings of his hands, they belonged to his master; no right to the custody of his children, they belonged to his master; no right to sue or be sued, or to testify in the courts. If he committed a crime, it was the master who must sue or be sued. In many of the States there has been special legislation, giving married women the right to property inherited or received by bequest, or earned by the pursuit of any avocation outside the home; also giving them the right to sue and be sued in matters pertaining to such separate property; but not a single State of this Union has ever secured the wife in the enjoyment of her right to equal ownership of the joint earnings of the marriage copartnership. And since, in the nature of things, the vast majority of married women never earn a dollar by work outside their families, or inherit a dollar from their fathers, it follows that from the day of their marriage to the day of the death of their husbands not one of them ever has a dollar, except it shall please her husband to let her have it.
In some of the States, also, laws have been passed giving to the mother a joint right with the father in the guardianship of the children. Twenty-five years ago, when our woman's rights movement commenced, by the laws of all the States the father had the sole custody and control of the children. No matter if he were a brutal, drunken libertine, he had the legal right, without the mother's consent, to apprentice her sons to rumsellers or her daughters to brothel-keepers. He even could will away an unborn child from the mother. In most of the States this law still prevails, and the mothers are utterly powerless.
I doubt if there is, today, a State in this Union where a married woman can sue or be sued for slander of character, and until recently there was not one where she could sue or be sued for injury of person. However damaging to the wife's reputation any slander may be, she is wholly powerless to institute legal proceedings against her accuser unless her husband shall join with her; and how often have we heard of the husband conspiring with some outside barbarian to blast the good name of his wife? A married woman can not testify in courts in cases of joint interest with her husband.
A good farmer's wife in Illinois, who had all the rights she wanted, had had made for herself a full set of false teeth. The dentist pronounced them an admirable fit, and the wife declared it gave her fits to wear them. The dentist sued the husband for his bill; his counsel brought the wife as witness; the judge ruled her off the stand, saying, "A married woman can not be a witness in matters of joint interest between herself and her husband." Think of it, ye good wives, the false teeth in your mouths are a joint interest with your husbands, about which you are legally incompetent to speak! If a married woman is injured by accident, in nearly all of the States it is her husband who must sue, and it is to him that the damages will be awarded. In Massachusetts a married woman was severely injured by a defective sidewalk. Her husband sued the corporation and recovered $13,000 damages, which belong to him absolutely, and whenever that unfortunate wife wishes a dollar of that money she must ask her husband for it; and if he be of a niggardly nature, she will hear him say, every time, "What have you done with the twenty-five cents I gave you yesterday?" Isn't such a position humiliating enough to be called "servitude?" That husband sued and obtained damages for the loss of the services of his wife, precisely as he would have done had it been his ox, cow or horse; and exactly as the master, under the old regime, would have recovered for the services of his slave.
I submit the question, if the deprivation by law of the ownership of one's own person, wages, property, children, the denial of the right as an individual to sue and be sued and testify in the courts, is not a condition of servitude most bitter and absolute, even though under the sacred name of marriage? Does any lawyer doubt my statement of the legal status of married women? I will remind him of the fact that the common law of England prevails in every State but two in this Union, except where the legislature has enacted special laws annulling it. I am ashamed that not one of the States yet has blotted from its statute books the old law of marriage, which, summed up in the fewest words possible, is in effect "husband and wife are one, and that one the husband."
Thus may all married women and widows, by the laws of the several States, be technically included in the Fifteenth Amendment's specification of "condition of servitude," present or previous. The facts also prove that, by all the great fundamental principles of our free government, not only married women but the entire womanhood of the nation are in a "condition of servitude" as surely as were our Revolutionary fathers when they rebelled against King George. Women are taxed without representation, governed without their consent, tried, convicted and punished without a jury of their peers. Is all this tyranny any less humiliating and degrading to women under our democratic-republican government today than it was to men under their aristocratic, monarchial government one hundred years ago? There is not an utterance of John Adams, John Hancock or Patrick Henry, but finds a living response in the soul of every intelligent, patriotic woman of the nation. Show me a justice-loving woman property-holder, and I will show you one whose soul is fired with all the indignation of 1776 every time the tax-collector presents himself at her door. You will not find one such but feels her condition of servitude as galling as did James Otis when he said:
The very act of taxing exercised over those who are not represented appears to me to be depriving them of one of their most essential rights, and if continued seems to be in effect an entire disfranchisement of every civil right. For what one civil right is worth a rush after a man's property is subject to be taken from him at pleasure without his consent? If a man is not his own assessor in person, or by deputy, his liberty is gone, for he is wholly at the mercy of others.
What was the three-penny tax on tea or the paltry tax on paper and sugar to which our Revolutionary fathers were subjected, when compared with the taxation of the women of this republic? And again, to show that disfranchisement was precisely the slavery of which the fathers complained, allow me to cite Benjamin Franklin, who in those olden times was admitted to be good authority, not merely in domestic but also in political economy:
Every man of the commonalty, except infants, insane persons and criminals, is, of common right and the law of God, a freeman and entitled to the free enjoyment of liberty. That liberty or freedom consists in having an actual share in the appointment of those who are to frame the laws, and who are to be the guardians of every man's life, property and peace. For the all of one man is as dear to him as the all of another; and the poor man has an equal right, but more need, to have representatives in the legislature than the rich one. They who have no voice or vote in the electing of representatives do not enjoy liberty, but are absolutely enslaved to those who have votes and to their representatives; for to be enslaved is to have governors whom other men have set over us, and to be subject to laws made by the representatives of others, without having had representatives of our own to give consent in our behalf.
Suppose I read it with the feminine gender:
Women who have no voice or vote in the electing of representatives do not enjoy liberty, but are absolutely enslaved to men who have votes and to their representatives; for to be enslaved is to have governors whom men have set over us, and to be subject to the laws made by the representatives of men, without having representatives of our own to give consent in our behalf.
And yet one more authority, that of Thomas Paine, than whom not one of the Revolutionary patriots more ably vindicated the principles upon which our government is founded:
The right of voting for representatives is the primary right by which other rights are protected. To take away this right is to reduce man to a state of slavery; for slavery consists in being subject to the will of another; and he that has not a vote in the election of representatives is in this case. The proposal, therefore, to disfranchise any class of men is as criminal as the proposal to take away property.
Is anything further needed to prove woman's condition of servitude sufficient to entitle her to the guarantees of the Fifteenth Amendment? Is there a man who will not agree with me that to talk of freedom without the ballot is mockery to the women of this republic, precisely as New England's orator, Wendell Phillips, at the close of the late war declared it to be to the newly emancipated black man? I admit that, prior to the rebellion, by common consent, the right to enslave, as well as to disfranchise both native and foreign born persons, was conceded to the States. But the one grand principle settled by the war and the reconstruction legislation, is the supremacy of the national government to protect the citizens of the United States in their right to freedom and the elective franchise, against any and every interference on the part of the several States; and again and again have the American people asserted the triumph of this principle by their overwhelming majorities for Lincoln and Grant.
The one issue of the last two presidential elections was whether the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Amendments should be considered the irrevocable will of the people; and the decision was that they should be, and that it is not only the right, but the duty of the national government to protect all United States citizens in the full enjoyment and free exercise of their privileges and immunities against the attempt of any State to deny or abridge. In this conclusion Republicans and Democrats alike agree. Senator Frelinghuysen said: "The heresy of State rights has been completely buried in these amendments, and as amended, the Constitution confers not only National but State citizenship upon all persons born or naturalized within our limits."
The call for the National Republican Convention of 1872 said: "Equal suffrage has been engrafted on the National Constitution; the privileges and immunities of American citizenship have become a part of the organic law." The National Republican platform said: "Complete liberty and exact equality in the enjoyment of all civil, political and public rights, should be established and maintained throughout the Union by efficient and appropriate State and Federal legislation."
If that means anything it is that Congress should pass a law to protect women in their equal political rights, and that the States should enact laws making it the duty of inspectors of elections to receive the votes of women on precisely the same conditions as they do those of men.
Judge Stanley Matthews, a substantial Ohio Democrat, in his preliminary speech at the Cincinnati Liberal Convention, said most emphatically: "The constitutional amendments have established the political equality of all citizens before the law."
President Grant, in his message to Congress, March 30, 1870, on the adoption of the Fifteenth Amendment, said, "A measure which makes at once four millions of people voters, is indeed a measure of greater importance than any act of the kind from the foundation of the government to the present time."
How could four million negroes be made voters if two million out of the four were women?
The California Republican platform of 1872 said:
Among the many practical and substantial triumphs of the principles achieved by the Republican party during the past twelve years, it enumerates with pride and pleasure the prohibiting of any State from abridging the privileges of any citizen of the republic, the declaring the civil and political equality of every citizen, and the establishing all these principles in the Federal Constitution, by amendments thereto, as the permanent law.
Benjamin F. Butler, in a recent letter to me, said: "I do not believe anybody in Congress doubts that the Constitution authorizes the right of women to vote, precisely as it authorizes trial by jury and many other like rights guaranteed to citizens."
It is upon this just interpretation of the United States Constitution that our National Woman Suffrage Association, which celebrates the twenty-fifth anniversary of the woman's rights movement next May in New York City, has based all its arguments and action since the passage of these amendments. We no longer petition legislature or Congress to give us the right to vote, but appeal to women everywhere to exercise their too long neglected "citizen's right." We appeal to the inspectors of election to receive the votes of all United States citizens, as it is their duty to do. We appeal to United States commissioners and marshals to arrest, as is their duty, the inspectors who reject the votes of United States citizens, and leave alone those who perform their duties and accept these votes. We ask the juries to return verdicts of "not guilty" in the cases of law-abiding United States citizens who cast their votes, and inspectors of election who receive and count them.
We ask the judges to render unprejudiced opinions of the law, and whereever there is room for doubt to give the benefit to the side of liberty and equal rights for women, remembering that, as Sumner says, "The true rule of interpretation under our National Constitution, especially since its amendments, is that anything for human rights is constitutional, everything against human rights unconstitutional." It is on this line that we propose to fight our battle for the ballot—peaceably but nevertheless persistently—until we achieve complete triumph and all United States citizens, men and women alike, are recognized as equals in the government.
Chapter XXV—Page [436]
NEWSPAPER COMMENT ON MISS ANTHONY'S TRIAL.
It is perhaps needless to say that whoever listens candidly to Susan B. Anthony, no matter how he previously regarded her and her sentiments, is certain to respect her and them afterwards.—Geneva Courier.
Miss Susan B. Anthony is sharp enough for a successful politician. She is under arrest in Rochester for voting illegally, and is conducting her case in a way which beats even lawyers. She stumped the county of Monroe and spoke in every post-office district so powerfully that she has actually converted nearly the entire male population to the woman suffrage doctrine. The sentiment is so universal that the United States district-attorney dare not trust his case to a jury drawn from that county, and has changed the venue to Ontario. Now Miss Anthony proposes to stump Ontario immediately, and has procured the services of Matilda Joslyn Gage, of Fayetteville, to assist her. By the time the case comes on, Miss Anthony will have Ontario county converted to her doctrine.—Syracuse Standard.
If Miss Anthony has converted every man in Monroe county to her views of the suffrage question, as the district-attorney intimates in his recent efforts to have her case adjourned, it is pretty good evidence—unless every man in Monroe county is a fool—that the lady has done no wrong. "Her case," remarks the Auburn Bulletin, "will probably be carried over to another term, and all she has to do is to canvass and convert another county. A shrewd woman that! Again we say she ought to vote."—Rochester Democrat and Chronicle.
There is perplexity in the northern district of New York. It was in that jurisdiction that Miss Susan B. Anthony and sundry "erring sisters" voted at the November election. For this they were arrested and indicted. The venue was laid in Monroe county and there the trial was to take place. Miss Anthony then proceeded to stump Monroe county and every town and village thereof, asking her bucolic hearers the solemn conundrum, "Is it a crime for a United States citizen to vote?" The answer is supposed generally to be in the negative, and so convincing is Sister Anthony's rhetoric regarded that it is supposed no jury can be found to convict her. Her case has gone to the jurymen of Monroe, in her own persuasive pleadings, before they are summoned. The district-attorney has, therefore, postponed the trial to another term of the court, and changed the place thereof to Ontario county; whereupon the brave Susan takes the stump in Ontario, and personally makes known her woes and wants. It is a regular St. Anthony's dance she leads the district-attorney; and, in spite of winter cold or summer heat, she will carry her case from county to county precisely as fast as the venue is changed. One must rise very early in the morning to get the start of this active apostle of the sisterhood.—New York Commercial Advertiser.
It seems likely that the decision of the court will be in Miss Anthony's favor. If such be the result the advocates of woman suffrage will change places with the public. They will no longer be forced to obtain hearings from congressional and legislative committees for their claims, but will exercise their right to vote by the authority of a legal precedent against which positive laws forbidding them from voting will be the only remedy. It is a question whether such laws can be passed in this country. A careful examination of the subject must precede any such legislation, and the inference from the result of Judge Selden's investigation is that the more the subject is studied the less likely will any legislative body be to forbid those women who want to vote from so doing.—New York Evening Post.
Miss Susan B. Anthony, whatever else she may be, is evidently of the right stuff for a reformer. Of all the woman suffragists she has the most courage and resource, and fights her own and her sisters' battle with the most wonderful energy, resolution and hopefulness. It is well known that she is now under indictment for voting illegally in Rochester last November. Voting illegally in her case means simply voting, for it is held that women can not lawfully vote at all. She is to be tried soon, but in the meantime, while at large on bail, she has devoted her time to missionary work on behalf of woman suffrage, and has spoken, it is said, in every post-office district in Monroe county, where her trial would have been held in the natural course of things. She has argued her cause so well that almost all the male population of the county have been converted to her views on this subject. The district-attorney is afraid to trust the case to a jury from that county, and has obtained a change of venue to Ontario on the ground that a fair trial can not be had in Monroe.
Miss Anthony, rather cheered than discouraged by this unwilling testimony to the strength of her cause and her powers of persuasion, has made arrangements to canvass Ontario county as thoroughly as Monroe. Some foolish and bigoted people who edit newspapers are complaining that Miss Anthony's proceedings are highly improper, inasmuch as they are intended to influence the decision of a cause pending in the courts. They even talk about contempt of court, and declare that Miss Anthony should be compelled to desist from making these invidious harangues. We suspect that the courts will not venture to interfere with this lady's speech-making tour, but will be of the opinion that she has the same right which other people, male or female, have to explain her political views and make converts to them if she can. We have never known it claimed before that a person accused of an offense was thereby deprived of the common right of free speech on political and other questions.—Worcester Spy.
The vapid efforts of a part of the newspaper press to entertain the public, of late, by descriptions, criticisms and comments, founded upon pretended interviews with Miss Anthony, reveal a standard of courtesy and truth discreditable to the American press, and a meagerness of interesting matter suggesting the propriety of the suspension of such sheets altogether. The Pittsburg Leader, among others, disgraces itself by a scurrilous report of what "the gay old girl said to a reporter;" and the New York World, of course, waxed very funny in its account of the late convention. These gibes at Miss Anthony's personal appearance, unwillingness to tell her age, "fishy eyes," etc., are read by her friends in Rochester with indignation and with contempt for the press which will publish such misrepresentations as truth.
All Rochester will assert—at least all of it worth heeding—that Miss Anthony holds here the position of a refined and estimable woman, thoroughly respected and beloved by the large circle of staunch friends who swear by her common sense and loyalty, if not by her peculiar views. As for her age, she tells it often enough unsolicited, whenever the famous silk dress is alluded to; the dear old dress that a New York reporter held up as such perfection of taste and fashion! Anna Dickinson gave that dress to Miss Anthony upon her fiftieth birthday a number of years ago, and the news was in all the papers. That dress is going into history with Commissioner Storrs, Judge Selden and the illustrious rest. It has always been worn by a lady—a genuine lady—no pretense nor sham—but good Quaker metal. She is no "sour old maid," our Miss Anthony, nor are the young men shy of her when she can find time to accept an invitation out; genial, cheery, warm-hearted, overflowing with stories and reminiscences, utterly fearless and regardless of mere public opinion, yet having a woman's delicate sensitiveness as to anything outre in dress or appearance.
Our Susan B. Anthony will work up into a charming bit of biography some day without a dull page within the covers, providing, of course, stupidity does not have the writing of it. Never mind what she has been fighting for, and will fight for till the victory is sure, we must all own hers a brave record, and she has already accomplished for her sex much that their scorn and contumely did not prevent her striving for. We heard a lady remark after attending the suffrage convention: "No, I am not converted to what these women advocate, I am too cowardly for that; but I am converted to Susan B. Anthony."—Rochester Evening Express.
Chapter XXVII—Page [472].
WOMAN WANTS BREAD, NOT THE BALLOT!
Delivered in most of the large cities of the United States, between 1870 and 1880. The speech never was written, and this abstract was prepared from scattered notes and newspaper reports.
My purpose tonight is to demonstrate the great historical fact that disfranchisement is not only political degradation, but also moral, social, educational and industrial degradation; and that it does not matter whether the disfranchised class live under a monarchial or a republican form of government, or whether it be white workingmen of England, negroes on our southern plantations, serfs of Russia, Chinamen on our Pacific coast, or native born, tax-paying women of this republic. Wherever, on the face of the globe or on the page of history, you show me a disfranchised class, I will show you a degraded class of labor. Disfranchisement means inability to make, shape or control one's own circumstances. The disfranchised must always do the work, accept the wages, occupy the position the enfranchised assign to them. The disfranchised are in the position of the pauper. You remember the old adage, "Beggars must not be choosers;" they must take what they can get or nothing! That is exactly the position of women in the world of work today; they can not choose. If they could, do you for a moment believe they would take the subordinate places and the inferior pay? Nor is it a "new thing under the sun" for the disfranchised, the inferior classes weighed down with wrongs, to declare they "do not want to vote." The rank and file are not philosophers, they are not educated to think for themselves, but simply to accept, unquestioned, whatever comes.
Years ago in England when the workingmen, starving in the mines and factories, gathered in mobs and took bread wherever they could get it, their friends tried to educate them into a knowledge of the causes of their poverty and degradation. At one of these "monster bread meetings," held in Manchester, John Bright said to them, "Workingmen, what you need to bring to you cheap bread and plenty of it, is the franchise;" but those ignorant men shouted back to Mr. Bright, precisely as the women of America do to us today, "It is not the vote we want, it is bread;" and they broke up the meeting, refusing to allow him, their best friend, to explain to them the powers of the franchise. The condition of those workingmen was very little above that of slavery. Some of you may remember when George Thompson came over to this country and rebuked us for our crime and our curse of slavery, how the slaveholders and their abettors shouted back to Mr. Thompson, "Look at home, look into your mines and your factories, you have slavery in England."
You recollect a book published at that time entitled, "The Glory and Shame of England." Her glory was the emancipation of slaves in the British West Indies, and her shame the degraded and outraged condition of those very miners and factory men. In their desperation, they organized trades unions, went on strike, fought terrible battles, often destroying property and sometimes even killing their employers. Those who have read Charles Reade's novel, "Put Yourself in his Place," have not forgotten the terrible scenes depicted. While those starving men sometimes bettered their condition financially, they never made a ripple on the surface of political thought. No member ever championed their cause on the floor of Parliament. If spoken of at all, it was as our politicians used to speak of the negroes before the war, or as they speak of the Chinese today—as nuisances that ought to be suppressed.
But at length, through the persistent demands of a little handful of reformers, there was introduced into the British Parliament the "household suffrage" bill of 1867. John Stuart Mill not only championed that bill as it was presented, but moved an amendment to strike out the word "man" and substitute therefor the word "person," so that the bill should read, "every person who shall pay a seven-pound rental per annum shall be entitled to the franchise." You will see that Mr. Mill's motive was to extend the suffrage to women as well as men. But when the vote was taken, only seventy-four, out of the nearly seven hundred members of the British Parliament, voted in its favor.
During the discussion of the original bill, the opposition was championed by Robert Lowe, who presented all the stock objections to the extension of the franchise to "those ignorant, degraded workingmen," as he called them, that ever were presented in this country against giving the ballot to the negroes, and that are today being urged against the enfranchisement of women. Is it not a little remarkable that no matter who the class may be that it is proposed to enfranchise, the objections are always the same? "The ballot in the hands of this new class will make their condition worse than before, and the introduction of this new class into the political arena will degrade politics to a lower level." But notwithstanding Mr. Lowe's persistent opposition, the bill became a law; and before the session closed, that same individual moved that Parliament, having enfranchised these men, should now make an appropriation for the establishment and support of schools for the education of them and their sons. Now, mark you his reason why! "Unless they are educated," said he, "they will be the means of overturning the throne of England." So long as these poor men in the mines and factories had not the right to vote, the power to make and unmake the laws and law-makers, to help or hurt the government, no measure ever had been proposed for their benefit although they were ground under the heel of the capitalist to a condition of abject slavery. But the moment this power is placed in their hands, before they have used it even once, this bitterest enemy to their possessing it is the first man to spring to his feet and make this motion for the most beneficent measure possible in their behalf—public schools for the education of themselves and their children.
From that day to this, there never has been a session of the British Parliament that has not had before it some measure for the benefit of the working classes. Parliament has enacted laws compelling employers to cut down the number of hours for a day's work, to pay better wages, to build decent houses for their employes, and has prohibited the employment of very young children in the mines and factories. The history of those olden times records that not infrequently children were born in the mines and passed their lives there, scarcely seeing the sunlight from the day of their birth to the day of their death.
Sad as is the condition of the workingmen of England today, it is infinitely better than it was twenty years ago. At first the votes of the workingmen were given to the Liberal party, because it was the leaders of that party who secured their enfranchisement; but soon the leaders of the Conservative party, seeing the power the workingmen had, began to vie with the Liberals by going into their meetings and pledging that if they would vote the Tory ticket and bring that party into control, it would give them more and better laws even than the Liberals. In 1874 enough workingmen did go over to bring that party to the front, with Disraeli at its head, where it stood till 1880 when the rank and file of the workingmen of England, dissatisfied with Disraeli's policy, both domestic and foreign, turned and again voted the Liberal ticket, putting that party in power with Gladstone as its leader. This is the way in which the ballot in the hands of the masses of wage-earners, even under a monarchial form of government, makes of them a tremendous balance of power whose wants and wishes the instinct of self-interest compels the political leaders to study and obey.
The great distinctive advantage possessed by the workingmen of this republic is that the son of the humblest citizen, black or white, has equal chances with the son of the richest in the land if he take advantage of the public schools, the colleges and the many opportunities freely offered. It is this equality of rights which makes our nation a home for the oppressed of all the monarchies of the old world.
And yet, notwithstanding the declaration of our Revolutionary fathers, "all men created equal," "governments derive their just powers from the consent of the governed," "taxation and representation inseparable"—notwithstanding all these grand enunciations, our government was founded upon the blood and bones of half a million human beings, bought and sold as chattels in the market. Nearly all the original thirteen States had property qualifications which disfranchised poor white men as well as women and negroes. Thomas Jefferson, at the head of the old Democratic party, took the lead in advocating the removal of all property qualifications, as so many violations of the fundamental principle of our government—"the right of consent." In New York the qualification was $250. Martin Van Buren, the chief of the Democracy, was a member of the Constitutional Convention held in Buffalo in 1821, which wiped out that qualification so far as white men were concerned. He declared, "The poor man has as good a right to a voice in the government as the rich man, and a vastly greater need to possess it as a means of protection to himself and his family." It was because the Democrats enfranchised poor white men, both native and foreign, that that strong old party held absolute sway in this country for almost forty years, with only now and then a one-term Whig administration.
In those olden days Horace Greeley, at the head of the Whig party and his glorious New York Tribune, used to write long editorials showing the workingmen that they had a mistaken idea about the Democratic party; that it was not so much the friend of the poor man as was the Whig, and if they would but vote the Whig ticket and put that party in power, they would find that it would give them better laws than the Democrats had done. At length, after many, many years of such education and persuasion, the workingmen's vote, native and foreign, was divided, and in 1860 there came to the front a new party which, though not called Whig, was largely made up of the old Whig elements. In its turn this new party enfranchised another degraded class of labor. Because the Republicans gave the ballot to negroes, they have been allied to that party and have held it solid in power from the ratification of the Fifteenth Amendment, in 1870, to the present day. Until the Democrats convince them that they will do more and better for them than the Republicans are doing, there will be no appreciable division of the negro vote.
The vast numbers of wage-earning men coming from Europe to this country, where manhood suffrage prevails with no limitations, find themselves invested at once with immense political power. They organize their trades unions, but not being able to use the franchise intelligently, they continue to strike and to fight their battles with the capitalists just as they did in the old countries. Neither press nor politicians dare to condemn these strikes or to demand their suppression because the workingmen hold the balance of power and can use it for the success or defeat of either party.
[Miss Anthony here related various timely instances of strikes where force was used to prevent non-union men from taking the places of the strikers, and neither the newspapers nor political leaders ventured to sustain the officials in the necessary steps to preserve law and order, or if they did they were defeated at the next election.]
It is said women do not need the ballot for their protection because they are supported by men. Statistics show that there are 3,000,000 women in this nation supporting themselves. In the crowded cities of the East they are compelled to work in shops, stores and factories for the merest pittance. In New York alone, there are over 50,000 of these women receiving less than fifty cents a day. Women wage-earners in different occupations have organized themselves into trades unions, from time to time, and made their strikes to get justice at the hands of their employers just as men have done, but I have yet to learn of a successful strike of any body of women. The best organized one I ever knew was that of the collar laundry women of the city of Troy, N. Y., the great emporium for the manufacture of shirts, collars and cuffs. They formed a trades union of several hundred members and demanded an increase of wages. It was refused. So one May morning in 1867, each woman threw down her scissors and her needle, her starch-pan and flat-iron, and for three long months not one returned to the factories. At the end of that time they were literally starved out, and the majority of them were compelled to go back, but not at their old wages, for their employers cut them down to even a lower figure.
In the winter following I met the president of this union, a bright young Irish girl, and asked her, "Do you not think if you had been 500 carpenters or 500 masons, you would have succeeded?" "Certainly," she said, and then she told me of 200 bricklayers who had the year before been on strike and gained every point with their employers. "What could have made the difference? Their 200 were but a fraction of that trade, while your 500 absolutely controlled yours." Finally she said, "It was because the editors ridiculed and denounced us." "Did they ridicule and denounce the bricklayers?" "No." "What did they say about you?" "Why, that our wages were good enough now, better than those of any other workingwomen except teachers; and if we weren't satisfied, we had better go and get married." "What then do you think made this difference?" After studying over the question awhile she concluded, "It must have been because our employers bribed the editors." "Couldn't the employers of the bricklayers have bribed the editors?" She had never thought of that. Most people never do think; they see one thing totally unlike another, but the person who stops to inquire into the cause that produces the one or the other is the exception. So this young Irish girl was simply not an exception, but followed the general rule of people, whether men or women; she hadn't thought. In the case of the bricklayers, no editor, either Democrat or Republican, would have accepted the proffer of a bribe, because he would have known that if he denounced or ridiculed those men, not only they but all the trades union men of the city at the next election would vote solidly against the nominees advocated by that editor. If those collar laundry women had been voters, they would have held, in that little city of Troy, the "balance of political power" and the editor or the politician who ignored or insulted them would have turned that balance over to the opposing party.
My friends, the condition of those collar laundry women but represents the utter helplessness of disfranchisement. The question with you, as men, is not whether you want your wives and daughters to vote, nor with you, as women, whether you yourselves want to vote; but whether you will help to put this power of the ballot into the hands of the 3,000,000 wage-earning women, so that they may be able to compel politicians to legislate in their favor and employers to grant them justice.
The law of capital is to extort the greatest amount of work for the least amount of money; the rule of labor is to do the smallest amount of work for the largest amount of money. Hence there is, and in the nature of things must continue to be, antagonism between the two classes; therefore, neither should be left wholly at the mercy of the other.
It was cruel, under the old regime, to give rich men the right to rule poor men. It was wicked to allow white men absolute power over black men. It is vastly more cruel, more wicked to give to all men—rich and poor, white and black, native and foreign, educated and ignorant, virtuous and vicious—this absolute control over women. Men talk of the injustice of monopolies. There never was, there never can be, a monopoly so fraught with injustice, tyranny and degradation as this monopoly of sex, of all men over all women. Therefore I not only agree with Abraham Lincoln that, "No man is good enough to govern another man without his consent;" but I say also that no man is good enough to govern a woman without her consent, and still further, that all men combined in government are not good enough to govern all women without their consent. There might have been some plausible excuse for the rich governing the poor, the educated governing the ignorant, the Saxon governing the African; but there can be none for making the husband the ruler of the wife, the brother of the sister, the man of the woman, his peer in birth, in education, in social position, in all that stands for the best and highest in humanity.
I believe that by nature men are no more unjust than women. If from the beginning women had maintained the right to rule not only themselves but men also, the latter today doubtless would be occupying the subordinate places with inferior pay in the world of work; women would be holding the higher positions with the big salaries; widowers would be doomed to a "life interest of one-third of the family estate;" husbands would "owe service" to their wives, so that every one of you men would be begging your good wives, "Please be so kind as to 'give me' ten cents for a cigar." The principle of self-government can not be violated with impunity. The individual's right to it is sacred—regardless of class, caste, race, color, sex or any other accident or incident of birth. What we ask is that you shall cease to imagine that women are outside this law, and that you shall come into the knowledge that disfranchisement means the same degradation to your daughters as to your sons.
Governments can not afford to ignore the rights of those holding the ballot, who make and unmake every law and law-maker. It is not because the members of Congress are tyrants that women receive only half pay and are admitted only to inferior positions in the departments. It is simply in obedience to a law of political economy which makes it impossible for a government to do as much for the disfranchised as for the enfranchised. Women are no exception to the general rule. As disfranchisement always has degraded men, socially, morally and industrially, so today it is disfranchisement that degrades women in the same spheres.
Again men say it is not votes, but the law of supply and demand which regulates wages. The law of gravity is that water shall run down hill, but when men build a dam across the stream, the force of gravity is stopped and the water held back. The law of supply and demand regulates free and enfranchised labor, but disfranchisement estops its operation. What we ask is the removal of the dam, that women, like men, may reap the benefit of the law. Did the law of supply and demand regulate work and wages in the olden days of slavery? This law can no more reach the disfranchised than it did the enslaved. There is scarcely a place where a woman can earn a single dollar without a man's consent.
There are many women equally well qualified with men for principals and superintendents of schools, and yet, while three-fourths of the teachers are women, nearly all of them are relegated to subordinate positions on half or at most two-thirds the salaries paid to men. The law of supply and demand is ignored, and that of sex alone settles the question. If a business man should advertise for a book-keeper and ten young men, equally well qualified, should present themselves and, after looking them over, he should say, "To you who have red hair, we will pay full wages, while to you with black hair we will pay half the regular price;" that would not be a more flagrant violation of the law of supply and demand than is that now perpetrated upon women because of their sex.
And then again you say, "Capital, not the vote, regulates labor." Granted, for the sake of the argument, that capital does control the labor of women, Chinamen and slaves; but no one with eyes to see and ears to hear, will concede for a moment that capital absolutely dominates the work and wages of the free and enfranchised men of this republic. It is in order to lift the millions of our wage-earning women into a position of as much power over their own labor as men possess that they should be invested with the franchise. This ought to be done not only for the sake of justice to the women, but to the men with whom they compete; for, just so long as there is a degraded class of labor in the market, it always will be used by the capitalists to checkmate and undermine the superior classes.
Now that as a result of the agitation for equality of chances, and through the invention of machinery, there has come a great revolution in the world of economics, so that wherever a man may go to earn an honest dollar a woman may go also, there is no escape from the conclusion that she must be clothed with equal power to protect herself. That power is the ballot, the symbol of freedom and equality, without which no citizen is sure of keeping even that which he hath, much less of getting that which he hath not. Women are today the peers of men in education, in the arts and sciences, in the industries and professions, and there is no escape from the conclusion that the next step must be to make them the peers of men in the government—city, State and national—to give them an equal voice in the framing, interpreting and administering of the codes and constitutions.
We recognize that the ballot is a two-edged, nay, a many-edged sword, which may be made to cut in every direction. If wily politicians and sordid capitalists may wield it for mere party and personal greed; if oppressed wage-earners may invoke it to wring justice from legislators and extort material advantages from employers; if the lowest and most degraded classes of men may use it to open wide the sluice-ways of vice and crime; if it may be the instrumentality by which the narrow, selfish, corrupt and corrupting men and measures rule—it is quite as true that noble-minded statesmen, philanthropists and reformers may make it the weapon with which to reverse the above order of things, as soon as they can have added to their now small numbers the immensely larger ratio of what men so love to call "the better half of the people." When women vote, they will make a new balance of power that must be weighed and measured and calculated in its effect upon every social and moral question which goes to the arbitrament of the ballot-box. Who can doubt that when the representative women of thought and culture, who are today the moral backbone of our nation, sit in counsel with the best men of the country, higher conditions will be the result?
Insurrectionary and revolutionary methods of righting wrongs, imaginary or real, are pardonable only in the enslaved and disfranchised. The moment any class of men possess the ballot, it is their weapon and their shield. Men with a vote have no valid excuse for resorting to the use of illegal means to fight their battles. When the masses of wage-earning men are educated into a knowledge of their own rights and of their duties to others, so that they are able to vote intelligently, they can carry their measures through the ballot-box and will have no need to resort to force. But so long as they remain in ignorance and are manipulated by the political bosses they will continue to vote against their own interests and turn again to violence to right their wrongs.
If men possessing the power of the ballot are driven to desperate means to gain their ends, what shall be done by disfranchised women? There are grave questions of moral, as well as of material interest in which women are most deeply concerned. Denied the ballot, the legitimate means with which to exert their influence, and, as a rule, being lovers of peace, they have recourse to prayers and tears, those potent weapons of women and children, and, when they fail, must tamely submit to wrong or rise in rebellion against the powers that be. Women's crusades against saloons, brothels and gambling-dens, emptying kegs and bottles into the streets, breaking doors and windows and burning houses, all go to prove that disfranchisement, the denial of lawful means to gain desired ends, may drive even women to violations of law and order. Hence to secure both national and "domestic tranquillity," to "establish justice," to carry out the spirit of our Constitution, put into the hands of all women, as you have into those of all men, the ballot, that symbol of perfect equality, that right protective of all other rights.
Chapter XXVII—Page [468].
SOCIAL PURITY.
First delivered at Chicago in the Spring of 1875, in the Sunday afternoon Dime lecture course.
Though women, as a class, are much less addicted to drunkenness and licentiousness than men, it is universally conceded that they are by far the greater sufferers from these evils. Compelled by their position in society to depend on men for subsistence, for food, clothes, shelter, for every chance even to earn a dollar, they have no way of escape from the besotted victims of appetite and passion with whom their lot is cast. They must endure, if not endorse, these twin vices, embodied, as they so often are, in the person of father, brother, husband, son, employer. No one can doubt that the sufferings of the sober, virtuous woman, in legal subjection to the mastership of a drunken, immoral husband and father over herself and children, not only from physical abuse, but from spiritual shame and humiliation, must be such as the man himself can not possibly comprehend.
It is not my purpose to harrow your feelings by any attempt at depicting the horrible agonies of mind and body that grow out of these monster social evils. They are already but too well known. Scarce a family throughout our broad land but has had its peace and happiness marred by one or the other, or both. That these evils exist, we all know; that something must be done, we as well know; that the old methods have failed, that man, alone, has proved himself incompetent to eradicate, or even regulate them, is equally evident. It shall be my endeavor, therefore, to prove to you that we must now adopt new measures and bring to our aid new forces to accomplish the desired end.
Forty years' efforts by men alone to suppress the evil of intemperance give us the following appalling figures: 600,000 common drunkards! Which, reckoning our population to be 40,000,000, gives us one drunkard to every seventeen moderate drinking and total-abstinence men. Granting to each of these 600,000 drunkards a wife and four children, we have 3,000,000 of the women and children of this nation helplessly, hopelessly bound to this vast army of irresponsible victims of appetite.
[Reference was here made to woman's helplessness under the laws.]
The roots of the giant evil, intemperance, are not merely moral and social; they extend deep and wide into the financial and political structure of the government; and whenever women, or men, shall intelligently and seriously set themselves about the work of uprooting the liquor traffic, they will find something more than tears and prayers needful to the task. Financial and political power must be combined with moral and social influence, all bound together in one earnest, energetic, persistent force.
[Statistics given of pauperism, lunacy, idiocy and crime growing out of intemperance.]
The prosecutions in our courts for breach of promise, divorce, adultery, bigamy, seduction, rape; the newspaper reports every day of every year of scandals and outrages, of wife murders and paramour shootings, of abortions and infanticides, are perpetual reminders of men's incapacity to cope successfully with this monster evil of society.
The statistics of New York show the number of professional prostitutes in that city to be over twenty thousand. Add to these the thousands and tens of thousands of Boston, Philadelphia, Washington, New Orleans, St. Louis, Chicago, San Francisco, and all our cities, great and small, from ocean to ocean, and what a holocaust of the womanhood of this nation is sacrificed to the insatiate Moloch of lust. And yet more: those myriads of wretched women, publicly known as prostitutes, constitute but a small portion of the numbers who actually tread the paths of vice and crime. For, as the oft-broken ranks of the vast army of common drunkards are steadily filled by the boasted moderate drinkers, so are the ranks of professional prostitution continually replenished by discouraged, seduced, deserted unfortunates, who can no longer hide the terrible secret of their lives.
The Albany Law Journal, of December, 1876, says: "The laws of infanticide must be a dead letter in the District of Columbia. According to the reports of the local officials, the dead bodies of infants, still-born and murdered, which have been found during the past year, scattered over parks and vacant lots in the city of Washington, are to be numbered by hundreds."
In 1869 the Catholics established a Foundling Hospital in New York City. At the close of the first six months Sister Irene reported thirteen hundred little waifs laid in the basket at her door. That meant thirteen hundred of the daughters of New York, with trembling hands and breaking hearts, trying to bury their sorrow and their shame from the world's cruel gaze. That meant thirteen hundred mothers' hopes blighted and blasted. Thirteen hundred Rachels weeping for their children because they were not!
Nor is it womanhood alone that is thus fearfully sacrificed. For every betrayed woman, there is always the betrayer, man. For every abandoned woman, there is always one abandoned man and oftener many more. It is estimated that there are 50,000 professional prostitutes in London, and Dr. Ryan calculates that there are 400,000 men in that city directly or indirectly connected with them, and that this vice causes the city an annual expenditure of $40,000,000.
All attempts to describe the loathsome and contagious disease which it engenders defy human language. The Rev. Wm. G. Eliot, of St. Louis, says of it: "Few know of the terrible nature of the disease in question and its fearful ravages, not only among the guilty, but the innocent. Since its first recognized appearance in Europe in the fifteenth century, it has been a desolation and a scourge. In its worst forms it is so subtle, that its course can with difficulty be traced. It poisons the constitution, and may be imparted to others by those who have no outward or distinguishable marks of it themselves. It may be propagated months and years after it seems to have been cured. The purity of womanhood and the helplessness of infancy afford no certainty of escape."
[Medical testimony given from cities in Europe.]
Man's legislative attempts to set back this fearful tide of social corruption have proved even more futile and disastrous than have those for the suppression of intemperance—as witness the Contagious Diseases Acts of England and the St. Louis experiment. And yet efforts to establish similar laws are constantly made in our large cities, New York and Washington barely escaping last winter.
To license certain persons to keep brothels and saloons is but to throw around them and their traffic the shield of law, and thereby to blunt the edge of all moral and social efforts against them. Nevertheless, in every large city, brothels are virtually licensed. When "Maggie Smith" is made to appear before the police court at the close of each quarter, to pay her fine of $10, $25 or $100, as an inmate or a keeper of a brothel, and allowed to continue her vocation, so long as she pays her fine, that is license. When a grand jury fails to find cause for indictment against a well-known keeper of a house of ill-fame, that, too, is permission for her and all of her class to follow their trade, against the statute laws of the State, and that with impunity.
The work of woman is not to lessen the severity or the certainty of the penalty for the violation of the moral law, but to prevent this violation by the removal of the causes which lead to it. These causes are said to be wholly different with the sexes. The acknowledged incentive to this vice on the part of man is his own abnormal passion; while on the part of woman, in the great majority of cases, it is conceded to be destitution—absolute want of the necessaries of life. Lecky, the famous historian of European morals, says: "The statistics of prostitution show that a great proportion of those women who have fallen into it have been impelled by the most extreme poverty, in many instances verging on starvation." All other conscientious students of this terrible problem, on both continents, agree with Mr. Lecky. Hence, there is no escape from the conclusion that, while woman's want of bread induces her to pursue this vice, man's love of the vice itself leads him into it and holds him there. While statistics show no lessening of the passional demand on the part of man, they reveal a most frightful increase of the temptations, the necessities, on the part of woman.
In the olden times, when the daughters of the family, as well as the wife, were occupied with useful and profitable work in the household, getting the meals and washing the dishes three times in every day of every year, doing the baking, the brewing, the washing and the ironing, the whitewashing, the butter and cheese and soap making, the mending and the making of clothes for the entire family, the carding, spinning and weaving of the cloth—when everything to eat, to drink and to wear was manufactured in the home, almost no young women "went out to work." But now, when nearly all these handicrafts are turned over to men and to machinery, tens of thousands, nay, millions, of the women of both hemispheres are thrust into the world's outer market of work to earn their own subsistence. Society, ever slow to change its conditions, presents to these millions but few and meager chances. Only the barest necessaries, and oftentimes not even those, can be purchased with the proceeds of the most excessive and exhausting labor.
Hence, the reward of virtue for the homeless, friendless, penniless woman is ever a scanty larder, a pinched, patched, faded wardrobe, a dank basement or rickety garret, with the colder, shabbier scorn and neglect of the more fortunate of her sex. Nightly, as weary and worn from her day's toil she wends her way through the dark alleys toward her still darker abode, where only cold and hunger await her, she sees on every side and at every turn the gilded hand of vice and crime outstretched, beckoning her to food and clothes and shelter; hears the whisper in softest accents, "Come with me and I will give you all the comforts, pleasures and luxuries that love and wealth can bestow." Since the vast multitudes of human beings, women like men, are not born to the courage or conscience of the martyr, can we wonder that so many poor girls fall, that so many accept material ease and comfort at the expense of spiritual purity and peace? Should we not wonder, rather, that so many escape the sad fate?
Clearly, then, the first step toward solving this problem is to lift this vast army of poverty-stricken women who now crowd our cities, above the temptation, the necessity, to sell themselves, in marriage or out, for bread and shelter. To do that, girls, like boys, must be educated to some lucrative employment; women, like men, must have equal chances to earn a living. If the plea that poverty is the cause of woman's prostitution be not true, perfect equality of chances to earn honest bread will demonstrate the falsehood by removing that pretext and placing her on the same plane with man. Then, if she is found in the ranks of vice and crime, she will be there for the same reason that man is and, from an object of pity, she, like him, will become a fit subject of contempt. From being the party sinned against, she will become an equal sinner, if not the greater of the two. Women, like men, must not only have "fair play" in the world of work and self-support, but, like men, must be eligible to all the honors and emoluments of society and government. Marriage, to women as to men, must be a luxury, not a necessity; an incident of life, not all of it. And the only possible way to accomplish this great change is to accord to women equal power in the making, shaping and controlling of the circumstances of life. That equality of rights and privileges is vested in the ballot, the symbol of power in a republic. Hence, our first and most urgent demand—that women shall be protected in the exercise of their inherent, personal, citizen's right to a voice in the government, municipal, state, national.
Alexander Hamilton said one hundred years ago, "Give to a man the right over my subsistence, and he has power over my whole moral being." No one doubts the truth of this assertion as between man and man; while, as between man and woman, not only does almost no one believe it, but the masses of people deny it. And yet it is the fact of man's possession of this right over woman's subsistence which gives to him the power to dictate to her a moral code vastly higher and purer than the one he chooses for himself. Not less true is it, that the fact of woman's dependence on man for her subsistence renders her utterly powerless to exact from him the same high moral code she chooses for herself.
Of the 8,000,000 women over twenty-one years of age in the United States, 800,000, one out of every ten, are unmarried, and fully one-half of the entire number, or 4,000,000, support themselves wholly or in part by the industry of their own hands and brains. All of these, married or single, have to ask man, as an individual, a corporation, or a government, to grant to them even the privilege of hard work and small pay. The tens of thousands of poor but respectable young girls soliciting copying, clerkships, shop work, teaching, must ask of men, and not seldom receive in response, "Why work for a living? There are other ways!"
Whoever controls work and wages, controls morals. Therefore, we must have women employers, superintendents, committees, legislators; wherever girls go to seek the means of subsistence, there must be some woman. Nay, more; we must have women preachers, lawyers, doctors—that wherever women go to seek counsel—spiritual, legal, physical—there, too, they will be sure to find the best and noblest of their own sex to minister to them.
Independence is happiness. "No man should depend upon another; not even upon his own father. By depend I mean, obey without examination—to the will of any one whomsoever." This is the conclusion to which Pierre, the hero of Madame Sand's "Monsieur Sylvestre," arrives, after running away from the uncle who had determined to marry him to a woman he did not choose to wed. In freedom he discovers that, though deprived of all the luxuries to which he had been accustomed, he is happy, and writes his friend that "without having realized it, he had been unhappy all his life; had suffered from his dependent condition; that nothing in his life, his pleasures, his occupations, had been of his own choice." And is not this the precise condition of what men call the "better half" of the human family?
In one of our western cities I once met a beautiful young woman, a successful teacher in its public schools, an only daughter who had left her New England home and all its comforts and luxuries and culture. Her father was a member of Congress and could bring to her all the attractions of Washington society. That young girl said to me, "The happiest moment of my life was when I received into my hand my first month's salary for teaching." Not long after, I met her father in Washington, spoke to him of his noble daughter, and he said: "Yes, you woman's rights people have robbed me of my only child and left the home of my old age sad and desolate. Would to God that the notion of supporting herself had never entered her head!" Had that same lovely, cultured, energetic young girl left the love, the luxury, the protection of that New England home for marriage, instead of self-support; had she gone out to be the light and joy of a husband's life, instead of her own; had she but chosen another man, instead of her father, to decide for her all her pleasures and occupations; had she but taken another position of dependence, instead of one of independence, neither her father nor the world would have felt the change one to be condemned....
Fathers should be most particular about the men who visit their daughters, and, to further this reform, pure women not only must refuse to meet intimately and to marry impure men, but, finding themselves deceived in their husbands, they must refuse to continue in the marriage relation with them. We have had quite enough of the sickly sentimentalism which counts the woman a heroine and a saint for remaining the wife of a drunken, immoral husband, incurring the risk of her own health and poisoning the life-blood of the young beings that result from this unholy alliance. Such company as ye keep, such ye are! must be the maxim of married, as well as unmarried, women....
[Numerous instances cited of the unjust discrimination against women where men were equally guilty.]
So long as the wife is held innocent in continuing to live with a libertine, and every girl whom he inveigles and betrays becomes an outcast whom no other wife will tolerate in her house, there is, there can be, no hope of solving the problem of prostitution. As long experience has shown, these poor, homeless girls of the world can not be relied on, as a police force, to hold all husbands true to their marriage vows. Here and there, they will fail and, where they do, wives must make not the girls alone, but their husbands also suffer for their infidelity, as husbands never fail to do when their wives weakly or wickedly yield to the blandishments of other men.
[Examples given to prove this point.]
In a western city the wives conspired to burn down a house of ill-fame in which their husbands had placed a half-dozen of the demi-monde. Would it not have shown much more womanly wisdom and virtue for those legal wives to have refused to recognize their husbands, instead of wreaking their vengeance on the heads of those wretched women? But how could they without finding themselves, as a result, penniless and homeless? The person, the services, the children, the subsistence, of each and every one of those women belonged by law, not to herself, but to her unfaithful husband.
Now, why is it that man can hold woman to this high code of morals, like Cæsar's wife—not only pure but above suspicion—and so surely and severely punish her for every departure, while she is so helpless, so powerless to check him in his license, or to extricate herself from his presence and control? His power grows out of his right over her subsistence. Her lack of power grows out of her dependence on him for her food, her clothes, her shelter.
Marriage never will cease to be a wholly unequal partnership until the law recognizes the equal ownership in the joint earnings and possessions. The true relation of the sexes never can be attained until woman is free and equal with man. Neither in the making nor executing of the laws regulating these relations has woman ever had the slightest voice. The statutes for marriage and divorce, for adultery, breach of promise, seduction, rape, bigamy, abortion, infanticide—all were made by men. They, alone, decide who are guilty of violating these laws and what shall be their punishment, with judge, jury and advocate all men, with no woman's voice heard in our courts, save as accused or witness, and in many cases the married woman is denied the poor privilege of testifying as to her own guilt or innocence of the crime charged against her.
Since the days of Moses and the prophets, men and ministers have preached the law of "visiting the iniquity of the fathers upon the children and the children's children, to the third and fourth generations." But with absolute power over woman and all the conditions of life for the whole 6,000 years, man has proved his utter inability either to put away his own iniquities, or to cease to hand them down from generation to generation; hence, the only hope of reform is in sharing this absolute power with some other than himself, and that other must be woman. When no longer a subject, but an equal—a free and independent sovereign, believing herself created primarily for her own individual happiness and development and secondarily for man's, precisely as man believes himself created first for his own enjoyment and second for that of woman—she will constitute herself sole umpire in the sacred domain of motherhood. Then, instead of feeling it her Christian duty to live with a drunken, profligate husband, handing down to her children his depraved appetites and passions, she will know that God's curse will be upon her and her children if she flee not from him as from a pestilence.
It is worse than folly, it is madness, for women to delude themselves with the idea that their children will escape the terrible penalty of the law. The taint of their birth will surely follow them. For pure women to continue to devote themselves to their man-appointed mission of visiting the dark purlieus of society and struggling to reclaim the myriads of badly-born human beings swarming there, is as hopeless as would be an attempt to ladle the ocean with a teaspoon; as unphilosophical as was the undertaking of the old American Colonization Society, which, with great labor and pains and money, redeemed from slavery and transported to Liberia annually 400 negroes; or the Fugitive Slave Societies, which succeeded in running off to Canada, on their "under-ground railroads," some 40,000 in a whole quarter of a century. While those good men were thus toiling to rescue the 400 or the 40,000 individual victims of slavery, each day saw hundreds and each year thousands of human beings born into the terrible condition of chattelism. All see and admit now what none but the Abolitionists saw then, that the only effectual work was the entire overthrow of the system of slavery; the abrogation of the law which sanctioned the right of property in man.
In answer to my proposal to speak in one of the cities of Iowa, an earnest woman replied, "It is impossible to get you an audience; all of our best women are at present engaged in an effort to establish a 'Home for the Friendless.' All the churches are calling for the entire time of their members to get up fairs, dinners, concerts, etc., to raise money. In fact, even our woman suffragists are losing themselves in devotion to some institution."
Thus, wherever you go, you find the best women, in and out of the churches, all absorbed in establishing or maintaining benevolent or reform institutions; charitable societies, soup-houses, ragged schools, industrial schools, mite societies, mission schools—at home and abroad—homes and hospitals for the sick, the aged, the friendless, the foundling, the fallen; asylums for the orphans, the blind, the deaf and dumb, the insane, the inebriate, the idiot. The women of this century are neither idle nor indifferent. They are working with might and main to mitigate the evils which stare them in the face on every side, but much of their work is without knowledge. It is aimed at the effects, not the cause; it is plucking the spoiled fruit; it is lopping off the poisonous branches of the deadly upas tree, which but makes the root more vigorous in sending out new shoots in every direction. A right understanding of physiological law teaches us that the cause must be removed; the tree must be girdled; the tap-root must be severed.
The tap-root of our social upas lies deep down at the very foundations of society. It is woman's dependence. It is woman's subjection. Hence, the first and only efficient work must be to emancipate woman from her enslavement. The wife must no longer echo the poet Milton's ideal Eve, when she adoringly said to Adam, "God, thy law; thou, mine!" She must feel herself accountable to God alone for every act, fearing and obeying no man, save where his will is in line with her own highest idea of divine law.
The president of the Howard Mission School, New York, said, "Miss Anthony, it is a marvel to me that, with so much brain and common sense, you should always devote yourself to mere abstractions. Why is it that you never set yourself about some practical work?"
"Like the Howard Mission?" said I. "How many less children have you now than ten years ago?"
"Oh, no less, but many, many more."
"Would it not be a practical work, then, to make it possible for every mother to support her own children? That is my aim and my work; while yours is simply to pick up the poor children, leaving every girl-child to the mother's heritage of helpless poverty and vice. My aim is to change the condition of women to self-help; yours, simply to ameliorate the ills that must inevitably grow out of dependence. My work is to lessen the numbers of the poor; yours, merely to lessen the sufferings of their tenfold increase."
If the divine law visits the sins of the fathers upon the children, equally so does it transmit to them their virtues. Therefore, if it is through woman's ignorant subjection to the tyranny of man's appetites and passions that the life-current of the race is corrupted, then must it be through her intelligent emancipation that the race shall be redeemed from the curse, and her children and children's children rise up to call her blessed. When the mother of Christ shall be made the true model of womanhood and motherhood, when the office of maternity shall be held sacred and the mother shall consecrate herself, as did Mary, to the one idea of bringing forth the Christ-child, then, and not till then, will this earth see a new order of men and women, prone to good rather than evil.
I am a full and firm believer in the revelation that it is through woman that the race is to be redeemed. And it is because of this faith that I ask for her immediate and unconditional emancipation from all political, industrial, social and religious subjection.
"What is most needed to ensure the future greatness of the empire?" inquired Madame Campan of the great Napoleon. "Mothers!" was the terse and suggestive reply. Ralph Waldo Emerson says, "Men are what their mothers made them." But I say, to hold mothers responsible for the character of their sons while you deny them any control over the surroundings of their lives, is worse than mockery, it is cruelty! Responsibilities grow out of rights and powers. Therefore, before mothers can be held responsible for the vices and crimes, the wholesale demoralization of men, they must possess all possible rights and powers to control the conditions and circumstances of their own and their children's lives.
A minister of Chicago sums up the infamies of that great metropolis of the West as follows: 3,000 licensed dram-shops and myriad patrons; 300 gambling houses and countless frequenters, many of them young men from the best families of the city; 79 obscene theatres, with their thousands of degraded men and boys nightly in attendance; 500 brothels, with their thousands of poor girls, bodies and souls sacrificed to the 20,000 or 30,000 depraved men—young and old, married and single—who visit them. While all the participants in all these forms of iniquity, victims and victimizers alike—the women excepted—may go to the polls on every election day and vote for the mayor and members of the common council, who will either continue to license these places, or fail to enforce the laws which would practically close them—not a single woman in that city may record her vote against those wretched blots on civilization. The profane, tobacco-chewing, whiskey-drinking, gambling libertines may vote, but not their virtuous, intelligent, sober, law-abiding wives and mothers!
You remember the petition of 18,000 of the best women of Chicago, a year ago, asking the common council not to repeal the Sunday Liquor Law? Why were they treated with ridicule and contempt? Why was their prayer unheeded? Was it because the honorable gentlemen had no respect for those women or their demand? No; on the contrary, many of them, doubtless, were men possessed of high regard for women, who would have been glad to aid them in their noble efforts; but the power that placed those men in office, the representatives of the saloons, brothels and obscene shows, crowded the council chamber and its corridors, threatening political death to the man who should dare give his voice or his vote for the maintenance of that law. Could those 18,000 women, with the tens of thousands whom they represented, have gone to the ballot-box at the next election and voted to re-elect the men who championed their petition, and defeat those who opposed it, does any one doubt that it would have been heeded by the common council?
As the fountain can rise no higher than the spring that feeds it, so a legislative body will enact or enforce no law above the average sentiment of the people who created it. Any and every reform work is sure to lead women to the ballot-box. It is idle for them to hope to battle successfully against the monster evils of society until they shall be armed with weapons equal to those of the enemy—votes and money. Archimedes said, "Give to me a fulcrum on which to plant my lever, and I will move the world." And I say, give to woman the ballot, the political fulcrum, on which to plant her moral lever, and she will lift the world into a nobler and purer atmosphere.
Two great necessities forced this nation to extend justice and equality to the negro:
First, Military necessity, which compelled the abolition of the crime and curse of slavery, before the rebellion could be overcome.
Second, Political necessity, which required the enfranchisement of the newly-freed men, before the work of reconstruction could begin.
The third is now pressing, Moral necessity—to emancipate woman, before Social Purity, the nation's safeguard, ever can be established.
Chapter XXXV—Page [642].
OPEN LETTER TO BENJAMIN HARRISON,
Republican Nominee for President.
Indianapolis, Ind., June 30, 1888.
Dear Sir: We, representatives of the National Woman Suffrage Association, respectfully ask you to consider the following facts:
The first plank in the platform adopted by the Republican convention recently held in Chicago, entitled "The Purity of the Ballot," reaffirms the unswerving devotion of the Republican party to the personal rights and liberties of citizens in all the States and Territories of the Union, and especially to "the supreme and sovereign right of every lawful citizen, rich or poor, native or foreign, white or black, to cast one free ballot in public elections and to have that ballot duly counted." And again the platform says: "We hold the free and honest popular ballot, and the just and equal representation of all the people, to be the foundation of our republican government."
These declarations place the Republican party in its original attitude as the defender of the personal freedom and political liberties of all citizens of the United States. These sentiments, even the phraseology in which they are here expressed, may be found in every series of resolutions adopted by the National Woman Suffrage Association since its organization.
The advocates of woman suffrage would have been glad to see the phrase "male or female" inserted after the phrase "white or black" in the resolution above quoted, because this would be a fitting conclusion to the enumeration by antithesis of the classes into which citizens are divided. However, no enumeration of classes was necessary to explain or to enforce the declaration of the party's devotion to "the supreme and sovereign right of every lawful citizen to cast one free ballot in public elections and to have that ballot duly counted." It is the unimpeded exercise of this "supreme and sovereign right of every lawful citizen" which the women we represent demand.
That women are "lawful citizens" is undeniable, since the law recognizes them as such through the visits of the assessor and tax-gatherer; since it recognizes them as such in the police stations, the jails, the courts and the prisons. Only at the ballot-box is the lawful citizenship of women challenged! Only at the ballot-box, which is declared to be the sole safe-guard of the citizen's liberty—only there is the liberty of the female citizen denied.
But reverting to the first resolution in the Republican platform, so satisfactory in its sentiments, we beg to suggest that its value will depend solely upon its interpretation, and that its authoritative interpretation must be given by the leaders of the Republican party. Therefore to you, the chosen head of that party, we address ourselves, asking that your letter of acceptance of the nomination to the presidency of the United States be so framed as to indicate clearly your recognition of the fact that the Republican party has pledged itself to protect every citizen in the free exercise of "the supreme and sovereign right" to vote at public elections.
It appears to us that the application of Republican principles which we seek must be in harmony with your own inherited tendencies. One familiar with the history of the English-speaking people, during the last two and a half centuries, with their struggles for conscience, and freedom's sake, must deem it a matter of course that by this time the sense of individual responsibility has become strong even in the hearts of women; and the descendant of one who in the name of individual liberty stood with Cromwell against the "divine right of kings" and the tyranny consequent upon that obnoxious doctrine, can not be surprised to find himself appealed to by his country-women, in that same sacred name, to stand with the most enlightened portion of his party—with such men as Morton, Sumner and Lincoln—against the divine right of sex and the political tyranny involved in this doctrine, which in a republic presents such an anomaly.
Hoping that the question suggested by this appeal will command from you the attention which its importance merits, we subscribe ourselves,
Yours with high esteem,
Susan B. Anthony,
Vice-President-at-Large N. W. S. A.
May Wright Sewall,
Chairman Executive Committee N. W. S. A.
Chapter XLIII—Page [785].
DEMAND FOR PARTY RECOGNITION.
Delivered in Kansas City at the opening of the campaign, May 4, 1894.
I come to you tonight not as a stranger, not as an outsider but, in spirit and in every sense, as one of you. I have been connected with you by the ties of relationship for nearly forty years. Twenty-seven years ago I canvassed this entire State of Kansas in your first woman suffrage campaign. During the last decade I have made a speaking tour of your congressional districts over and over again. Now I come once more to appeal to you for justice to the women of your State.
To preface, I want to say that when the rebellion broke out in this country, we of the woman suffrage movement postponed our meetings, and organized ourselves into a great National Women's Loyal League with headquarters in the city of New York. We sent out thousands of petitions praying Congress to abolish slavery, as a war measure, and to these petitions we obtained 365,000 signatures. They were presented by Charles Sumner, that noblest Republican of them all, and it took two stalwart negroes to carry them into the Senate chamber. We did our work faithfully all those years. Other women scraped lint, made jellies, ministered to sick and suffering soldiers and in every way worked for the help of the government in putting down that rebellion. No man, no Republican leader, worked more faithfully or loyally than did the women of this nation in every city and county of the North to aid the government.
In 1865 I made my first visit to Kansas and, on the 2d of July, went by stage from Leavenworth to Topeka. O, how I remember those first acres and miles of cornfields I ever had seen; how I remember that ride to Topeka and from there in an open mail wagon to Ottumwa, where I was one of the speakers at the Fourth of July celebration. Those were the days, as you recollect, just after the murder of Lincoln and the accession to the presidential chair of Andrew Johnson, who had issued his proclamation for the reconstruction of Mississippi. So the question of the negro's enfranchisement was uppermost in the minds of leading Republicans, though no one save Charles Sumner had dared to speak it aloud. In that speech, I clearly stated that the government never would be reconstructed, that peace never would reign and justice never be uppermost until not only the black men were enfranchised but also the women of the entire nation. The men congratulated me upon my speech, the first part of it, every word I said about negro suffrage, but declared that I should not have mentioned woman suffrage at so critical an hour.
A little later the Associated Press dispatch came that motions had been made on the floor of the House of Representatives at Washington to insert the word "male" in the second clause of the Fourteenth Amendment. You remember the first clause, "All persons born or naturalized in the United States, and subject to the jurisdiction thereof, are citizens of the United States and of the State wherein they reside. No State shall make or enforce any law which shall abridge the privileges and immunities of citizens." That was magnificent. Every woman of us saw that it included the women of the nation as well as black men. The second section, as Thaddeus Stevens drew it, said, "If any State shall disfranchise any of its citizens on account of color, all that class shall be counted out of the basis of representation;" but at once the enemy asked, "Do you mean that if any State shall disfranchise its negro women, you are going to count all of the black race out of the basis of representation?" And weak-kneed Republicans, after having fought such a glorious battle, surrendered; they could not stand the taunt. Charles Sumner said he wrote over nineteen pages of foolscap in order to keep the word "male" out of the Constitution; but he could not do it so he with the rest subscribed to the amendment: "If any State shall disfranchise any of its MALE citizens all of that class shall be counted out of the basis of representation."
There was the first great surrender and, in all those years of reconstruction, Elizabeth Cady Stanton, the great leader of our woman suffrage movement, declared that because the Republicans were willing to sacrifice the enfranchisement of the women of the nation they would lose eventually the power to protect the black man in his right to vote. But the leaders of the Republican party shouted back to us, "Keep silence, this is the negro's hour." Even our glorious Wendell Phillips, who said, "To talk to a black man of freedom without the ballot is mockery," joined in the cry, "This is the negro's hour;" but we never yielded the point that, "To talk to women of freedom without the ballot is mockery also." But timidity, cowardice and want of principle carried forward the reconstruction of the government with the women left out.
Then came in 1867 the submission by your Kansas legislature of three amendments to your constitution: That all men who had served in the rebel army should be disfranchised; that all black men should be enfranchised; and that all women should be enfranchised. The Democrats held their State convention and resolved they would have nothing to do with that "modern fanaticism of woman's rights." The Germans held a meeting in Lawrence, and denounced this "new-fangled idea." The Republicans held their State convention and resolved to be "neutral." And they were neutral precisely as England was neutral in the rebellion. While England declared neutrality, she allowed the Shenandoah, the Alabama and other pirate ships to be fitted up in her ports to maraud the seas and capture American vessels. The fact was not a single stump speaker appointed by the Republican committee advocated the woman suffrage amendment and, more than this, all spoke against it.
Then, of course, we had to make a woman suffrage campaign through the months of September and October. We did our best. Everywhere we had splendid audiences and I think we had a larger ratio of men in those olden times than we have nowadays. Election day came, that 5th day of November, 1867, when 9,070 men voted yes, and over 18,000 voted no. On the negro suffrage amendment, 10,500 voted yes and the remainder voted no. Both amendments were lost. All the political power of the national and State Republican party was brought to bear to induce every man to vote for negro suffrage; on the other hand, all the enginery and power of the Republican, as well as of the Democratic party, were against us; and many were so ignorant they absolutely believed that to vote for woman suffrage was to vote against the negro. It was exactly like declaring here tonight that if every woman in this house should fill her lungs with oxygen, she would rob all you men of enough to fill yours. Nobody is robbed by letting everybody have equal rights.
Since 1867 seven other States have submitted the question. Let me run them over.
[Miss Anthony then gave a graphic description of the campaigns in Michigan, 1874; Colorado, 1877; Nebraska, 1882; Oregon, 1884; Rhode Island, 1886; Washington, 1889; South Dakota, 1890; all of which failed for lack of support from the political platforms, editors and speakers.]
But at last in Colorado, in the second campaign, we won by the popular vote, gained through party endorsement, the enfranchisement of women. During the summer of 1893 nearly every Republican and Populist and not a few Democratic county conventions put approving planks in their platforms. When the fall campaign opened every stump orator was authorized to speak favorably upon the subject; no man could oppose it unless he ran counter to the principles laid down in his party platform. That made it a truly educational campaign to all the voters of the State. A word to the wise is sufficient. Let every man who wants the suffrage amendment carried, demand a full and hearty endorsement of the measure by his political party, be it Democrat, Republican, Populist or Prohibition, so that Kansas shall win as did her neighbor State, Colorado.
The Republicans of Kansas made the Prohibition amendment a party measure in 1880. After they secured the law they had planks in their platform for its enforcement from year to year, until they were tired of fighting the liquor dealers, backed by the Democrats in the State and on the borders. They wearied of being taunted with the fact that they had not the power to enforce the law. Then in 1887 they gave municipal suffrage to women as a sheer party necessity. Just as much as it was a necessity of the Republicans in reconstruction days to enfranchise the negroes, so was it a political necessity in the State of Kansas to enfranchise the women, because they needed a new balance of power to help them elect and re-elect officers who would enforce the law. Where else could they go to get that balance? Every man in the State, native and foreign, drunk and sober, outside of the penitentiary, the idiot and lunatic asylums, already had the right to vote. They had nobody left but the women. As a last resort the Republicans, by a straight party vote, extended municipal suffrage to women.
This political power was put into the hands of the women of this State by the old Republican party with its magnificent majorities—82,000, you remember, the last time you bragged. It was before you had the quarrel and division in the family; it was by that grand old party, solid as it was in those bygone days!
Last year, and two years ago, after the People's party was organized, when their State convention was held, and also when the Republican convention was held, each put a plank in its platform declaring that the time had come for the submission of a proposition for full suffrage to women. What then could the women infer but that such action meant political help in carrying this amendment? If I had not believed this I never would have come to the State and given my voice in twenty-five or thirty political meetings, reminding the Republicans what a grand and glorious record they had made, not only in the enfranchisement of the black men but in furnishing all the votes on the floor of Congress ever given for women's enfranchisement there, and in extending municipal suffrage to the women of Kansas. I have vowed, from the time I began to see that woman suffrage could be carried only through party help, that I never would lend my influence to either of the two dominant parties that did not have a woman suffrage plank in its platform.
I consider, by every pledge of the past, by the passage of the resolution through the legislature when the representatives of the two parties, the People's and Republican, vied with each other to see who would give the largest majority, that both promised to make this a party measure and I speak tonight to the two parties as the old Republican party. You are not the same men altogether, but you are the descendants, the children, of that party; and I am here tonight, and have come all the way from my home, to beg you to stand by the principles which have made you great and strong, and to finish the work you have so nobly begun.
The Republicans are to have their State convention the 6th of June. I shall be ashamed if the telegraph wires flash the word over the country, "No pledge for the amendment," as was flashed from the Republican League the other day. Should this happen, as I have heard intimated, and there is a woman in the State of Kansas who has any affiliation with the Republican party, any sympathy with it, who will float its banner after it shall have thus failed to redeem its pledge, I will disown her; she is not one of my sort.
The Populist convention is to be held the 12th of June. If it should shirk its responsibility, and not put a strong suffrage plank in its platform, pledging itself to use all its educational powers and all its party machinery to carry the amendment, then I shall have no respect for any woman who will speak or work for its success.
The Democrats have declared their purpose. They are going to fight us. What does the good Book say? "He that is not for me is against me." We know where the Democratic party is, it is against us. If the Republican and People's parties say nothing for us, they say and do everything against us. No plank will be equivalent to saying to every woman suffrage Republican and Populist speaker, "You must not advocate this amendment, for to do so will lose us the whisky vote, it will lose us the foreign vote." Hence, no plank means no word for us, and no word for us means no vote for us. But while no word can be spoken in favor, every campaign orator, as in 1867, is free to speak in opposition.
Men of the Republican party, it comes your time first to choose whom you will have for your future constituents, to make up the bone and sinew of your party; whether you will have the most ignorant foreigners, just landed on our shores, who have not learned a single principle of free government—or the women of your own households; whether you will lose to-day a few votes of the high license or the low license Republicans, foreign or native, black or white, as the case may be, and gain to yourselves hereafter the votes of the women of the State. These are the alternatives. It has been stated that you can not have a suffrage plank in the Republican platform in Saline county because it would lose the votes of the Scandinavians. Will those 1,000 Scandinavian men be of more value to the Republicans than will be the votes of their own wives, mothers, daughters and sisters in all the years to come?
The crucial moment is upon you now, and I say unto you, men of both parties, you will have driven the last nail in the coffin of this amendment and banished all hope of carrying it at the ballot-box if you do not incorporate woman suffrage in your platforms. I know what the party managers will say, I have talked with and heard from many of them. I read Mr. Morrill's statement that "this question should go to the ballot-box on its merits and should not be spoken of in the political meetings or made a party measure."
The masses are rooted and grounded in the old beliefs in the inferiority and subjection of women, and consider them born merely to help man carry out his plans and not to have any of their own. Now, friends, because this is true, because no man believes in political equality for woman, except he is educated out of every bigotry, every prejudice and every usage that he was born into, in the family, in the church and in the state, so there can be no hope of the rank and file of men voting for this amendment, until they are taught the principles of justice and right; and there is no possibility that these men can be reached, can be educated, through any other instrumentality than that of the campaign meetings and campaign papers of the political parties. Therefore, when you say this is not to be a political question, not to be in your platform, not to be discussed in your meetings, not to be advocated in your papers, you make it impossible for its merits to be brought before the voters.
Who are the men that come to our women's meetings? We have just finished the tour of the sixty counties in the State of New York. We had magnificent gatherings, composed of people from the farthest townships in the county, and in many of them from every township, with the largest opera houses packed, hundreds going away who could not get in. Our audiences have been five-sixths women, and the one man out of the six, who was he? A man who already believed there was but one means of salvation for the race or the country, and that was through the political equality of women, making them the peers of men in every department of life. How are we going to reach the other five-sixths of the men who never come to women's meetings? There is no way except through the political rallies which are attended by all men. Now if you shut out of these the discussion of this question, then I say the fate of this amendment is sealed.
Even if it were possible to reach the men through separate meetings, the women of Kansas can not carry on a fall campaign. They can not get the money to do it unless you men furnish it. Our eastern friends have already contributed to the extent of their ability to hold these spring meetings, and you very well know that after the husbands shall have paid their party assessments there will be nothing left for them to "give to their wives" to defray the expenses of a woman suffrage campaign. Therefore, no discussion in the regular political meetings means no discussion anywhere. But suppose there were plenty of money, and there could be a most thorough fall campaign, what then? Why, the same old story of "women talking to women," not one of whom can vote on the question.
Again, with what decency can either of the parties ask women to come to their political meetings to expound Populist or Republican doctrines after they have set their heels on the amendment? Do you not see that if it will lose votes to the parties to have the plank, it will lose votes to allow women to advocate the amendment on their platforms? And what a spectacle it would be to see women pleading with men to vote for the one or the other party, while their tongues were tied on the question of their own right to vote! Heaven and the Republican and Populist State Conventions spare us such a dire humiliation!
But should the Republicans refuse to insert the plank on June 6 and the Populists put a good solid one in their platform on June 12, what then? Do you suppose all the women in the State would shout for the Republicans and against the Populists? Would they pack the Republican meetings, where no word could be spoken for their liberty, and leave the benches empty in the Populist meetings where at every one hearty appeals were made to vote for woman's enfranchisement? My dear friends, woman surely will be able to see that her highest interest, her liberty, her right to a voice in government, is the great issue of this campaign, and overtops, outweighs, all material questions which are now pending between the parties.
I know you think your Kansas men are going to vote on this amendment independently of party endorsement. You are no more sanguine today than were the men and women, myself included, in 1867, that those Free State men, who had given up every comfort which human beings prize for the sake of liberty, who had fought not only through the border ruffian warfare but through the four years of the rebellion, would vote freedom to the heroic women of Kansas. Where would you ever expect to find a majority more ready to grant to women equal rights than among those old Free State men? You have not as glorious a generation of men in Kansas today as you had in 1867. I do not wish to speak disparagingly, but in the nature of things there can not be another race of men as brave as those. If you had told me then that a majority of those men would have gone to the ballot-box and voted against equal rights for women, I should have defended them with all my power; but they did it, two to one.
Do you mean to repeat the experiment of 1867? If so, do not put a plank in your platform; just have a "still hunt." Think of a "still hunt" when it must be necessarily a work of education! My friends, I know enough of this State, to feel that it is worth saving. I have given more time and money and effort to Kansas than to any other State in the Union, because I wanted it to be the first to make its women free. Women of Kansas, all is lost if you sit down and supinely listen to politicians and candidates. Both reckon what they will lose or what they will gain. They study expediency rather than principle. I appeal to you, men and women, make the demand imperative: "The amendment must be endorsed by the parties and advocated on the platform and in the press." Let me propose a resolution:
Whereas, From the standpoint of justice, political expediency and grateful appreciation of their wise and practical use of school suffrage from the organization of the State, and of municipal suffrage for the past eight years, we, Republicans and Populists, descendants of that grand old party of splendid majorities which extended these rights to the women of Kansas, in mass meeting assembled do hereby
Resolve, That we urgently request our delegates in their approaching State conventions to endorse the woman suffrage amendment in their respective platforms.
[The resolution was adopted by a unanimous vote.]
That vote fills my soul with joy and hope. Now I want to say to you, my good friends, I never would have made a 1,500 mile journey hither to appeal to the thinking, justice-loving men of Kansas. They already are converted, but they are a minority. We have to consider those whose votes can be obtained only by that party influence and machinery which politicians alone know how to use. This hearty response is a pledge that you will demand of your State conventions that the full power of this political machinery shall be used to carry the woman suffrage amendment to victory.
INDEX.[137]
- Aaron, Rabbi, addresses suff. con., [762].
- Abbe, Mrs. Robt., petit. for wom. suff., [764].
- Abbott, Rev. Lyman, opp. wom. suff., [766].
- Abbott, Mrs. Lyman, remonstrant agnst. wom. suff., [766].
- Adams, Abigail, demands ballot, [475].
- Albro, Attilia, [71].
- Alcott, A. Bronson, approves wom. suff., [251];
- Alcott, Louisa May, [645].
- Aldridge, Geo. W., orders A.'s face carved in Capitol at Albany, [949].
- Alford, Mr., signs minority res. for wom. suff., [873].
- Allen, Mr. and Mrs., [404].
- Allen, Ethan, [4].
- Allen, John B., Sen., introd. suff. res., [718].
- Almy, Martha R., work for wom. suff. amend., [760].
- Ames, Blanche Butler, [381].
- Ames, Rev. Charles G., [394];
- Ames, Mrs. Chas. G., [394].
- Ames, Oakes, endorses suffrage, [284].
- Ames, Sarah Fisher, [342].
- Anderson, Mary, [733].
- Anderson, President M. B., tribute to A., [471]; [558].
- Anderson, Naomi, spks. for wom. suff., [875].
- Andrews, Stephen Pearl, res. at con., [384].
- Angle, James L., favors legal rights for women, [110].
- Anneke, Mme. Mathilde, first appearance in suff. work, [103]; [327]; [446].
- Anthony, Albert, [940].
- Anthony, Ancestors, William, Derrick, Francis, John, John, Jr., Abraham, William, William, Jr., David, [3].
- Anthony, Anna O., [552].
- Anthony, Charles, [71].
- Anthony, D., father of Susan B., born, [4];
- sent to "Nine Partners'" school, testimonials, [8];
- teaches home school, [9];
- falls in love, [10];
- marries, Quakers forgive, wedding trip, builds home and cotton factory, [11];
- removes to Battenville, N. Y., [17];
- refuses to sell liquor or allow employes to use it, [18];
- looks after welfare of employes, [19];
- criticised by Quakers for dress, [20];
- liberal family discipline, [21];
- objects to music, [23];
- wealth, [24];
- advises daughters to teach, [24];
- postmaster, [25];
- letters on financ. panic, VanBuren, Wash., New York, agony over business failure, [33];
- removes to Hardscrabble (Center Falls), strug. for existence, [35];
- allows dancing school to meet in his house, [36];
- turned out of Quaker Soc., grows more liberal, refuses to pay taxes, supports the Union, [37];
- cuts timber in mountains, wife stays with him, goes to Virginia, Mich., N. Y., looking for new location, buys farm near Roch., [45];
- arrives in Roch., takes family out to farm, house put in order, [47];
- neighbors, abolition meet., Sunday morning work, farm work, goes into N. Y. Life Ins. Co., [48];
- did not vote till 1860, [61];
- signs call for wom. temp. con., [67];
- on woman's need of ballot, [85];
- advises A. to preserve press notices, [125];
- sustains A. in defending wronged mother, [204];
- death, love of family, character, [223];
- belonged to Henry Clay sch. of protect., [793];
- site of old mill, [947].
- Anthony, D. R., born, [12];
- clerking at Lenox, [46];
- makes first speech, [121];
- letters from Kan. in 1857, [157];
- elect. mayor Leav., [231];
- marriage, [235];
- on plat, at G. F. Train's sp. in Leav., [287];
- praises Train, [290];
- offers to assist Revolution, but urges A. to provide for own future, [355];
- shot, [470];
- strug. for life, [471];
- gives A. R. R. passes, [492];
- schoolmate Pres. Arthur, [538];
- farewell tele. to A. on depart. for Europe, [548];
- loses children, nominated for mayor, [649];
- defeat, [650]; [672];
- present to A., [707]; [711];
- demands wom. suff. pl. in Kan. Rep. plat., [786];
- furnishes passes to A. 30 yrs., [796];
- at Berk. Hist, meet., grandmother stopped cotton looms by rinsing mop, [944];
- Anthony reunion, [946];
- to A. on 50th birthday, [974].
- Anthony, Mrs. D. R., [649]; [711].
- Anthony, D. R., Jr., describes A. in Ann Arbor, [658];
- A. sends tele. on wed. day, [923].
- Anthony, Eliza Tefft, [12]; [23].
- Anthony, Guelma (see McLean).
- Anthony, Hannah, 1st (see Hoxie).
- Anthony, Hannah, 2d (see Mosher).
- Anthony, Hannah Lapham, [4];
- Anthony, Senator Henry B., reports in favor wom. suff., [543];
- Anthony, Humphrey, business ambition, [4];
- Anthony, J. Merritt, born, [12];
- Anthony, Judith Hicks, [3].
- Anthony, Lottie B., registers and votes, [424].
- Anthony, Lucy E., childhood, [214];
- Anthony, Lucy Read, mother of Susan B., born, [4];
- early training, [6];
- playmate and pupil of Daniel Anthony, [9];
- hesitates to marry Quaker, fond of music, learns to love Friends' religion, [10];
- birth of children, life's realities, modesty, [12];
- entertains Quaker preachers, boards employes, [19];
- shut out of Quaker business meet., [20];
- cares for father and mother, [23];
- grief at losing child, parents and home, [35];
- sorrow over sale of farm home, [231];
- lends A. money for Rev., [355];
- death, [512];
- characteristics, [513];
- old spin. wheel and wed. furniture, [934];
- site of childhood home, [948].
- Anthony, Mary Luther, [122].
- Anthony, Mary S., born, [12];
- attends first W. R. Con., [59];
- let. on raspberry experiment, [159];
- stands for wom. rights in schools, [191], [192];
- lends A. money for Revolution, [355];
- helps on paper, urges A. to abandon it, [356];
- upholds A. in defending Laura D. Fair, [392];
- registers and votes, [424];
- tends mother, [459];
- educates nieces, [513];
- devotion to mother and sister, [517];
- sees A. start for Europe, [550];
- let. from A. [562];
- only one left, [623]; [672];
- stays with Mrs. Avery, [678];
- realized A.'s age, [696];
- prep. home for self and A., [706];
- Roch. Pol. Eq. Club present desk, [707];
- com. of ways and means in new home, [711];
- work for wom. suff. amend. in N. Y. campn., declines salary, [760];
- canvasses, Roch., entertains speak., [761]; [812];
- urges A. to stand by her post, [855];
- opposes res. agnst. Wom. Bible, [854]; [896];
- goes to Des Moines con. [901];
- 70th birthday, [914];
- acct. Roch. Herald, suff. pioneer, teacher, pres. Pol. Equal. Club, helper to sister, Chron. description recep., [915];
- presents, trib. Rev. W. C. Gannett, [916];
- financial respons. of household, [933]; [934]; [935];
- Anthony reunion, [946];
- let. to A. on 50th birthday, [976].
- Anthony, Maude, [552];
- trip with A., [653].
- Anthony, Sarah (see Burtis).
- Anthony, Major Scott, [247].
- Anthony, Susan B., born, [12];
- precocity, [13];
- childish recollections, [14];
- works two weeks in father's factory, [20];
- attacked by dog, [21];
- early schooling, fine needlework, [22];
- teaches home school, [23];
- teaches at Easton and Reid's Corners, goes to boarding-school, [24];
- stilted literary style, [25];
- boarding-school lets., [25], [26], [27];
- extracts from diary, [27], [28], [29], [30], [31];
- leaves school, teaches in Union Village, sorrow at leaving home, [34];
- last schooldays, [35];
- housework, criticises worldly dress, [36];
- trip by boat, [37];
- shocked at slavery discussion, enjoys debate on religion, beaux, dreams of marriage, objects to poem on love, dislikes bachelors, [38];
- girls marry lunatics, teaches in boarding-school at New Rochelle, tells of severe medical methods, defends colored people, objects to their treatment by Friends, [39];
- likes women preachers, criticises uncle for drinking, describes medical practice, [40];
- criticises reception to Pres. Van Buren and scores him, [41];
- silkworm culture, remembrances to family, [42];
- school closes, small wages, school "bully," excursions of olden times, first proposal, studies algebra, can make biscuits also, [43];
- teaches in Cambridge and Ft. Edward, let. to mother, Whig con., first knowledge of Unitarianism, [44];
- lends wages to father, sees injustice to wom. teachers, [45];
- second proposal of marriage, removes to Rochester, [46];
- teaches at Canajoharie, [49];
- love of dress, beaux, first quarterly examination, costume, great success, [50];
- visits sisters at Easton, fashionable career, another "exhibition," first circus, last dance, liquor controls election, tired of teaching, [51];
- fine clothes, Margaret's headache, illness, death, A.'s discouragement, longs to go to California, [52];
- sec. Daughters of Temp., opposed by women, describes temp. supper, first public address, [53];
- returns home, revels in peaches, takes charge of farm, supply teacher, leaves schoolroom forever, [55];
- reasons for adopting public life, [57];
- friendship of May and Channing, [58];
- calls on F. Douglass, [59];
- not quite in favor of wom. suff., [61];
- manages temp. festival, offers toasts, [62];
- meets S. S. and A. K. Foster, [63];
- first meets H. Greeley, G. Thompson, Mrs. Stn., L. Stone, Mrs. Bloomer, [64];
- snubbed at men's temp. meet. at Albany, arranges one for women, [65];
- calls first Woman's State Temp. Con., [66];
- opens con. in Rochester, elected sec., [67];
- appointed State temp, agent, [68];
- delegate to Syracuse Temp. Con., [69];
- tries to speak but silenced, sees work for women, [70];
- appeals to mothers and declares for wom. suff., [71];
- resolves to attend State Teachers' Con., objects to decollete dress, sec. Syracuse W. R. Con., [72];
- urges women to speak louder, [75];
- shows up young ministers, [76];
- fine voice, [77];
- convinced of great need of wom. suff., losing interest in temp. work, arranges hearing before N. Y. legis., [81];
- presides over temp. meet. in Albany, 82:
- resolves to make woman's name on petition equal to man's, speaks in New York and Brooklyn on temp, and makes tour of State, attack of Utica Telegraph, [83];
- delegate to Brick Church temp. meet., [87];
- refused place on business com., [88];
- presides at W. R. meet. in Broadway Tabernacle, [89];
- attack of N. Y. Commercial-Advertiser, [90];
- approves men as members of temp. soc., learns mistake, refuses to serve as sec., leaves soc., [95];
- never again member of temp. soc., works up Whole World's Temp. Con., urges L. Stone to assist, [96];
- demands woman's right to speak at teachers' cons., grief at indifference of wom. teachers, [98];
- first speech at teachers' con., insulted by women, [99];
- women find their voices, proposes to invite Hugo and H. Martineau to temp. con., [100];
- vows women shall have right to speak in public, shows difference between men's and women's wages, [102];
- at Cleveland W. R. Con., temp, addresses in southern N. Y., [103];
- women's need of pecuniary independence, [104];
- arranges State Suff. Con. at Albany, [105];
- development, consecration of life to freedom of women, [107];
- carrying petitions, snubbed by women, insulted by minister, prints and circulates Mrs. Stn.'s address before legis., [108];
- ad. legis. com. at Albany on legal, civil and polit. rights of women, [109];
- named "Napoleon" by Channing, appointed gen. agent for N. Y., no funds provided, [110];
- canvasses State for W. R., uses own money, great moral and physical courage, [111];
- adopts Bloomer costume, [113];
- martyrdom, of wearing it, doubts as to good results, [116];
- states objections to Bloomers or any conspicuous dress, [117];
- spks. in Washington for first time, goes to Alexandria and Baltimore, criticises shiftless management and effect of slavery on labor, [118];
- debates existence after death, treatment by ministers, [119];
- teachers con. at Oswego, demands women shall hold office in assn. and position of principal, compli. by papers, all speakers disappoint her at Saratoga con., no faith in own powers, [120];
- purse stolen, attends anti-Neb. con. at Saratoga, Methodist trustees at Canajoharie refuse church, [121];
- guest with Garrison at Lucretia Mott's, Greeley refuses to take money, Phillips lends $50, she starts out alone to canvass N. Y., [122];
- at Mayville, Sherman, [123];
- posters amuse people, smart editors refer to Mark Antony, Rondout Courier compliments, [124];
- begins scrap-books by father's advice, at Olean, Angelica, Corning, Elmira, T. K. Beecher's theology, presents petitions to N. Y. legis., [125];
- proposal of marriage, Schroon Lake country, tries "water cure" for injured foot, [126];
- results at Riverhead, [127];
- women afraid to come to lecture, ends campn. and returns Phillips' money but he refuses it, husbands eat warm meals, wives cold ones, regrets marriages of L. Stone and A. Brown, [128];
- thinks women soon will have their rights, grandfather sits on her platform at Adams, she throws away medicine, [129];
- arranges con. at Saratoga, appointed at Utica State Teachers' Con. to read paper on co-education, [130];
- goes to Worcester Hydropathic Institute, let. describing Mass. W. R. Con., social courtesies, distinguished people met, [131];
- visits baby show, thinks Apocrypha inspired, [132];
- hears Hale, Wilson, Sumner, Burlingame, longs to join Garrisonians, urges young brother be given his own money, [133];
- woman must stand or fall by own strength, sends sister Mary to Cincinnati W. R. Con. in her place, describes new bonnet, future wives will have time for culture, treatment at water cure, [134];
- reads and enjoys herself, [135];
- takes out life insurance, [136];
- invited by Am. A. S. Soc. to act as agent, [137];
- second canvass of N. Y., lets. describing hardships, snowdrifts, hard life of wives, [138];
- they do work, husbands rec. money, asks release from A. S. Com., [139];
- begs Mrs. Wright to speak, finishes meetings alone, labors for wage-earning women, entertains Garrison, presents petit. to N. Y. legis., [140];
- shows wife she fails to appreciate husband, [141];
- trying to prepare paper on co-education, [142];
- holds meet. alone at Saratoga, [143];
- let. to brother on raid at Osawatomie, [144];
- renews engagement with A. S. Com., given control of N. Y., [148];
- begins Garrisonian meet., [149];
- disheartening experiences as manager, [150];
- economies in dress, sympathetic lets., no faith in own power as speaker, [151];
- describes Remond's speech, [152];
- abandons written addresses, notes of speeches, [153];
- spks. in Me., newspaper comment, [154];
- res. in favor of colored pupils and of co-education, State Teachers Con. in Binghamton, [155];
- defended by Republican, [156];
- resumes A. S. meet., [157];
- on soul-communing, longing for sympathy, [158];
- raspberry experiment, [159];
- out-door life for women, "good old days," [160];
- "health food cranks," glad to reach home, [161];
- on com. to arrange A. S. Annivers. and W. R. Con., no one else for common work, on large families, [162];
- unterrified by mob, rebukes teachers at Lockport con., [163];
- demands equal pay for women, not frightened by fogies, [164];
- calls meet. to oppose capital punishment, hissed by mob, trustee of Jackson fund, [165];
- desire for Free church, [167];
- persists in lecture courses for Rochester, shrinks from active work, feels spiritual loneliness, [168];
- exhorts women to be discontented, no freedom without pecuniary independence, outrage of denying to woman right of self-govt., married woman sinks individuality, [169];
- true woman will have purpose, married women can not be relied on for public work, [170];
- distrusts own power to resist marriage, though it blots out freedom, would use Hovey fund for wom. suff. propaganda, [171];
- spicy extracts from diary, criticises Curtis' lecture, [172];
- at Albany working for Personal Liberty Bill, member of lobby, arranges lect. for Cheever, finishes lect. on True Woman, love of gardening, [173];
- presides over suff. con. in Mozart Hall, [174];
- prepares Memorial to legis., goes to picnic, escort lacks moral spine, opens canvass at Niagara Falls, [175];
- speaks at N. Y. watering places, lectures teachers en route to Poughkeepsie, waiter at hotel refuses to take order, [176];
- rebukes young Quaker preacher, drains millpond too low, need of souls baptized into work, women keep her in suspense, [177];
- disapproves women's neglecting households, makes canvass alone, carefully kept expenses, assists Mrs. Nichols and Mrs. Wattles to plan Kan. campn., [178];
- too busy to see humorous features, ignores complaints, incident at Gerrit Smith's when Mrs. Blackwell preached, [179];
- we dwell in solitude, arranges John Brown meet., [180];
- no one to assist, [181];
- urged to resume A. S. work, [182];
- speaks to southerners at Ft. Wm. Henry, meets Judge Ormond of Ala., sends memorial to him and urges his daughters to take up serious work in life, his two replies, [183];
- right of suff. underlying principle, [185];
- urges Mrs. Stn. to address legis. at Albany, [186];
- distaste for writing, power as critic, joint work with Mrs. Stn., caring for children, [187];
- speeches in appendix her own work, [188];
- gives radical bill to legis. com., [189];
- carrying petit. in face of insult and ridicule, debt owed by women, arranges course of lectures for Rochester, [190];
- rec. vote of thanks at W. R. Con. in Cooper Instit., "better have been at home," [193];
- marriage one sided contract, favors divorce res., [194];
- regrets Phillips' action, rec. lets. of approval, no desire to dictate platform, [195];
- writes Phillips for money, he praises her, tilt with Rev. Mayo, [196];
- fights Mrs. Stn.'s battles, on the skirmish line, looks after "externals," domestic work, [197];
- extracts from journal, demands equal pay for women at State Teacher's Con., Syracuse, writes from birthplace of women's hard work there, [198];
- climbs "Greylock," describes visit to old home, receives invitation to give agricultural ad. at Dundee Fair, [199];
- describes fair, speech contains modern ideas on farming, takes up cause of wronged mother, [200];
- goes with mother and child to New York, refused admission to hotels, rejected by landlady at boarding-house, [201];
- declines to leave hotel, places charges with Mrs. Gibbons, welcomed home by Lydia Mott, persecuted by family of mother, [202];
- defies brothers, [203];
- refuses to yield to Garrison's and Phillips' requests, sustained by her father, [204];
- arranges Garrisonian meet., mobbed at Buffalo, [208];
- hissed at Rochester, will not give up meet., [209];
- encounter with mayor of Utica, mob at Rome, [210];
- declines to abandon meet. at Syracuse, mobbed and burned in effigy, goes to Albany, [211];
- agrees to adjourn meet. there, [212];
- begged to give up W. R. Annivers. because of war, refuses, rearing children a profession, offers to care for Mrs. Stn.'s, [213];
- attitude of Abolits. towards War, [214];
- takes charge of farm and does housework, [215];
- sharp points from diary, Douglass, negroes shd. be enlisted, slavery must be blotted out, loneliness, opinion of "Adam Bede," [216];
- A. S. meet, at Albany, sends Phillips money for lecture which he returns, sends Tilton check, he defines her "sphere," [217];
- compelled to give up W. R. Annivers., leaves "Abrahamic bosom of home" for A. S. lecture field, visits Adams and censures men for not furnishing kitchen properly, visits Hoosac Tunnel, speaks on summit of Green Mts., [218];
- let. on work of E. B. Browning, H. Hosmer, R. Bonheur, cares for Mrs. Stn.'s boys, visits New York, Boston, Framingham, at the Garrisons', [219];
- anger at N. Y. legis. for repealing laws in favor of women, [220];
- let. on private schools, her last teachers' con., results gained, teachers' debt to her, [221];
- speaking extemporaneously, support of Lydia Mott, complimented at Mecklinburg, honored by teacher's con. after War, death of father, [222];
- great bereavement, returns to work, [224];
- disbelieves War will lead to wom. suff., continues work for slave, [225];
- issues call for Women's Loyal League, [226];
- calls meet. to order in Church of Puritans, nominates L. Stone for pres., makes spirited ad., criticises Lincoln, demands emancipation, appeals to women, [227];
- no peace without wom. suff., presides at business meet., [229];
- let. urging women to petit. for emancipation of slaves, opens headqrs. in Cooper Instit., describes Draft Riots, [230];
- let. on brother D. R.'s election and joy it wd. have given father, longs for mother and father, regrets sale of home, tribute to mother, [231];
- efforts to raise money for league, [232];
- goes to Thirtieth Anniversary of Am. A. S. Soc. at Phila., pushes petition work for emancipation, economical lunches, appeals to Beecher, pays deficit out of own pocket, [234];
- helps at brother's "infare," in communication with Sumner and Robt. Dale Owen, [235];
- gets Mrs. Stn. to invite Phillips to speak, rec. proposal from former sweetheart, speaks at annivers. of Loyal League, [237];
- Sumner and Wilson acknowledge indebtedness, only old arm-chair as reminder of League, humiliated at refusal of govt. to recognize women, [238];
- attends wedding of W. L. Garrison, Jr., and Ellen Wright, death of niece Ann Eliza McLean, sunset at cemetery, faith in progress in hereafter, [241];
- too apt to criticise in home circle, starts to Kan. to visit brother D. R., detained in Chicago, describes journey West during war times, [242];
- enjoys novel sights in Leavenworth, wins gloves on wager, the "little clothes," work among colored people, colored printer in composing-room, meets Hiram Revels, [243];
- urged to return East and longs to do so, sees momentous questions demanding settlement, [244];
- protests against disbanding A. S. Soc., [245];
- letter on division, [246];
- trip over prairies, among first to declare for negro suff., spks. at Ottumwa on Reconstruction, [247];
- unpleasant night, spks. at Leavenworth to colored people, Repubs. object to her mention of wom. suff., learns "male" is to be put in Fed. Constit. and starts eastward, speaking at Atchison, St. Joseph, Chillicothe and Macon City, [248];
- in old slave church at St. Louis, "soul-sharks," catches wom. pickpocket, visits board of trade in Chicago, stops at many places, maps out plan of campn. with Mrs. Stn., [249];
- starts on thirty years' work, makes first demand for cong. action, [250];
- speaks at Concord, Mrs. Emerson agrees with her as do the "sages of Concord," untiring work for wom. suff., [251];
- many visits, [252];
- praise of N. Y. Independent, [253];
- at Boston A. S. meet., finds Phillips and others opposed to uniting with W. R. Soc., believes they will yield, [256];
- eloquent demand for wom. suff., [257];
- reads address to Congress at W. R. Annivers. in Church of Puritans and offers res. for an Equal Rights Assn., [259];
- speech in favor of ballot for negro and woman, [260];
- indignant at proposal of Phillips and Tilton to work for enfranchis. of negro but not of woman, points out degradation of it to Mrs. Stn., [261];
- never influenced by magnetic speeches, does not recognize expediency, [262];
- after her work for Standard it refuses to help women, much labor to arrange E. R. meet. for Albany, speech on injustice to working-women, [263];
- abused by N. Y. World, presides at Cooper Instit. suff. meet., [264];
- holds meet. in western N. Y., Repubs. led by Sumner refuse to champion wom. suff., [265];
- at A. S. meet. in Phila. begs Phillips to stand by women, also Stevens chmn. Com. on Reconstruction, [267];
- shows injustice of Standard, [268];
- will not suffer in silence negro placed in power over woman, [269];
- deserted by old leaders, [270];
- N. Y. meet. to secure representation of women in Constit. Con., Buffalo Commercial ridicules A. and Mrs. Stn., [271];
- praise from Troy Times, at Fairfield, N. Y., scores wife of principal of academy, [272];
- assumes burdens of meet. and too tired to prepare speech and appear at best, protests to Folger agnst. bill to license houses of ill-repute, [273];
- threatens to have women discuss it throughout State, urges L. Stone to make canvass of Kan., [274]; [275];
- manhood suff. continuation of class legislation, [276];
- Memorial to Cong. asking removal of all discriminations of sex or color, [277];
- hearing before N. Y. Constit. Con., tilt with Greeley, can fight with goosequill as he did, suff. inalienable right, [278];
- Rochester people some time be glad to know her, [279];
- lets. from G. W. Curtis and A. Dickinson, snubbed by Greeley at A. Gary's, [280];
- solicits advertisements on Broadway to raise money for Kan. campn., appeals to Mrs. Wright and other friends, [282];
- starts for Kan. and opens campn., [283];
- peculiar nightly experience, [284];
- complains of slipshod ways, speaks in cabins, etc., suff. advocates shd. go earlier into new settlements, [285];
- negroes oppose wom. suff., [286];
- accepts assistance of G. F. Train, lays out route for him, [287];
- holds him to offer of help, will go alone if necessary, starts with Train, lost in river bottoms, hard experiences, [288];
- goes before audience hungry and tired, hears Gen. Blunt attack wom. suff., mails Train's speeches, [289];
- Train's announcement of new woman's paper, [290];
- at Atchison, crosses ferry to complete arrangements with Train, visits polling places in Leav., [291];
- praised by Commercial, respect for Train, [292];
- accepts his offer for extended lecture tour with herself and Mrs. Stn., every comfort provided, Demo. papers approve, [293];
- Repub. papers censure, old associates repudiate connection with Train, claims right to accept aid from all sources, eventful year, [294];
- begins The Revolution, comment of N. Y. Times, [295];
- praise of N. Y. Independent, [296];
- secures Pres. A. Johnson and other distinguished subscribers, [297];
- refuses to vacate com. room of E. R. Assn., dismayed at Train's departure for Europe, [298];
- persecuted by friends, financial anxiety, [299];
- wanted L. Stone to edit paper, founding of Revolution unexpected, [300];
- lets. from Mrs. Wright and Ellen W. Garrison, [301];
- office and editors described by Nellie Hutchinson, [302];
- at Am. E. R. Assn., insists Mrs. Stn. shall preside, [303];
- H. B. Blackwell praises work in Kan., independent com. formed, [304];
- attends Demo. mass. con., comment of N. Y. Sun, meets pres. Natl. Labor Union at Melliss' breakfast, [305];
- attends Nat'l Demo. Con. in Tammany Hall, memorial received with jeers, Chicago Republican describes insults, [306];
- at Natl. Labor Union Cong. in New York, made chmn. com. on female labor, wom. suff. repudiated, efforts for working women, advice to women typesetters, [307];
- struggle to maintain Revolution, [308];
- takes up case of Hester Vaughan, calls meet. in Cooper Instit., offers res. demanding women be tried by their peers, have voice in laws, and for abolit. of capital punishment, [309];
- appeals to Gov. Geary, [310];
- arranges first wom. suff. hearing before Cong. Com., described by Grace Greenwood, [314];
- tour of western cities, addresses Ill. legis., in speech at Chicago declares she stands outside Repub. party but has laid no straw in way of negro, [315];
- tribute by Mrs. Livermore, at New York Press Club speaks on "Why don't women propose?" [316]; [317];
- almost alone in demanding word "sex" in Amend. XV, [318];
- climbs seven flights of stairs many times daily, prepares for E. R. Con., [320];
- advised by S. S. Foster to withdraw from assn., [322];
- protests against Amend. XV and clashes swords with Douglass, defended by Wm. Winter, [323];
- scores those who cry "free love," [325];
- let. from Mrs. Livermore on Natl. Assn., [327];
- invited by her to join in western lect. tour, [328];
- secures testimonial for Mrs. Rose, [329];
- speaks at Westchester, indignant note to tax collector, at Western Wom. Suff. Con. in Chicago, [330];
- at Dayton reviews laws for married women, wives object, Herald compliments, [331];
- at Mrs. Davis' meets Mrs. Hooker and they become firm friends, [332];
- she arranges con. at Hartford and begs A. not to "flunk," [333];
- speech at Hartford con., description by Post, praise from Mrs. Hooker; forgetfulness of self, [334];
- Dansville Sanitarium, let. from Dr. Kate Jackson, [335];
- Mrs. Fremont's question, [337];
- speech before cong. com. for Amend. XVI, [338];
- descriptions of Hartford Courant and Hearth and Home, "the Bismarck," [339];
- trib. of Mary Clemmer, nothing can stop suff. movement, [340];
- friends rally around, invitation to fiftieth birthday party, N. Y. World describes occasion and A.'s appearance, [341];
- compli. of press, gifts, lets., poems by P. Cary, J. Hooker, etc., [342];
- response, can speak only to rouse people to action, sympathetic note to mother, luncheon with Cary sisters, disappointed Mrs. Stn., cd. not share happiness, [343];
- entry in journal on fiftieth birthday, "If I were dead," distrusts power as orator, [344];
- begins with Lyceum Bureau, A. Dickinson's devotion, at Peoria, Ill., Col. Ingersoll supplements her speech, debates with Rev. Fulton at Detroit, attack in Free Press, [345];
- tribute of Legal News, people quarrel to entertain her, hears Beecher on "Sins of Parents," [346];
- telegraphs suff. conference in New York that West desires union, urges it in Revolution, [347];
- younger women want her at head, [348];
- votes to unite E. R. Assn. and Union Suff. Soc., [349];
- calls mass meet. to consider McFarland-Richardson case, [351];
- petit. governor to put McFarland in insane asylum, censured by press, thanks of unhappy wives, prepares to give up Revolution, [353];
- condition of Revolution, her work upon it, no salary, touching appeals for money, [354];
- terrible struggle, [355];
- still hopeful, stock company projected, [356];
- refuses to change name of Revolution, [358];
- visits A. Cary and secures story, [359];
- warns Mrs. Phelps that Revolution will hurt Woman's Bureau, [360];
- strain increases, sells Revolution for one dollar after sinking $35,000, [361];
- grief over giving up paper, let. refuting charge of financial recklessness, [362];
- if she had known power as lecturer cd. have sustained paper, [363];
- love for old volumes of Revolution, starts out to pay $10,000 debt, Yankee bargain, [364];
- "squelches" little professor, social courtesies, receives $100 at Saratoga con. for first time, fine summing up of status wom. suff., [365];
- Natl. Labor Cong. at Phila., [366];
- hostility because she advised women to take strikers' places, credentials rejected, attack of Utica Herald, [367];
- goes to New York to help Mrs. Davis with Twentieth Suff. Annivers. diary shows her energy, makes great success, [368];
- urges women not to identify themselves with polit. parties, resumes lect. tour, death of nephew Thomas King McLean, starts out night of funeral, [369];
- lectures in Va., Wash., Phila., on "The False Theory," introduced by venerable Lucretia Mott, first meet. with Phillips since difference of opinion on Amend. XIV, [370];
- Mrs. Stn. wants her for pres. of assn., [371];
- as does Mrs. Wright, [372];
- declines to be snubbed, lectures Mrs. Stn. on giving up the ship, [373];
- Mrs. Hooker appeals for help, cancels lecture engagements to go to her aid, [374];
- learns Mrs. Woodhull will address cong. com., goes with Mrs. Hooker and others to hear her, [375];
- addresses cong. com. and begs consideration, described by Wash. Daily Patriot, [376];
- speaks on petit. of Mrs. Dahlgren and others against suff., presents resolution declaring women enfranchised by Amend. XIV, [377];
- if this fail, go back to Amend. XVI, placed on educational com., [378];
- lectures throughout western cities, [379];
- fatigue of trip, different bed every night for three months, compli. by pres. of Antioch College, [380];
- The New Situation, argument on woman's right to vote under Amend. XIV, [381];
- life strongest testimony against cry of "free love," [383];
- compliments by N. Y. Standard, Tribune, Democrat, let. to Revolution on single standard for men and women, [384];
- visits Mrs. Hooker, starts for Calif., reception by Chicago Suff. Club, entertained at Denver by governor, comments of western press, [387];
- letter describing journey, "love makes home heaven," Wy. land of free, guest of Salt Lake dignitaries, dedication new Liberal Institute, [388];
- problems of polygamy, woman must have independent bread, missionary work but not for priests, [389];
- polygamy in East as well as West, declines to accept "man-visions," [390];
- visits Mrs. Fair in jail, first speech in San Francisco, "men do not protect women," hissed by audience, [391];
- denounced by press, her distress, sister Mary upholds her, goes to Yosemite, [392];
- describes trip, riding horseback, Mirror Lake, etc., [393];
- speaks at San Jose, goes to geysers, sits with driver, visits old teacher, [394];
- enjoys getting away from reform talk, enjoys getting back into it, en route by boat to Ore., first let. from Portland, [395];
- enjoys not being Mrs. Stn's shadow, wishes she had said more on Mrs. Fair's case in San Francisco, first lect. in Portland, [396];
- accounts of Oregonian and Herald, insults of Bulletin, [397];
- praise by New Northwest, let. on Chinese, [398];
- Mrs. Duniway's compliment, at Walla Walla, Salem, Olympia, ride over corduroy road, sunrise at Seattle, [399];
- again at Portland, offer of marriage, incident at Umatilla, a sip of wine and its results, [400];
- addresses Wash. legis., sacrificed by others, praise by Olympia Standard, misrepresented by Despatch, [401];
- no women present in British Columbia audiences, abusive "cards" in Victoria press, [402];
- husband objects to entertaining her, peculiar marriage conditions, stage ride southward, deep mud, bed-room next to bar-room, at Yreka, [403];
- Mt. Shasta, at Chico, Marysville, etc., discusses Holland Social Evil Bill in San Francisco, [404];
- at Mayfield, banquet at Grand Hotel, San Francisco, Chronicle report, lect. arranged by L. de F. Gordon, at Nevada City, [405];
- Virginia City in rainy season, guest of Sen. Sargent's family on trip eastward, graphic account of snowbound journey, [406];
- carries tea to mothers on train, [407];
- hangs jury at mock trial, prefers to check own baggage, stops at aunt's in Chicago, reaches Wash. in time for con., "not at all tired," [408];
- addresses Senate com. showing record of Repubs. on wom. suff., [410];
- presented with $50 at Rochester, how friends have helped all the years, [412];
- sees in Woodhull and Claflin's Weekly call for new party under auspices of Natl. Suff. Assn., rushes to New York, previous letter forbidding use of her name, objects to influence of "men spirits," [413];
- thwarts efforts of Woodhull faction to obtain control of New York Suff. Con., censured by Mrs. Stn. and Mrs. Hooker, elected pres. of assn., [414];
- carries on meet., deserted by friends, "ship almost lost," at Natl. Liberal Repub. Con. in Cincinnati, rec. no consideration, compares cause of wom. suff. to that of A. S., [415];
- at Natl. Repub. Conv. in Philadelphia, calls on Demo. to stand by women, corresponds with H. B. Blackwell relative to women's working for Repub. party, [416];
- at Dem. Natl. Con. in Baltimore, interview with Jas. R. Doolittle, [417];
- no hope for women here, urges women to work for Repub. party, [418];
- her political position, cares only for woman's interests, joy over action of Repubs., rallying cry to Mrs. Bloomer, [419];
- "Ft. Sumter gun of our war fired," congratulat. note from Henry Wilson, [420];
- Natl. Com. invites her to Washington, gives her $500 and N. Y. Com. gives $500 for campaign meet., [421];
- holds rallies at Rochester and New York, insists that women shall speak only on wom. suff. plank, objects to hounding of Greeley, [422];
- advocates no party that does not stand for wom. suff., is registered to vote, [423];
- comments of press, tells Mrs. Stn. about it, [424];
- Judge Selden advises that she has right to vote under Amend. XIV, [425];
- assures inspectors she will bear expenses if they are arrested, is herself arrested, refuses to take herself to court, the warrant, [426];
- examination before U. S. officers, does not want trial to interfere with lecture engagements, [427];
- sad anniversary, second hearing, speaks in behalf of inspectors, refuses to give bail, trib. from Rochester Express, her own defense, [428];
- at Wash. con., opening speech on methods of securing wom. suff., [431];
- res. declare her arrest a blow at liberty, speakers defend her, appears with counsel before Judge Hall at Albany, bail increased, [432];
- refuses bail, overruled by Judge Selden, indictment of grand jury, delivers "Constitutional Argument" in western cities, [433];
- becomes unconscious on platform at Ft. Wayne, rallies and lectures at Marion, votes again, issues call for May Anniversary in New York, tells of arrest, [434];
- res. of endorsement, speaks in twenty-nine post office districts of Monroe Co., Dist.-Atty. threatens to move case to another county, tells him she will canvass that, speech a masterpiece, her appearance, [435];
- speaks in twenty-one places in Ontario Co. on "Is it a crime for a U. S. citizen to vote?" Rochester Union and Advertiser calls her a "corruptionist," newspaper comment, trial opens, [436];
- refused permission to testify, [437];
- believed she had a right to vote, [438];
- counsel demands jury be polled, refused and new trial denied, encounter of words with Judge Hunt, dramatic scene, [439];
- fined $100, [440];
- declares she never will pay it, believes Conkling influenced judge, trial a farce, extended newspaper comment, [441];
- advised by Albany Law Journal to emigrate, attends trial of inspectors, another tilt with Judge Hunt, [443];
- Mr. Van Voorhis' opinion of her case after twenty-four years, [444];
- heavy debts, [445];
- sympathy and financial help, has Selden's speech and report of trial printed, lect. in Rochester for benefit of inspectors, omitted as charter member of Assn. for Advancement of Women, [446];
- death of sister Guelma, let. to mother, love of family, "shall we meet the dead?" tries to vote but finds name struck from register, [447];
- Anson Lapham returns her notes for $4,000, [448];
- decides to appeal to Cong., [449];
- takes appeal to Washington, asks remission of fine, case presented by Sargent and Loughridge, Tremaine reports adversely, [450];
- says president has pardoned her, Butler presents minority report in favor, Sen. Edmunds presents insulting report, Sen. Carpenter reports favorably, [451];
- writes Pres. Grant and Gen. Butler in behalf of inspectors, urges them not to pay fine, breakfasts with them in jail, presented with purse at Dansville Sanitarium, Sargent and Butler telegraph inspectors are pardoned, [452];
- fine still stands against A., [453];
- returns to work of securing amends. to Federal and State constit., invites Vice-Pres. Wilson speak on suff. platform, Gen. Butler in favor of wom. suff., [454];
- conversation with Pres. Grant, [455];
- tour of Conn. with Mrs. Hooker, Sumner's death, helps women organize temp. crusade, [456];
- tells them they can not succeed without ballot, anecdote of Douglass, writes to Leavenworth Times on this subject, tells Industrial Cong. women are a millstone around their necks, criticises Dio Lewis, [457];
- writes one hundred lets. for May meet., telegram saying she smoked on platform, etc., [458];
- slips home often to see mother, writes fiftieth anniversary let. to brother D. R., honesty best policy in home and society, [459];
- canvassed Mich., larger audiences than Sen. Chandler, small profits, suff. first, money afterwards, [460];
- efforts to compel disclosures in regard to Beecher-Tilton trouble, [461];
- complimented on silence by Chicago Tribune, J. Hooker, N. Y. Sun, Rochester Democrat and Chronicle, refutes belief in "free love," [462];
- does not believe in second marriage or platonic friendship, love for Mr. and Mrs. Tilton, [463];
- in latter's praise for Beecher, A. saw only friendship, [464];
- death of Gerrit Smith and Martha Wright, struggle to hold Washington conv., [467];
- advances funds and works without ceasing, Anson Lapham gives her $1,000, lectures on Social Purity at Chicago, [468];
- eulogized by St. Louis Democrat, condemned by country papers, addresses Normal School at Carbondale on marrying for love, sixty lectures in Iowa, trying experiences, [469];
- telegram announcing brother shot, works all night on con. accounts, journey to Kan., [470];
- nine weeks by brother's bedside, skill and tenderness in sickroom, takes niece Susie B. home with her, [471];
- first hears F. E. Willard, refuses to compromise her by sitting on platform, lectures in Rochester on Social Purity, misses Washington con. for first time, lectures in Chicago, Bread and Ballot, pays last dollar of Revolution debt, [472];
- beautiful recognition of press, [473];
- at New York Suff. Anniversary, chmn. Centennial Campn. Com., [474];
- offers Hist. of Wom. Suff. as premium and fulfills pledges, opens headquarters at Philadelphia and assumes financial responsibility, [475];
- besieges natl. polit. cons., "the golden hour," prepares Woman's Declaration of Independence, [476];
- obtains seat on platform as reporter, [477];
- presents Declaration at Centennial Celebration, reads it on Independence square, [478];
- and in con., Luc. Mott's tea-pot, [479];
- contibu. to Centennial Headqrs., Mrs. Mott sends tea, A. does not work for financ. reward, begins Hist. Wom. Suff., [480];
- dislike of the work, spks. at Mrs. Davis' funeral, sorrow at her death and that of Anson Lapham, writes wom. suff. article for encyclop., [481];
- grief at absence from home, [482];
- appeal for Amend. XVI, [483];
- on floor of House of Repres., [485];
- circular of Slayton Bureau, [486];
- cancels engagements to be with sister Hannah, [487];
- her death, takes orphan daughter home, gift of Helen Potter, Mrs. Stn.'s let. on their friendship, misses May Annivers. first time, [488];
- friendship for Mrs. Stn., love of her children for A., trib. of Annie McDowell, offers services to Col., [489];
- accepted, hard campn. experiences, 65 mile stage-ride, [490];
- how husbands represent wives, spks. in saloons, no locks on doors, Gov. Routt stands by her, [491];
- insulting placards, receipts less than expenses, gifts of Mr. and Mrs. Hall, Mrs. Knox Goodrich, at Denver meets Miss Hindman, Mrs. Campbell, Abby S. Richardson, her memory of sister Hannah, [492];
- at Dr. Avery's writing "Homes of Single Women," spks. at Boulder and Denver, lect. tour of Neb., longs for sister Mary, fears mother may die, man wants credit for holding children, [493];
- sends $100 to Washington con., friends urge not to miss another con., [494];
- compli. by Phillips, by P. Couzins, arranges 30th Annivers. at Rochester, [495];
- comment of Roch. Demo. and Chronicle, remains with invalid mother, declines Kan. invitations, writes Hayford regarding wom. suff. in Wy., [496];
- let. to L. Stone on attitude of women toward polit. parties, [497];
- strong res. at Natl. Con., [499];
- address to Pres. Hayes, [500];
- lect. in New England, personal notices in scrap-books, change in attitude of press, [502];
- compli. by Ind. papers, [503];
- attack of Richmond, Ky., and Grand Rapids papers, [504];
- St. Paul lady acknowledges conversion, wom. needs ballot for temp. legis., [505];
- men fear wom. suff., trib. of Globe-Demo., [506];
- response to floral offering, "used to stones," made vice-pres.-at-large, friendship of Sargents, [507];
- death of Garrison, has now a bank account, generosity, [508];
- never fails to keep engagements, friends anxious she shd. save money, desirous of woman's paper, efforts for one, helps edit Ballot-Box, [509];
- need of woman's work and opinion in daily papers, press work shd. be feature of Natl. Assn., invited to Concord School of Philos., [510];
- new friends, at Washington con., compli. by Edmunds, [511];
- Mrs. Spofford's hospitality, sees Luc. Mott last time, death of mother, [512];
- starts out again, [513];
- carries point for series of cons., rallying cry for mass meet. in Chicago, [515];
- all send ideas to Mrs. Stn., watching legislators, on death of sister, doubts of future life, [516];
- apprecia. of sister Mary, presides at Indianapolis con., suff. women married and number of children, [517];
- ten minutes at Natl. Repub. Con., ad. Greenback-Labor Con., [518];
- trib. of Cin'ti Commercial, [519];
- calls on Gen. Garfield, [520];
- official let. to president. candidates, [521];
- let. to Garfield on Repub. party, [522];
- blames women for rushing into campn., defends Garfield, criticises Hancock, [523];
- hopes for help from Repubs., continues work on History, Eliz. Thomson gives $1,000, [524];
- hates the work, calls on Whittier, death of Luc. Mott, persuades Mrs. Stn. to vote, [525];
- suggests Natl. Con. be omitted, owns Mrs. Stn. persuaded her, [526];
- trib. to Luc. Mott, day at her home, her hosts in Philadelphia, ridiculous account of Skye terrier, [527];
- N. Y. Graphic on terrier, her disgust, [528];
- love for Mrs. Nichols, wd. not spare parents for children's sake, [529];
- did not carry out theory, pushing the history, bound to have Rose and Nichol's pictures, [530];
- valuable work done by Hist. Wom. Suff., [531];
- starts for Mass. taking Mrs. Stn., [532];
- tells Gov. Long women are weary, rec. gold medal from Phila. Suff. Assn., entertained by Bird Club, Boston Globe pays trib., [534];
- relief to roll burden on young shoulders, entertained by Pillsburys, compli. let. from Mrs. Pillsbury, Mrs. Harbert, trib. of Mrs. Wallace, [535];
- death of Phebe Jones, no home in Albany, death of Garfield, no will, his religion, [536];
- Mrs. Stn.'s work for women kept her young, A. goes to Natl. W. C. T. U. Con. in Washington, introduced by Miss Willard, delegate declares she does not recognize God, sees wom. suff. adopted by con., [537];
- delegates announce A. did not influence con., souvenir from Childs, writes Phillips on his seventieth birthday, his reply, [538];
- attacks her work with courage, Phillips announces Eddy legacy, her joy and gratitude, [539];
- suit to break will, appeals from public for money, at Wash. con., [540];
- delight at appointment of cong. com. on rights of woman, presents each member with Hist. Wom. Suff., con. at Phila., luncheon with Hannah W. Smith, at N. Y. State Con., appeals to House Com. to abolish "male" from Constit. of Dak., [541];
- restive under history work, trib. of Elmira Free Press and Wash. Republic, [542];
- reads proof of Vol. II of Hist., influential friends in Cong., trib. of Harriot Stanton, [543];
- goes into Neb. campn., "not a white-haired woman on plat., not sure of younger ones, [544];
- gives time and $1,000, speaks in forty counties, debates with Edward Rosewater, students make effigy, [545];
- at St. Louis, ad. Lincoln Club in Rochester, confers with Cong. Com. in Wash., decides to go abroad, birthday recep. in Phila., dislike of "Aunt Susan," [546];
- Times account of recep., ad. of Purvis, A. gives credit to other workers, wd. have worked for man's freedom, Mrs. Sewall's description of farewell honors, testimonial from Rochester citizens and Natl. Assn., song dedicated, [547];
- point lace, India shawl, trib. of Chicago Tribune, A. has "no peer," [549];
- farewell from Kan. City Journal, N. Y. Times' description of departure, flag in stateroom, [550];
- own description of tour abroad, on shipboard, stuck in mud, recollect. of those left, [551];
- rough sea, three falls, thoughts of nieces, talks suff. with passengers, [552];
- invited to Sargent's at Berlin, Mrs. Stn.'s welcome, at Liverpool, Hist. of Wom. Suff. not in library, visit to Mrs. Rose, [554];
- sees Irving and Terry, objects to lovemaking, at Contag. Dis. Act. Meet., crossing channel, en route to Rome, no sleeper, bedrooms at Milan, [555];
- painting of Christ in railway station, Easter Sunday in Rome, at Naples, Herculaneum, John Bright's address, [556];
- invited to write for Italian Times, climbs Vesuvius, dishonest tradesmen, Palermo, the dead Christ, Lake Avernus, streets of Naples, interest in suff. work and friends at home, [557];
- Vatican, no hope for freedom in old world, mother's knowledge of history, too many languages, hears Ristori, at Milan, disadvantages of compartment travel, [558];
- at Zurich, at Munich, every girl shd. go abroad, at Sargents' in Berlin, at Worms, Luther's statue at Cologne, lets. sent back from post-office, [559];
- up the Rhine, Heidelberg, Potsdam, emperors' tombs and palaces, degradation of masses, at Strasburg, [560];
- Alsace and Lorraine, in Paris, guest of Mme. de Barron, breakfast in bed, calls on friends, Communists in Pere la Chaise, funeral of Laboulaye, Le Soir wishes interview, [561];
- calls on Hubertine Auclert and Leon Richer, disadvantage of not speaking French, longs to be fighting battle for women in America, Miss Foster's presentation at court, tomb of Napoleon, homesick, begs sister Mary to come to Europe, [562];
- shall we accept religious teaching of young, strong intellects or old, weakened ones? 563;
- Stopford Brooke on temp., talks to ladies under trees, visits Albemarle and Somerville Clubs, prepares speeches, nights all days, [564];
- goes to Poor Law Guardian meet., spks. at Prince's Hall, Conway delighted, [565];
- St. James' Hall, 4th of July recep. at Mrs. Mellen's, [566];
- at many dinners, recep., suff. meet., clubs, etc., calls from factory women, velvet dress and India shawl, hears Canon Wilberforce on temp., indignation, sees Bernhardt, [567];
- bound to get all possible good, refuses to interfere in suff. work in England, platonic friendship, goes to Edinburgh, at Mrs. Nichol's, [568];
- let. from Priscilla B. McLaren, celebrated places in Scotland, outside of stage, home of Queen Mary, [569];
- converts Prof. Blackie to wom. suff., he "seals it with a kiss," loses trunk, criticises English check system, drives among lakes, visits Dr. Jex-Blake, [570];
- at Ambleside, compares hills with those of America, home of H. Martineau, [571];
- class and caste ideas, urges discontent, in Belfast, men can not vote on temp. question, meets old abolits., rides in third-class car, at Cork, [472];
- drunken men and women, filth, visits convent, incident at Killarney, [573];
- woman with twins, sad spectacles, to Galway in rain, butter in tobacco smoke, [574];
- in Dublin, meets Davitt, Youghal, reads Children of Abbey, Belfast, buys linen, Rugby, Kenilworth Castle, "Americans never see leg of mutton," Stratford, Oxford, back in London, extracts from diary, London fog, [575];
- at Leeds, home of Brontë sisters, dreads trip home, [576];
- hears John Bright forget to mention wom. suff. at Bristol, at Jacob Bright's, let. from Mrs. Bright on little son's admiration for A., [577];
- urges sister to continue work if she never reach home, especial interest in England on account of suff. movement, efforts to secure co-operation between Eng. and Amer. women, [578];
- recep. in Liverpool, com. formed to promote organizat., friends come from London to say good-bye, safe landing in New York, [579];
- welcome home, interview, did not see Queen, social idea more important, trib. of N. Y. Evening Telegram, [581];
- Cleveland Leader, woman of the future, Cin'ti Times-Star's criticism, [582];
- kindness to reporters, conferring with congressmen, agony of it, [583];
- begs Kelley to take up suff. question, Repubs. in favor, [584];
- writes to 112 congressmen, heads off injudicious women, [585];
- on Douglass' marriage, everybody's burden on her shoulders, [586];
- helpless women wear her out, always writes cheerful lets., death of Phillips, [587];
- goes to funeral, at Washington con., speech before Cong. Com. urging Amend. XVI, [588];
- goes to Conn., hastens back to watch congressmen, how she follows them up, [591];
- report of suff. con. fails, she and Mrs. Stn. get out report, wants everybody to have credit, begins Vol. III of Hist. Wom. Suff., anxiety over Ore. election, sends Mrs. Duniway $100, restive under historical work, [592];
- criticises Gladstone, [593];
- advises women to work for Repub. party, decides it was unwise, criticises Miss Willard for favoring State Rights, Prohib. party will repudiate wom. suff., prophecy fulfilled, [594];
- at Wash. con., death of Mrs. Nichols, opposes res. denouncing dogmas, answers St. Paul, [595];
- rebukes Rev. Patton for sermon, regrets it, Mrs. Stn. approves, [596];
- sends out Palmer's speech, goes to Mass., then to New Orleans Expo., guest of Mrs. Merrick, many addresses, trib. of Picayune, [597];
- cordial recep., at Bishop's University, at St. Louis, message of J. Ellen Foster, death of Grant, goes to Boston to rec. Eddy legacy, fright on sleeper, [598];
- appeals to share money, friends who repudiated come flocking back, determined to finish Hist. Wom. Suff., agreement with Fowler and Wells, [599];
- buys out their rights, begins work again at Tenafly, assumes all financ. responsibil., grief at not being a writer, good critic, keeps Mrs. Stn. keyed up, applies lash to own back, [600];
- meets Miss Eddy, they go to Mrs. Stn.'s, A. commends her, drudgery on Hist., women complain of Mrs. Stn.'s blue pencil, between two fires, [601];
- refuses appeals for speeches, dislike of literary work, Mrs. Stn.'s 70th birthday, trib. from H. Stn. Blatch., [602];
- comforts Julia and Rachel Foster at death of mother, [603];
- starts to Wash. with light heart, taste in dress, holds members of Cong. to their word, [605];
- humorous note from Sen. Blair, A. directly connected with all cong. action on wom. suff., [606];
- at Wash. con., rec. $100 from Childs, looking after congressmen, extracts from diary, Stanford, Dolph, [607];
- Eustis, lets. from Mrs. Merrick, O. Brown, sends P. Couzins $100, Vol. III of Hist. completed, visits in Kan., [608];
- speaks at Salina for W. C. T. U., at Lake Bluff, Ill., camp meet., at Lake Geneva accompanied by Susie B., at Miss Willard's, at Racine, at St. Louis, at Leav., spks. in cong. dists. of Kan., [609];
- splendid audiences, mother brings baby for her to take in arms, Baptist minister refuses church and then blesses meet., [610];
- "spirit wd. not always soar," Municipal Suff. Bill signed on 67th birthday, Chief-Justice Horton congratulates her, at Racine, [611];
- canvasses Wis., eloquence in State House, lively let. to Mrs. Spofford, get orthodox church for con., [612];
- immense amount of money put into Hist. Wom. Suff., years of careful collecting and saving of material, resumé of the work, [613];
- world indebted to her for it, in over 1,000 libraries, commendatory lets., [614];
- from Mary L. Booth, [615];
- D. W. Wilder, Sarah B. Cooper, hopes to publish Vol. IV, goes to Neb., [616];
- at Chicago, Lansing, Wash. con., yellow dog, [617];
- denounces Sen. Ingalls, he asks interview, [621];
- proposes truce, she declines, refuses to go to Conn., "feels guilty," visits Maria Mitchell at Vassar, ad. Constit. Con. at Albany, back to Wash. "year after year," lying reports from Leavenworth, corres. with Miss Willard regarding suff. plank in Prohib. plat., [622];
- opposes Third Party, will not fight Repubs., dreads starting out, State Cons. at Indpls. and Cleveland, "only sister Mary left," rebukes conserv. women, faith in Repub. party, [623];
- seminary graduates' essays, at Cape May, at childhood home, at Magnolia, advises O. Brown and A. Gray not to bring suit under school suff. law, [624];
- tries to arrange old lets., etc., Mrs. Stn. advises to burn, in Wis., campn. in Kan., scores Ingalls, [625];
- at Mrs. Ingalls' luncheon, senator "will not argue with woman," Ind. campn. in Wash., Blair's little joke, [626];
- on com. for union of two assns., [627];
- meets L. Stone and A. S. Blackwell in Boston, receives plan of union from Mrs. Stone, advised not to take pres. of united assns., approves and urges union, [628];
- "the way to unite is to unite," impatient of "red tape," exacts and makes no pledges, chmn. com. on conference, [629];
- makes no pledges, chmn. com. on conference, [629];
- carries meet. in favor of union, willing to decline pres., lets. declare she must take it, [630];
- sp. in favor of Mrs. Stn., Natl. suff. platform means individ. freedom, [631];
- elected vice-pres.-at-large, co-operates with Mrs. Sewall in securing union, always ready to sink personal feeling, [632];
- dream of internatl. suff. assn., results in Internatl. Council, her part in arranging it, [633];
- "can't allow apologetic invitat.," women not ordained shall preach, wants affirmations, not negations, glad L. Stone and A. Blackwell are to be on plat., [634];
- Mrs. Stn. expresses friendship and is coming back to Amer. to do best work, later writes can not cross ocean, [635];
- A. cables, she comes, A. shuts her up to write sp., presides over Council, [636];
- at receptions, pres. delegates to Pres. Cleveland, compli. from Baltimore Sun and N. Y. World, her way of presiding, [637];
- sp. and let. of Miss Willard, [638];
- speakers acknowledge pers. indebtedness to A., chmn. of meet. to form permanent councils, made Vice-Pres. Natl. Council, [639];
- ad. Senate Com., praise from Mrs. S. E. Sewall, Mr. Blackwell, no desire for rest, at Boston festival, [640];
- in Central Music Hall at Chicago, recep. by Woman's Club, at Natl. Repub. Con., Chicago, urges women to go to these cons., calls on Gen. Harrison, [641];
- open letter to him on "free ballot" plank, makes four years' financ. rep. of Natl. Assn., [642];
- publishes without authority of assn., restive under "red tape," "Andrew Jackson responsibility," poorest women want report, vast amount of work, at W. C. T. U., Centennial, Columbus O., not well recd., no little graves in speech, [643];
- begins again with Slayton Bureau, Rachel Foster's marriage, young workers throw away all plans when they marry, A.'s disappoint., [644];
- forms friendship with Rev. A. H. Shaw, old friends pass away, new ones come, [645];
- in Wash. preparing for con., little speeches, Six O'clock Club, [647];
- on "Rbt. Elsmere," spks. in Cin'ti, Commercial-Gazette compli., guest of Burnet House, "more calls than Mrs. Hayes," namesake Susie B. drowned, [648];
- hastens to Leav., spks. in Ark., Jefferson City, recep. in St. Louis, not able to ad. Catholics, vicar-gen. favors, spks. in Leav. municipal campn., [649];
- brother defeated for mayor, grief over death of Susie B., hurt of breaking branch from tree, urges no heartbreak when she dies, spirits of loved ones will forgive, at Indpls. Classical School, [650];
- at Adaline Thomson's, recep. at Park Hotel, New York, newspapers criticise velvet dress and point lace, spks. in Rochester and Warren, [651], and Akron, O., denies report that she had renounced wom, suff., attends wedding of niece Helen Louise Mosher, rec. let. from Maria Deraismes, [652];
- at Mt. McGregor, Grant relics condemned, waiter at Ft. Wm. Henry, trip with niece Maude, ad. Seidl Club, Coney Island, [653];
- "Broadbrim" pays trib., visits Mrs. Stn. at Hempstead, M. Louise Thomas, legacy of $500 from Mrs. Hamilton, Ft. Wayne, tells Mrs. Avery not to work during husband's vacation, [654];
- at Wichita con., objects to God in suff. plat., at Ind. Suff. Con. uncertain how women wd. vote on liquor question, visit with H. Hosmer, [655];
- "Bethany Homes," at Duluth, goes to S. Dak., lets. of invitat., [656]; minister explains to Almighty evils of orig. packages, A. canvasses State, ad. Farmers' Alliance, Prohibs. keep wom. suff. in background, presents Hist. Wom. Suff. to every town, [657];
- plans winter's work in S. Dak., nephew describes her lecture in Ann Arbor, at Toronto, spks. every night for three months, [658];
- "Andrew Jackson-like" action in engaging hall at Wash., immense work for S. Dak., makes eight women life members of Natl. Assn., [659];
- Justice Fuller fails to discover women, work for Columbian Expo., death of friends, Mrs. Mendenhall leaves her $1,000, Washington Star compli., [660];
- at Riggs House, objects to having tickets sold for birthday banquet, [663];
- wd. use money for S. Dak., wants everybody to have compli. ticket and be invited to speak, description of banquet, [664];
- accts. Wash. Star and N. Y. Sun, toasts by Couzins, Shaw, [665];
- Gage, Colby, Chant, Parker, Hinckley, Rbt. Purvis, Mrs. Lawrence, Mrs. Blatch, J. A. Pickler, [666], Mrs. Stn., [667];
- poems by H. Hosmer, A. W. Brotherton, E. B. Harbert, I. B. Hooker, her response, cd. have accomplished little alone, obligations to Mrs. Stn., to family and friends, lets., etc., from L. Stone, [668];
- Whittier, F. E. Willard, Curtis, Garrison, Hoar, Reed, [669];
- O. Brown, Logan, Gannett, Palmer, Nordhoff, Carpenter, Dow, [670];
- Dawes, Mr. and Mrs. Powderly, Barry, Colby, Johns, Cummings, [671];
- dinner to relatives at Riggs House, presents, trib. of Boston Traveller, A.'s theory of life, distinguished contemporaries, gift to P. Couzins, [672];
- trib. of Roch. Dem. and Chronicle, allied with all good causes, [673];
- urges friends to come to union of assns., keep platform broad, not annex to W. C. T. U., struggle to secure Mrs. Stn.'s presence, arranges hearing before Cong. Coms., [674];
- presides at Natl.-Am. Con., pride in H. Stanton Blatch, pledges money and work for S. Dak., made chmn. com., [675];
- remains in Wash, looking after Cong. Coms., incorporating assn., paying bills, sees Wy. admitted, Mary Grew congratulates, L. Stone authorizes to settle bills, Mrs. Livermore says A. wd. give a million to suff., [676];
- her winters in Wash. help wom. suff., entertained by McLean's, attends Cobweb Club, Mrs. Hearst approves speech, wd. rather face audience than reception, Ad. Johnson makes bust, dreads to start out, [677];
- orthodox not careful about feelings of liberals, pre-natal influence, joy at birth of Mrs. Avery's daughter, mother's gratitude, [678];
- attends nephew's wedding, reaches S. Dak., lets. begging her to come, homesick for Washington, but duty first, [679];
- ability to raise money, [680];
- sends $300 for prelim. work, offers Miss Shaw's services, com. does not answer, makes out her routes, writes for plan of campn, refuses to put natl. funds into State treasury, can be used only for suff. work, [681];
- ready to co-operate, cd. not wait longer, again refuses to turn over money, people anxious for her to come, [682];
- will antagonize neither W. C. T. U. nor license advocates, measures all by wom. suff. yardstick, sustained in her position, Mrs. Wallace will work only under her direction, [683];
- com. send plan after she has started, cordially recd., Loucks and Wardall pledge support of Farmers' Alliance, [684];
- Farmers' Alliance and Knights of Labor form new party and ignore wom. suff., A.'s appeals, Mrs. Wallace's appreciation, [685];
- res. adopted few months before, candidate Loucks, does not mention wom. suff., dead issue in campn., A.'s hard journey, [686];
- Russians wear brewers' badges "against S. B. A.," no seat for her in Repub. State Con., [687];
- lets. full of hope, can bear hardships better than young women, buoyed up by friends, [688];
- not cast down though voted down, sympathy from J. Hooker, C. Barton sends love, A. Shaw feels her inspiration, A. sleeps in sod houses, [689];
- Cong. shd. appropriate money to irrigate, instead of sending com., twenty miles between meet., stampeded by cyclones, Russian sheriff wants to help her, rides in old stage, [690];
- "humanity at low ebb," gets into poor hotel, "laughs like other people," at Madison telegram announces admission of Wyo., makes great speech, [691];
- "better lose me than lose State," experience with crying child, woman insulted on account of motherhood, [692];
- drunken man illustrates men's govt., [693];
- at Deadwood, [694];
- contributes services, draws from own bank account, Mrs. Catt's trib. to her unselfishness, endorsed by S. Dak. W. C. T. U., [695];
- and Suff. Assn., aged many years by campn., [696];
- accepts defeat philosophically, at Neb. and Kan. Suff. Cons., in Leav. and Ft. Scott, urged by Rev. Mann to visit Omaha, [697];
- at Mrs. Sewall's planning Wash, con., Wom. Council and World's Fair work, at Rochester, recep. by P. E. Club, State Suff. Con., goes to Wash., [698];
- requests women to celebrate admission of Wy., [699];
- anxious for suff. headqrs. in Wash., assists Wimodaughsis, loss of friends, [700];
- ill in Boston, taken to Garrisons', let. from L. Stone and invitation to attend Mass. Suff. Annivers., [701];
- invitations from Pillsbury and Mrs. White, hastens to Wash., vice-pres. Triennial of Wom. Council, reads Mrs. Stn.'s paper, [702];
- Miss Willard introduces A. as one of the double stars, too happy to speak, anxious all shd. be heard, presides at natl. suff. con., reads Mrs. Stn.'s paper, presents L. Stone, trib. of M. Bottome, [703];
- unanimously elect. vice-pres.-at-large, determined let. from English Suff. Soc. shall be read in Senate, succeeds through Sen. Blair, breakfast by Sorosis, gives recep. for A. Besant, lets, from ex-Sec. McCulloch, F. Balgarnie, [704];
- dines with McCulloch, recep. by Mrs. Avery, leaves Riggs House forever as home, at Warren and Painesville, O., at Hartford with Mrs. Hooker, entertained by Whitings, describes log cabin, [705];
- Mt. Holyoke, old homestead at Adams, arrives home, goes to housekeeping, decides to direct natl. work from home, Mrs. Stn. approves, [706];
- P. E. Club and friends furnish house, Roch. Herald describes recep., cousin Charles Dickinson presents $300, [707];
- describes visit to Mrs. Banker in Adirondacks, trip to John Brown's cabin and grave, condemns his execution, Wom. Suff. Day at Chautauqua, [708];
- guest of Ignorance Club, ad. W. C. T. U., opposed to third parties, suggests ministers be disfranchised, prayer by action, at Chautauqua, "Arnold Winkelreid among wom." Miss Willard congrat., at Hooker golden wedding, "no speeches," [709];
- at Lily Dale, beautiful camp, love of domestic life, hospitality, [710];
- how friends were entertained in new home, at Warsaw, at West. N. Y. Fair, woman's opinion will not be respected until counted at ballot-box, generosity to young speakers, [711];
- urges Mrs. Stn. to share her new home and put her own writings in shape, A "has no writings," [712];
- entertains Mrs. Stn. for month, has Ad. Johnson make bust, entertains P. E. Club, demands Roch. Univers. be opened to women, cartoon in Utica Herald. A. and Mrs. Stn. always stir up controversy, [713];
- visits E. W. Osborne, joins Emerson and Browning classes, forgets invitations, compli. of Auburn Advertiser, spks. at Thanksgiving service in Unitarian ch., Roch., [714];
- not easy to remain home, Mrs. Johns urges to come to Kan., will get no wounds there, Mrs. Avery joins in plea, A. agrees, [715];
- keeps eye on Cong. Coms., encouraging lets. from Dolph, Reed, Warren, [716];
- stops for Mrs. Stn. on way to Wash. con., elected pres. natl. assn., [717];
- presid. over con., ad. Cong. Coms., first hearing before Demo. com., recep. in Wash., no home in city, does not linger, [718];
- renewed appeals from Kan. friends, precious days at home, insists she has no literary ability, refers all eds. to Mrs. Stn., Anthony lot in cemetery, ad. N. Y. legis., [719];
- opening World's Fair on Sunday, at Bradford, Penn., at Ketcham silver wedding, at biennial Wom. Fed. Clubs, Chicago, popularity with audience, [720];
- business com. Wom. Council, sits for bust by L. Taft, amusing corres. between A., Miss Willard and Taft, shd. be made by woman, [721];
- her bust shall be in Senate and White House, it pleases Miss W., at Salem, O., reads Emily Robinson's paper, approves South. Wom. Council, [722];
- each section shd. have con., at Minneapolis Natl. Repub. Con., writes plank, kept waiting till 9 o'clock, Foraker refuses to hear her, Sen. Jones comes to relief, [723];
- ad. com. as Abolitionist and loyal woman, com. assure they believe in her cause but party can not carry load, [724];
- at Demo. Natl. Con., Chicago, presents plank, bowed out, Miss Willard describes her at cons., one day all women will call her blessed, [725];
- not necessary to go to Prohib. Con., at Kan. Repub. Con., wom. suff. amend. endorsed, at Omaha Popu. Con., at working wom. meet., [726];
- Popu. Con. refuse to allow women to ad. them, but declare for equal rights, at Beatrice, Dr. Vincent invites to speak at Chautauqua, declines, goes later to hear debate between A. Shaw and Dr. Buckley, [727];
- sits on plat., at Miss. Valley Conf. at Des Moines, ad. Neb. Norm. Sch. in Peru, begins tour of Kan. on Repub. plat., speaking for wom. suff., [728];
- at N. Y. Con., Syracuse, shows how some women now compli. by press were formerly abused by it, farewell telegram from F. Willard and Lady Somerset, [729];
- ministers at thanksgiving serv. forget to recog. women, "hard work to keep her peace," ad. ladies' acad. at Buffalo, law giving wom. school suff. a failure, appointed on Board of Managers, St. Indus. Sch. by Gov. Flower, [730];
- reappointed by Gov. Morton, Democrat and Chronicle describes her pride, ad. people of Roch. on new charter, reasons why women shd. have municipal suff., [731];
- effect in other places, defeated by close vote, Mrs. Greenleaf expresses indignation, [732];
- ad. Monroe Co. teachers, lets. from New Zealand and other foreign countries, face carved on theatre, Dowagiac, J. B. Thacher asks father's record, [733];
- N. Y. Art Assn. desires to make statue of A., represent. reform., Phil. Schuyler objects to placing stepmother by side of A., [734];
- declares it outrage on her memory, Justice Peckham decides agnst. Schuyler and pays trib. to character of A., [735];
- overwhelmed with work, at Wash. con., reads trib. to dead, [737];
- opposes holding natl. con, outside of Wash., defeated, [738];
- re-elected pres., receps. by Mrs. Greenleaf, Mrs. Waite, visits Mrs. Stn., at Warsaw, birthday recep. at Rev. Gannett's, gift of Thurlow Weed's granddaughter, writes Mrs. Avery, "just ten years since we went gypsying," Blaine shd. have been Repub. leader, [739];
- arranges meet. for Mrs. Sewall, tour of Mich., newspaper comment, ad. House of Rep., vote on municipal suff. for women, lets. from South, from Italy, from wage-earning women, wide range of invitat., [740];
- never had writing desk or stenog., can say with Gladstone, have helped humanity, spks. for wom. World's Fair Com., Cinti., urges women to organize, work or contribute money, gifts from pers. friends "to keep pot boiling," [741];
- opening of Columbian Expo., compli. Mrs. Palmer's ad., A.'s part in World's Fair, [742];
- determined women shd. participate, stands behind wom. coms., prepares petit. to Cong., Board of Lady Manag., [743];
- her prompt action secured board, careful not to embarrass Mrs. Palmer, latter's courtesy, [744];
- in full sympathy, [745];
- central fig. at Woman's Cong., audiences insist on her speaking, post of honor assigned her, Mrs. Sewall's testimony, [746];
- no woman so honored on acct. of personal work, tribs. of F. Willard, Lady Somerset, [747];
- suff. at Wom. Cong., lets. from Mr. Bonney, Mrs. Palmer, Mrs. Henrotin, asked to spk. in many Congs., takes no part in dissens. of women, seconds all Mrs. Palmer's efforts, [748];
- spks. at noon-hour meet., can not furnish writ. report, spks. on Relig. Press, managers uneasy, [749];
- speech causes sensation, chmn. apologizes, audience leaves with A., welcomes Gov't Cong. on behalf Civ. Serv. Com., visits Mesdames Coonley, Sewall, Gross, [750];
- luncheon to Internat. Council, at Harvey, Bloomington, Ill., Topeka, Rochester, Hempstead, reads Mrs. Stn.'s paper before Educat. Cong., last sight of White City, gifts from Mrs. Gross, Mrs. Coonley, farewell from Inter-Ocean, [751];
- most honored of all women, ready to go to Col. if needed, [752];
- rec. tele. announcing wom. suff. amend. carried in that State, N. Y. con. in Brooklyn, ad. New Century Club, at Penn. con., Foremothers' dinner, Ethical Wom. Conf., New York, arranges two State campns., scope of invitations, [753];
- lets. from Tourgee, Helen Webster, advice to Kan. wom, as to work for coming campn., prepares for N. Y. campn., [754];
- Wash. cons, run like thread through life, at Ann Arbor, hospitality of Mrs. Hall, [755];
- 25th annivers. at Toledo, in Baltimore, in Wash., [756];
- acknowl. present of silk flag from wom. of Wyo. and Col., birthday flowers, advantage of northern and southern women coming together at natl. cons., no politics, no creed, [757];
- Chicago Jour. comments on re-elect. as pres. "most remark., product of century," at suff. hearing, a new member asks why wom. have not gone to cong. coms. before, [758];
- Repubs. wd. not nominate wom. dele. to N. Y. Consti. Con., [759];
- her home devoted to campn. work, interview with Dana on number of women who shd. petit. for ballot, [760];
- maps outroutes and spks. in every county in N. Y., [761];
- mass meet. in Rochester, A.'s happiness, at Syracuse, Buffalo, remarkable tour of meet. in four States at 74, [762];
- travels 100 mi. a day, spks. six nights a week, very chain-gang influence Consti. Con., rec. bequest Eliza J. Clapp, applies all to suff. work, ad. to N. Y. woman, [763];
- opinion of remonstrants agnst. wom. suff., wd. make govt. an aristocracy, [766];
- ad. suff. com. N. Y. Constit. Con., opposed by Mr. Choate, [767];
- on platform, [768];
- gave serv. even travelling expenses, trib. of Mrs. Greenleaf, outwitted by politicians, [772];
- not crushed but plans another campn. when coming out of con., congrat. lets. from Isa. Charles Davis, H. B. Blackwell, guest of Howlands in Catskills, calls on F. Willard and Lady Somerset at Eagle's Nest, at Keuka College, Cassadaga Lake, suff. people fear to thank Spiritualists, [773];
- incorrect report in Buffalo Express, appeals to polit. State cons., five min. before resolu. com. at Repub. con., Saratoga. Miss Willard's description, [774];
- at Demo. con., women not wanted, continues work thro. hot weather, Col. women invite to their first 4th of July, [775];
- ad. Girl's Norm. Sch., Phila, starts to Kan., [776];
- urged to come, sends Mrs. Johns a plan of campn., necessity for party endorse., [777];
- suspects Kan. politicians trying to influence women, objects to Mrs. Johns being pres. Repub. club, [778];
- scores Repubs. for proposing to leave wom. suff. plank out of plat., [779];
- sends official let. to Kan. Wom. Suff. Com. showing trickery of politicians and uselessness of trying to secure wom. suff. without party help, woman must not surrender, [781], [782];
- received 300 lets. during Kan. campn., shows Repub. leaders wom. suff. wd. give them new lease of life, [783];
- women who yield help sell Kan. back to whiskey power, leaves N. Y. for Kan., opens campn. at Kansas City, demands Repub. and Popu. endorsement, both children of grand old party, [784];
- opposit. of women, speaks at Leav., and Topeka, returns to N. Y., at Kansas City, Mo., returns to Kan., Rep. Wom. Con. compelled to ask State con. for plank, [785];
- refused permis. to address Repub. State Con., pleads cause of wom. before res. com., rejected, candidates admit alliance with whiskey ring, will sink State on moral issues, [786];
- ad. suff. mass meet. in Topeka, tries for endorse. by Popu. Con., [787];
- ad. that body, asked if she will support Popu. party, replies "Yes," wild scene in con., rest of sentence not heard, [788]; [789];
- shakes hands with delegates, soldier pins Popu. badge on her dress, Prohib. con. telegraphs wom. suff. adopted, she sends greeting, [790];
- storm of denunciation for endorsing Popu., prefers justice to women to financial wisdom, explains posit, in Roch. Demo. and Chron., stands only on suff. plank, Popu. make honest protest, [791];
- difference in treatment of women by Kan. Repubs. and Popu., [792];
- comfort from Wm. Lloyd Garrison, A. believes in protecting home products, all creeds and politics insignificant compared to principle of equal rights, defends Popu. of Kan. and shows treachery and corruption of Repubs., [793];
- Repub. chmn. Cyrus Leland declines offer to speak, she asks Popu. chmn. Breidenthal to announce she will speak only on suff. plank, [794];
- Mrs. Diggs says Popu. want her to speak on suff. plank in Kan., [795];
- makes tour of State, sees no hope for amend., donates year's work to Kan., brother D. R. furnishes passes, [796];
- suff. defeated, keen disappoint., hopes for Kan., [797];
- confirmed in belief partial suff. hinders full suff., [798];
- makes strong speech Neb. con., leaves for East, New Century Club recep. in Philadelphia, [799];
- ad. N. Y. con. at Ithaca, visits Cornell, speaks to girls Sage College, close of two hard campns., full of hope and cheer, introduced by F. Willard to W. C. T. U., gospel meet, in Cleveland, "ordained of God," [800];
- material outweigh moral interests, men in reforms handicapped by disfranchis. women, might as well be dogs baying moon, Natl. Amer. Bus. Com. entertained by Mrs. Southworth, her friendship and generosity, goes to New York to prepare call with Mrs. Stn., [801];
- and revise article for cycloped., guest of Mrs. Lapham, walk thro. Central Park, lunch with Dr. Jacobi, opera with Lauterbachs, Uncut Leaves Club, hears Robt. Collyer, visits Orange, Philadelphia, Somerton, guest Foremother's Dinner, home for Christmas, [802];
- Mrs. Minor leaves legacy $1,000, Mrs. Gross makes present $1.000, velvet cloak, many invitations, requests for lectures, articles, woman's edition favor, [803];
- wd. have more interest in Y. M. C. A. if they stood for wom. suff., manager of printing house writes verse, let. Mary B. Willard, invited by Revs. Jenkyn Lloyd Jones, H. W. Thomas to take part in Lib. Relig. Cong., [804];
- Dr. Thomas compares to Christ, urged to come as Geo. Washington went into first Continent. Cong., relieved of part of work by younger women, confidence in "body guard," [805];
- urges old workers to consult with young ones, strictness in financ. accts., alarm lest contribs. be omitted, entertains friends New Year's, starts on south. tour taking Mrs. Catt, at the Clays in Lexington, [806];
- entertained at Memphis, spks. to col'd people in Tabernacle, at New Orleans, Picayune's descrip. of lect., [807];
- at Shreveport, floral offerings, trib. of Times, misses connect. for Jackson, [808];
- too "oozed-out" to speak, goes to Birmingham, trib. of News, at New Decatur, Huntsville, compli. of Tribune, [809];
- in Atlanta, [810];
- presides over con., reads Mrs. Stn.'s paper, takes charge mass meet., compli. of Constitution, Mrs. Stn.'s thanks for reading her papers, [811];
- ad. Atlanta Univers., etc., visits Howards in Columbus, spks. in Aiken, guest Martha Schofield, in Columbia, Pine Tree State obj. to Abolitionism, in Culpepper, in Wash., [812];
- 75th birthday banquet, Mrs. Avery presents annuity from friends, A.'s surprise, freed from financ. anxiety, at Wom. Council, [813];
- represents Govt. Reform, recep. by Mrs. McLean, spks. at funeral F. Douglass, at Travel Club, lect. Lincoln, Va., death Adaline Thomson, gave A. $1,000, sends thanks to contribs. to annuity fund, [814];
- at Drexel Instit., visits Mrs. Stn., goes to Police Court in Rochester to have boys punished same as girls, at lect. on lynching, tells audience col'd people treated no better in north than south, takes Miss Wells home with her, [815];
- discharges her stenog. because she refuses to write Miss Wells' lets., impossible to refuse calls for help in suff. work, resigns from Board St. Indus. Sch., her work for School, [816];
- gratitude of girls, arrang. for long journey, [817];
- invitations follow World's Fair, declines one but later accepts from Calif. Wom. Cong., delight of exec, board, [819];
- A. asks permis. to bring Anna Shaw, Mrs. Cooper sends money for both, writes A. many loving lets., western towns want lect., starts for Calif., [820];
- at Chicago, meets H. Hosmer, many interviews, at St. Louis, Missis. Valley Cong., ovation, "75 roses," banquet, at Denver, misses recep. com., at Boulder, [821];
- recep. by Wom. Club, tribute Rocky Mountain News, Col. women owe suffrage to her, trib. Times, all women under obligat. to her, [822];
- knows not what to say to enfranchised women, lect. in Broadway Theatre, ovation, compliments men, at Sen. Carey's, Cheyenne, [823];
- distinguished aud. in Mrs. Stanford's private car, advises her to watch case before Sup. Court, breakfast at Templeton, Salt Lake, [824];
- guest of honor at Inter-Mountain Suff. Con., trib. Gov. West, receps., banquet at Ogden, State Univers., Reno, [825];
- spks. in opera house, Wom. Club recep., in lovely Calif., friends at Oakland ferry, entertained by Rev. McLean, [826];
- with Miss Shaw in pulpit, happiness at cordial recep., beautiful scene at Wom. Cong., great ovation, [827];
- spks. every day of Cong., "princess blood royal," [828];
- immense audiences, guest of Mrs. Sargent, helps women organize suff. campn., [829];
- ad. Congregat. ministers' meet., spks. at Unit. Club dinner, teach. institute, societies, Pres. Jordan invites to Stanford Univers., Mrs. Stanford sends passes and invites graduates' recep., [830];
- social courtesies, Ebell Club, Alameda Co. Wom. Cong., in Yosemite, big tree named for her, [831];
- lect. in San Jose, guest Mrs. Knox Goodrich, ovation in Los Angeles, at Riverside, Pasadena, Pomona, Whittiers, San Diego, [832];
- recep. Hotel Florence, floral offerings, picnic at Olivewood, day at Santa Monica, recep. Mrs. Severance, suff. meet., [833];
- attitude of press, entertained by Emma Shafter Howard, spks. in Oakland, in San Fr. Zion's Church to col'd people, at ministers' meet., [834];
- tells why they shd. favor wom, suff., at Calif. Suff. Assn., invited to take part in 4th of July celebra., [835];
- rides in procession, makes short speech, [836];
- goes with Miss Shaw to Oakland, can not find audience, beautiful farewell, 200 pages newspaper notices, [837];
- apprecia. lets. from Calif. women, [838];
- suff. res. at Topeka, throws eds. into hysterics, Chicago Herald compares to Pope, [839];
- reaches home daybreak, at Lakeside has nervous prostrat., [840];
- papers prepare obit., friends and press show sympathy, trib. Wichita Eagle, lets. from May, [841];
- Pillsbury, Stanton, Cooper, [842];
- no idea of giving up work, employs stenog., lect. bureau offer $100 a night, determ. to stay home, secret of vitality, [843];
- suff. will lessen unfortunate mothers, men can not be just to each other while unjust to women, money enough if justly distributed, on "bloomers," men troubled about woman's dress, had to dress to escape being old maids, [844];
- women must cease to be subject class, recovers, goes to Ashtabula con., papers put obit. notices away, at Mrs. Stn.'s 80th birthday, [845];
- urged to be chmn. com. arrange., Mrs. Blake insists, A. shows greater honor to have Wom. Council undertake it, [846];
- Mrs. Sewall and Mrs. Avery obj., she shows suff. elephant must not frighten outsiders, writes hundreds of lets. to assist Mrs. Dickinson, criticises Mrs. Stn.'s speech on church, [847];
- pays trib. to pioneers, reads lets. and teleg., N. Y. Sun compli., Tilton's testimonial, [848];
- recep. by Mrs. Henry Villard, Mrs. Stn.'s birthday celebrated in Anthony home, gives all workers full meed, trib. to Mrs. Dietrick, mother's birthday, [849];
- And. D. White presents wife, to Mrs. Sewall on death of husband, trib. to Mrs. Dickinson, Mrs. Stanford, [850];
- Wash, con., Utah admitted with wom. suff., [851];
- Wom.'s Bible condemned, [852];
- her indignat., speech for freedom of thought, [853];
- vote for relig. liberty, [854];
- contemplates resigning pres., agony of soul, no worse to criticise Bible than statute laws, [855];
- penitent lets. from Mrs. Avery and Mrs. Upton, position in regard to Bible, regrets Mrs. Stn. shd. give time to commentary, talking down to people, [856];
- women wd. be no more superstit. than men if had broad life, polit. rights lessen relig. bigotry, refuses to put prohib. or Bible literature into Calif. campn., claims freedom of belief for all, [857];
- at Mrs Grant's 70th birthday, "Nelly Bly" interview in N. Y. World, Cuba, [858];
- immortality, eternity, prayer, marriage, flowers, music, art, favorite motto, bicycling, [859];
- new woman needs common sense, cd. not give up freedom for marriage, 76th birthday celebrat. by Roch. P. E. Club, ad. col'd people at Bath, arrang. to write biog., [860];
- appeals for help in Calif. campn., lets. from Mrs. Sargent, Mrs. Cooper, accepts, Harriet Cooper sends money, [861];
- Rev. and Mrs. Gannett raise money to send her sec. with her, starts for Calif., stops Ann Arbor, Chicago, statuette by Bessie Potter, at Wom. Club, San Diego, Friday Morning Club, Los Angeles, praise from Alice Moore McComas, at San Francisco, directs campn. from Sargent residence, [862];
- on St. Central Com., [863];
- makes lists of all towns to have cons., in Sargent home, [864];
- visits eds. of all San Francisco dailies with Mrs. Harper, cordial recep., [866];
- Examiner offers column on ed. page, A. fills it during campn., pleads with ed. Hearst to bring paper out for wom. suff., [867];
- ed. Monitor will not see her, [868];
- refuses to remain for campn. unless polit. part, endorse suff. amend., at Repub. State Con., [869];
- interviews in Examiner, before res. com., [870];
- trib. from Mrs. Duniway, Mrs. McCann, prepares for Popu. con., [871];
- enthusiastic recep. at con., at Prohib. con., at Demo. con., [872];
- ad. res. com. for two minutes, [873];
- rebukes con. for action on wom. suff. plank, at ratificat. meet. in San Fr., [874], [875];
- immense amt. of labor during campn., Cent. Club breakfast, social courtesies, Ebell Club, Oakland, Fabiola Fete, [876];
- other invitat., up Mt. Tamalpais, hardships of campn., no complaint, at Wom. Cong., Portland, social events in Seattle, [877];
- ad. Repub., Popu., and Demo. ratificat. meet. in San Fr., homesickness, longs to help Idaho, [878];
- objects to "still hunt," people can not understand her on all platforms, needs Mrs. Stn.'s help, sends res. to Natl. Repub. Con., [879];
- indignat. and contempt at plank adopted, holds her peace, [880];
- triumphal tour of South. Calif., spks. from car plat., urges Miss Willard not to hold W. C. T. U. con. in Calif., [881];
- let. to Mrs. Peet on subject, shd. offend no voters, honors rec. from W. C. T. U., [882];
- no considera. from Repub. Cent. Com. "too many bonnets," [883];
- at "Tom Reed" rally, [885];
- photo. given for pledges, [889];
- scenes witnessed in elect. booths, sympathy for Calif. wom., [891];
- donates own services and those of sec., trib. to Calif. wom., their remembrances, meets with State Assn., [892];
- ovation, leaves for East, [893];
- at Reno, Kansas City, perfect physical condit., banq. by Roch. P. E. Club, N. Y. State Con., Natl. Wom. Council, Boston, visits in that locality, [895];
- Mrs. Chace's 90th birthday, ad. R. I. Suff. Con., in Eddy homestead tells Mrs. Stn. of Calif. campn., funeral Maria Porter, securing reminis. for biog., hon. member Chi. Wom. Club, Maj. Pond's compli., offers $100 for lecture, [896];
- never denies charges, urges women not to scramble for office, Book of Prov. not much help in securing justice to women, constancy of purpose, [897];
- with ballot women wd. be vital force, women can not help polit. parties, objects to calling God author of civil gov., cd. better do God's work if had money, [898];
- men trying to lift themselves by bootstraps, no time to speculate on future life, opposed to educat. and property suff., think of dead as when at best in life, [899];
- trib. of Dr. H. W. Thomas, at Geneva, gifts from Mrs. Orr, Mrs. Gross, Mrs. Hussey, greet. from Mrs. Henrotin, John W. Hutchinson, [900];
- Mrs. Dickinson, F. Willard invites to visit at Castile, ad. patients Green sanitar., at lunch, ex. com. St. Fed. Clubs, arranges lect. for Mrs. Stetson, starts for natl. con, at Des Moines, thinks longingly of Wash., [901];
- sleeps on $6,000 bed, compli. Chi. Wom. Club, at Callanan home, pres. at natl. suff. con., victories in Utah and Idaho, [902];
- reporter dresses her in royal purple and diamonds, advantage of holding natl. cons. in Wash., Mrs. Sewall gives recep. to legis. in her honor, [903];
- ad. the guests, lunch, with Mrs. Wallace and G. W. Julian, recep. by Mr. and Mrs. Dean, ad. Ind. Legislature, arrives home, friendship for reporters, at Douglass birthday service, [904];
- women's clubs of Rochester arrange 77th birthday recep. for A., comment of papers, [905];
- trib. Post Express, Herald descrip. of recep., [906];
- at the recep., day in Anthony home, greetings from individs. and assns., trib. Mrs. Catt, at meet. Cuban League, [907];
- hopes Cubans will remember their women, eulogy at funeral of Mrs. Humphrey, urged not to delay biog., [908];
- while in Calif. asks Mrs. Harper to write it, thinks will be little to say, immense amt. of material, [909];
- all sorted and arranged, [910];
- in attic workrooms, [911];
- difficult to remain home, rec. callers Monday evenings, dislikes role of society or literary woman, [913];
- chafes under old records, "living with the dead," lect. at Auburn for Tuskegee Instit., ad. legis. com. at Albany, resolves never to do it again, wants to celebrate sister's 70th birthday, finds friends arranging for it, [914];
- interview in Rochester Herald, trib. to life of sister Mary, personal obligations, [915];
- happiness over party, Sargent golden wedding, [916];
- visits Mrs. Osborne, evenings of reminis. with Mrs. Stn., reading of biog., lets. from all parts of world, greatest compli., medallion and souvenir spoon, [917];
- women can not rise in revolt agnst. fathers and sons, Mrs. Besant and Theosophy, busy with work on this planet, [918];
- thanks Sup. Judges of Idaho for decision on wom. suff., advises Ky. Daught. of Rev. to commemorate deeds of women, hardships of pioneer women, shd. demand rights Rev. fathers fought for, honorary member Roch. D. A. R., [919];
- woman's dependence on man does not win his respect, every dollar helps wom. suff., women's sympathy easily aroused, do not strike at root of public evils, urges women to work only for full suff., begin with voting precincts, [920];
- opinion on poetry, God does not "punish" people, good men form third parties and play into hands of enemy, [921];
- week days sacred as Sunday, women shd. not ask for educat. and property suff., objects to idea of pers. God, [922];
- he is not respons. for human ills, can not influence voters by prayer, telegram to nephew on wedding day, let. to F. Willard on yellow journalism and prize fight, [923];
- objects to threatening voters with woman's ballot, Miss Willard sends conciliatory reply, urges her to come to World's and Natl. W. C. T. U. Cons., no end of invitations, [924];
- requests for opinions, amusing questions from county offic., A.'s answer, hon. mem. Cuban League, Roch. Hist. Soc., Ladies of Maccabees, etc., never recd. one dollar salary from Natl. Suff. Assn., [925];
- nor have any of offic., visits Thousand Islands, beautiful scenes, starts for Adams, Mass., [926];
- at Geneva, at O. St. Con., Alliance, ad. students Mt. Union Coll., S. J. May's Centennial, at Nashville Expo., spks. in Wom. Bldg., hearty greeting, [927];
- recep. by pres. of Expo., compli. of American, entertained by pres. Board of Lady Managers, ad. Lib. Cong. Relig., Fiske Univers., N. Y. Suff. Con., Geneva, criticises women for going into partisan politics, defends "rings," [928];
- "adroit statesman lost to world," gold. wed. Dr. and Mrs. E. M. Moore, spks. Minneap., Madison, Grand Rapids, Kalamazoo, Toledo, ad. students Minn. Univers., contrast bet. first canvass of N. Y. and present ovations, [929];
- daily life and habits, [931];
- great amt. of exercise, not dwelling on ills, work, dress, [932];
- toilet, religion, medical practice, few visits, harmonious life with sister, home in Rochester, [933];
- A. enjoys kitchen, mother's wed. furniture, old pictures, [934];
- bedroom, study, daily mail, [935];
- work as pres. Natl. Suff. Assn., requests from men, women and children, schools, clubs, libraries, authors, eds., [936];
- poets, "cranks," adventurers, [937];
- let. from child, slave to correspond., "if young women fail, octogenarian will work harder," [938];
- trib. to obscure women, devoting closing yrs. to permanent fund for wom. suff. and Press Bureau, Hist. Soc. invites to Berkshire, [939];
- official and pressing invit., she invites natl. suff. com. and other friends, arrang. for family reunion, "Old Hive" swarms, [940];
- pres. suff. com. meet. in rooms where played as child, [941];
- lunch in Plunkett's Pavilion, Adams, pres. Hist, meet., pride and happiness, trib. of Mrs. Catt, [942];
- Mrs. Avery, Mrs. Upton, compared to Galileo, wd. turn Roman palaces into orphan asylums, future pilgrimages to birth-place, [943];
- trib. Mrs. Sewall, Mrs. Colby, love of justice, of home, [944];
- trib. of Anna Shaw, tenderness, charity, love, great, ideal life, [945];
- pres. Anthony reunion, New Eng. dinner, silent blessing, [946];
- trip to Mt. Greylock, A. gayest of party, takes friends to all loved spots, Quaker meet. house, [947];
- own old home, room where born, worthy descendant noble race, task for half-century to secure equal rights for women, [948];
- contrast in condit. at begin. and end, her part, receives med. of apprecia., face carved in capitol at Albany, [949];
- trib. of women, Mrs. Sewall's analysis, "never forgets," F. Willard's testimonial, [950];
- Mrs. Stn. describes grand life, dedicates Reminiscences to A., [951];
- "steadfast friend," A. not martyr, enjoyed work, retained self-respect, always in good company, gov. by philos. rather than emotion, compared to Napoleon, Gladstone, Lincoln, [952];
- Garrison, own individuality, life's serene evening, [953];
- ad. to Lincoln, "free women as you have slaves," [957];
- ad. on Reconstruct. in 1865, Johnson's proclam. to Miss., ballot in hand of every loyal citizen, [960];
- ad. to Cong., eloquent demand for woman's enfranchis., [968];
- newspaper trib. on 50th birthday, [972];
- lets. and gifts, [974];
- constitut. argu. deliv. in Monroe and Ontario counties, previous to trial for voting, 1873, proving from Fed. and State constits., statutes and eminent men, right of women to franchise, [977];
- newspaper comment on trial, [993];
- scurrilous reports, famous silk dress, will make charming biog., [995];
- Bread and Ballot speech deliv. [187]0-1880, [996];
- lect. on Social Purity deliv. in Chicago, 1875, [1004];
- open let. to Benj. Harrison asking to interpret "free ballot" plank in Repub. plat, as including women, [1013];
- Demand for Party Recognition, deliv. in Kan., 1894, [1015].
- Anthony, Susie B., [471], [552];
- Anthony, William, [947].
- Archer, Stephen, A. hears preach, [39].
- Arkell, James, writes play, [51].
- Arkell, William J., [51].
- Arnold, Edwin, [554].
- Arthur, Chester A., grants interview to A., [538];
- rec. suff. delegates, [588].
- Ashley, Rev. Mr., preaches agnst. equality for women, [79].
- Atkinson, Mrs. Wm. Y., reception to suff. con., [810].
- Auclert, Hubertine, A. calls on, [562].
- Avery, Dr. Alida C., accepts A.'s services for Colorado, [489];
- Avery, Cyrus Miller, marries Rachel Foster, [644];
- present to A., [707].
- Avery, Rose Foster, [678].
- Avery, Rachel Foster, [511];
- arrang. lect. tour for A., [512]; [527];
- cor. sec. Natl. Assn., arrang. N. E. cons., [535]; [538]; [541];
- manages Neb. campn., [545];
- to accompany A. abroad, adopts name "Aunt Susan," [546];
- starts for Europe with A., [550];
- on shipboard, [552]; [553]; [555]; [556]; [558];
- presented at court, [562]; [564]; [565]; [566];
- at Somerville club, [567];
- death of mother, [603];
- in Kansas, [625];
- meets Stone in Boston, rec. plan of union of two soc. and list of com., sec. of com., [628];
- rec. list of Am. com., let. from A. urging union, [629];
- cor. sec. unit, assns., [632];
- arr. internat. council, [633];
- marries, public work, [644];
- continues after marriage, [645]; [664];
- arranges birthday banq. for A., [664]; [676];
- A. on pre-natal influ., birth of daught., gratitude to A., [678];
- sends A. sister's furniture, [701];
- gives recep. for A., [705]; [707];
- urges A. to go to Kan., [715];
- in Kan. campn., gives $1,000, [719]; [721];
- at Chautauqua, [727];
- gift to A., [741];
- at opening World's Fair, [742];
- sec. com. org. Wom. Cong., magnitude of work, respons. for success, A.'s pride, [745]; [753]; [802];
- secures annuity for A., [813];
- wants A. to manage Stn. birthday, [847];
- favors res. against Wom. Bible, [854];
- asks A.'s forgiveness, [856]; [895];
- at Des Moines con., [902];
- present to Mary Anthony, [916];
- at Anthony homestead, [940];
- at Berkshire Hist. meet., [943].
- Avery, Susan Look, entertains A., [654]; [711];
- A. at bien. Fed. of Clubs, [720].
- Baker, Charles S., M.C., favors admis. of Wy., [698]; [713].
- Baker, Ellen S., registers and votes, [424].
- Baker, Mrs. George L., [832].
- Baker, Gula, [552].
- Baker, Dr. Henry A., Yosemite with A., [831].
- Baker, Mrs. P. C., [832].
- Baldwin, Isabel A., meets A. at ferry, [826];
- pres. Alameda Co. suff. soc., [865].
- Balgarnie, Florence, at Int'l. Council, let. [704];
- in Kan. campn., [719].
- Ballard, Adelaide, [902].
- Bangs, Judge, for wom. suff. in S. Dak., [687].
- Banker, Henrietta M., [708].
- Bannister County Supt., [288].
- Barker, Rachel, A. hears preach., [40].
- Barker, Mrs. H. M., nat'l ass'n funds keep up work in S. Dak., [680].
- Barker, Rev. M., suff. amend. will go by default unless nat'l ass'n helps, [680]; [681].
- Barnard, Helen, edits campn. paper, [509].
- Barron, Mme. de, entertains A., [561].
- Barrows, Isabel, [793].
- Barry, Leonora M., on A.'s birthday, [671];
- in Col. campn., [752].
- Barstow, Hon. A. C., [87].
- Bartlett, Rev. Caroline J., [702].
- Bartol, Emma J., [548].
- Barton, Clara, unrecognized by govt., [239]; [276];
- Bascom, Emma C., [548]; [612].
- Bascom, Pres., friendship for A., [612].
- Bates, U. S., Atty.-Gen. Edw., citizen of U. S. means memb. of nation, [984];
- infamous decis., [985].
- Bates, Fannie, [940].
- Bayne, Julia Taft, poem on Greylock, [13].
- Beach, Rev. and Mrs. J. C., [288].
- Beale, General, [677].
- Beatie, Mrs. ---- ----, [824].
- Beck, James B., Senator, opp. com. on rights of wom., [541].
- Becker, Lydia E., [360];
- A. meets in Eng., [553].
- Beckwith, P. D., for equal. of wom., [733].
- Beecher, Catharine, on divorce, [332];
- Beecher, H. W., praise of Berkshire, [2];
- W. R. sp. at Cooper Insti., [192];
- assists Wom. Loyal League, [234];
- agrees to lect. for wom. suff. movement, [252]; [259];
- on hay fever, [263];
- describes manifold duties, can not work in organizations, [274];
- sp. on pressing woman's claims at once, [276]; [279];
- endorses wom. suff., [284]; [290]; [308];
- pres. Am. Suff. Assn., [328];
- how to make audience laugh and cry, [334]; [346]; [347];
- marriage of Richardson and Mrs. McFarland, [351]; [373]; [422];
- magnetism, like elder brother to Tilton, devotion to Mrs. Tilton, [464];
- birthday gift to A., [976].
- Beecher, Rev. Thomas K., theology, [125];
- Belford, James B., M. C., for wom. suff., [585].
- Bell, John C., M. C., ad. suff. con., [756].
- Bennett, James Gordon, opp. wom. suff., [78].
- Bennett, Sallie Clay, [511]; [607].
- Bemis, Julia Brown, [368].
- Bernhardt, Sarah., A. hears, [567]; [733].
- Berry, Mr. and Mrs. W. W., recep. to Woman's Council, [928].
- Besant, Annie, [577];
- Bidwell, Gen. J. C., [404].
- Bidwell, Annie K., tries to secure suff. amend. from Calif. legis., [863].
- Bigelow, John, for wom. suff., [767].
- Biggs, Caroline Ashurst, [554].
- Bingham, Anson, in favor of wom. rights, [186].
- Bingham, John A., agnst. wom. suff., [382]; [985]; [986].
- Bird, Francis W., speaks at suff. con., [533].
- Bisbee, M. C., [590].
- Blackie, Prof. John Stuart, converted by A. to wom. suff.; kisses her hand, [570].
- Blackwell, Alice Stone, arrang. union of two assns., [628];
- Blackwell, Rev. Antoinette Brown, Vice Pres. Wom. Temp. Con., [67];
- demands equal rights, [74];
- Bible enjoins no subjection of woman, [76];
- urges A. to speak, [82]; [83]; [90]; [93]; [94];
- refused right to speak at World's Temp. Con., [101];
- marries, [128]; [131];
- jokes A. about bachelor, [142];
- preaches in Rochester, [167];
- biog. in cycloped., [170];
- wd. use Hovey fund for church work, [171];
- con. at Niagara, [175];
- anecdote of A.'s trying to order breakfast, [176];
- demands of married life, [178];
- teasing let. on A.'s obtuseness, disappoint. when preaching at Peterboro, [179];
- opp. divorce res., [193];
- patriotic ad. Wom. Loyal League, [229]; [253];
- woman's paper for Mrs. Stn.'s benefit, [299];
- A. writes regard. wom. preachers and sermons, [634]; [636].
- Blackwell, Ellen, [131]; [132].
- Blackwell, Dr. Eliz., originates Sanitary Commission, [239].
- Blackwell, Henry B., marries Lucy Stone, [130];
- rec. sec. Equal Rights Assn., [260];
- accompanies wife to Kan., criticises Greeley and Repubs., [275];
- for defeat of wom. suff. in Kan., [304];
- rec. sec. Am. Suff. Assn., [328];
- offers res. that Am. Equal Rights Assn. be dissolved, [348];
- votes for it, [349];
- bus. man. Wom. Journal, [361];
- writes A. to stand by Repub. party, [416];
- cor. sec. Am. W. S. A., [627];
- sec. com. on union, [629]; [640]; [675];
- contrib. serv. to S. Dak., [695];
- spks. at Chautauqua, [727];
- congrat. A. on N. Y. campn., [773];
- must have endors. of Repubs. and Popu. in Kan., [780];
- Mrs. Johns must stand by her guns, [781];
- urges A. to be Repub. or non-partis., [793];
- favors res. against Wom. Bible, [854].
- Blaine, Jas. G., tyranny to count citizens in represent. while denying ballot, [499];
- Blair, Sen. Henry W., [500];
- rep. in favor wom. suff., [543];
- same, [590]; [591];
- humorous note to A., [606]; [607];
- secures vote in senate on 16th Amend, [617];
- spks. for it, [620];
- A. must "fight for life," [626];
- ad. suff. con., [647];
- at A.'s birthday banq., [664]; [665];
- by "pious fraud" reads let. from Eng. Suff. Soc., [704];
- rep. in favor wom. suff., [718].
- Blake, Lillie Devereux, [377];
- defends A. in voting, [432]; [446];
- presents Wom. Dec. of Ind., [478];
- on trial by jury, [479]; [511];
- in Neb. campn., [545];
- interviews Gen. Hancock, [520]; [628]; [629];
- in N. Y. campn., [761];
- ad. N. Y. Consti. Con., [768];
- at N. Y. Demo. Con., [775];
- pres. Foremothers' dinner, [802];
- A. must manage Stn. birthday, [846];
- opp. res. agnst. Wom. Bible, [854].
- Blatch, Alice, [553].
- Blatch, Harriot Stanton, trib. to A., [543];
- Blinn, Nellie Holbrook, pres. Calif. suff. assn., tries to sec. suff. amend. from legis., on St. Suff. Com., [863];
- at Rep. St. Con., [869].
- Bloomer, Amelia, Sec. Wom. Temp. Con., [67];
- Bloss, Wm. C., [165].
- Blue, Hon. Richard W., introduces municipal wom. suff. bill in Kan. Senate, [611]; [647].
- Blunt, Gen., [289].
- "Bly, Nellie," interview with A., [858].
- Bogelot, Isabelle, ad. Sen. Com., [640].
- Bond, Mrs. Charles W., Recep. To Wom. Council, [895].
- Bond, Eliz. Powell, [152].
- Bonney, C. C., pres. Wom. Cong. Aux., appoints coms., [745];
- Booth, Mary L., first pub. appearance, [131];
- Bottome, Margaret, [702];
- tribute to A., [703].
- Bowen, Thos. B., Senator, [607].
- Bowen, "Uncle Sam," [5].
- Bowles, Rev. Ada C., at suff. con., [533]; [636].
- Bowman, Bishop Thos., for wom. suff., [588].
- Boynton, Elizabeth, [360]. (see Harbert.)
- Boynton, H. V., [608].
- Bradford, Mary C. C., invites A. to Colorado women's 4th of July, [775].
- Bradlaugh, Charles, [577].
- Bradley, Mr. and Mrs. Benj., [652].
- Bradwell, Judge, [315];
- urges measures to unite two suff. org., [350].
- Bradwell, Myra W., tribute to A., [315]; [346];
- Brayton, Helen, [812].
- Breeden, Rev. H. O., welc. natl. suff. con., [902].
- Breidenthal, John W., ch. Kan. Popu. Com. will leave it with A. as to her speeches, [794];
- confident suff. amend. will carry, [796].
- Brice, Mrs. Calvin, [814].
- Brickner, Max, [731].
- Brigham, Prof., [76].
- Bright, Albert, [576].
- Bright, Jacob, endorses wom. suff., [368]; [564];
- Bright, John, Lord Rector's ad., [556]; [565]; [575]; [577];
- workingmen need franchise, [996].
- Bright, Ursula M., demands franchise for married women, [563]; [564]; [565];
- A. visits, son's admiration for her, [577].
- Broadhead, M. C., [590].
- Broderick, Case, M. C., ad. suff. con., [756];
- Bronte, Anne, Charlotte and Emily, home and life, [576].
- Brooke, Stopford, discouraging attempts at temp. work, [564].
- Brooks, D. C., sustains suff. meet., [544].
- Brooks, James, M. C., franks women's petitions, [268], [295];
- thanked by women, [422].
- Brooks, Bishop Phillips, for wom. suff., [757].
- Broomall, J. W., endorses wom. suff., [284].
- Brotherton, Alice Williams, [668].
- Brown, Rev. Antoinette L. (see Blackwell).
- Brown, B. Gratz, argues for wom. suff., [266]; [318]; [415];
- franchise a natural right, [979].
- Brown, Beriah, misrepresents A., [401].
- Brown, Charlotte Emerson, [720].
- Brown, Elizabeth, [369].
- Brown, Mrs. H. B., [697].
- Brown, John, sleeps in cabin of Merritt Anthony, [144];
- Brown, Col. John, [4].
- Brown, Rev. John, on Kan. suff. com., [287].
- Brown, Sen. Jos. A., opp. wom. suff., [590];
- Brown, Mattie Griffith, [234]; [260]; [327]; [350].
- Brown, May Belleville, [726].
- Brown, Rev. Olympia, work in Kan., [286];
- Brown, Sarah, [287].
- Brown, Susan Anthony, [942].
- Browne, Thos. M., M. C., rep. in fav. wom. suff. [590];
- has it printed, A. praises, [591].
- Bruce, Senator Blanche K., ad. suff. con., [756].
- Bryant, Wm. Cullen, trib. to Berkshire, [13];
- Buchanan, James, [150].
- Buckley, Prof. J. W., opp. co-educat., [156].
- Buckley, Rev. John H., Anna Shaw answers obj. to wom. suff., [710];
- Budd, Gov. James H., signs bill for suff. amend., [863];
- places last on ticket, [889].
- Buffum, Jas., [131].
- Bullard, Laura Curtis, [327]; [350];
- Bunnell, Mrs. G. W., pres. Ebell Club, [876].
- Burdette, Robt. J., [862].
- Burleigh, Celia, [353].
- Burleigh, Wm. H., [69].
- Burnett, Assemblyman, spks. agnst. wom. rights, [109].
- Burnside, Gen. Ambrose E., [959].
- Burr, Frances Ellen, let. A.'s 50th birthday, [975].
- Burt, Mary T., ad. N. Y. Consti. Con., [769].
- Burtis, Sarah Anthony, teach. in Anthony family, [22];
- Burton, Captain, 552.
- Bush, Col. J. W., introduces A., [809].
- Bushnell, Dr. Kate, spks. at Central Music Hall, Chicago, [640].
- Butler, Gen. Benj. F., fine rep. in favor of wom. suff., [382];
- let. on wom. right to vote under Constit., [429];
- rep. in favor of remit. A.'s fine for voting, [451];
- intercedes for inspectors, [452];
- in favor of wom. suff., [454];
- retained in Eddy will case, [540];
- pres. candidate, [594];
- fees in Eddy case, [598];
- death, [737];
- in New Orleans, [959];
- Constit. authoriz. right of women to vote, [991].
- Butler, Josephine E., writes A., [458];
- A. hears speak, [576].
- Butler, Senator and Mrs. Matt. C., [677].
- Byrd, Prof. C. E., [808].
- Butler, David, Gov. (Of Neb.), introduces A., [380].
- Cady, Margaret Livingston, [279].
- Caird, Mona, [577].
- Callanan, James and Martha C., [676]; [902].
- Cameron, Senator Angus, reports in favor wom. suff., [502].
- Cameron, Senator Don, grants ten seats to wom. in Repub. con., [518].
- Camp, Herman, agnst. wom. delegates, [70].
- Campbell, Gov. John A., vetoes bill repealing wom. suff. in Wyoming, [407]; [408].
- Campbell, Margaret, in Col. campn, [492].
- Campbell, Mary Grafton, [830].
- Cannon, Hon. Geo. Q., [825].
- Cantine, Emma, [927].
- Carey, Joseph M., Senator, ad. suff. con., [617]; [756];
- ad. N. Y. Consti. Con. in favor wom. suff., [769].
- Carey, Mrs. Joseph M., [617]; [823].
- Carlisle, John G., Senator, [718].
- Carpenter, Frank G., let. on A.'s birthday, [670].
- Carpenter, Sen. Matt. H., [337]; [410];
- Carroll, Anna Ella, plans Tenn. campn., [239].
- Cartter, Sup. Judge, agnst. wom. suff., [985].
- Cary, Alice, [316]; [343];
- Cary, Phoebe, [316];
- Cary, Samuel F., declines to assist wom. temp, con., [97];
- opp. woman's speaking, [101].
- Casement, Gen. J. S. and Mrs. Frances M., hospitality to A., [705].
- Caswell, L. B., M. C., reports in favor of wom. suff., [699].
- Catt, Carrie Chapman, [675];
- in S. Dak., [685];
- shows no hope of success, [693];
- "lonesome movement," [694];
- A.'s unselfishness, [695];
- illness acc't work in S. D., [696];
- at Kan. con., [697];
- in Col. campaign, [752];
- entertains A., [753];
- elect. nat'l organizer, [758];
- in N. Y. campn., [761];
- no hope of suff. in Kan. without party endors., [780];
- opens campn. in Kan. City, [784];
- ad. Popu. St. Con., [789];
- situation in Kan., [792];
- amendment will win., [795];
- with A. on south. lect. tour, [806];
- entertained by Memphis clubs, [807];
- at New Or., Greenville, Jackson, [808];
- New Decatur, Huntsville, trib. of News, [809];
- favors res. against Wom. Bible, [854];
- work in Calif. campn., [875];
- first app. at Natl. Con., [878]; [883];
- entertains natl. com., [895];
- birthday trib. to A., [907];
- ad. N. Y. legis., [914];
- western conferences, [929];
- at Anthony homestead, [940];
- trib. to A. at Berk. Hist. meet. compares to Galileo, future pilgrimages to birthplace, [942].
- Chace, Eliz. Buffum, 90th birthday, [896].
- Chace, Jonathan, Senator, for suff., [621].
- Chadwick, Rev. John, [346].
- Chambers, Rev. John, calls wom. deleg. "scum of con.," [89];
- insults Miss Brown on platform, [101].
- Chandler, Senator, Zach., [460].
- Chanler, Margaret Livingstone, ad. N. Y. Consti. Con. in favor wom. suff., [768].
- Channing, W M. H., begin. of friendship for A., [58];
- visits Anthony home, [60]; [93];
- defends Antoinette Brown at temp. con., [102];
- prep. call for W. R. con. and leads it, [104];
- audience at Albany refuses to hear, [108];
- writes appeal for wom. suff., [110];
- corporal awkward squad, [112];
- opp. bloomer dress, [115];
- compli. Hist. Wom. Suff. [531];
- loves America, [554];
- returns to early beliefs, [563];
- death, [595].
- Chant, Laura Ormiston, ad. Sen. Com., spks. Central Music Hall, Chicago, [640];
- Chapin, Rev. Edwin H., [192].
- Chapman, Maria Weston, compli. A., [154].
- Chapman, Mariana W., in N. Y. campn., [761];
- Chapman, Nancy M., registers and votes, [424].
- Chatfield, Hannah, regis. and votes, [424].
- Cheever, Rev. Geo. B., [173]; [174];
- Cheney Bros., present to A., [549].
- Cheney, Ednah D., at Fed. clubs, [721].
- Cheney, Mr. and Mrs., gift to A., [976].
- Child, Lydia Maria, [253]; first ed. A. S. Standard, petit, for suff. declared "inopportune" by Sumner, [265]; [276]; [549]; [935].
- Childs, Geo. W., [480];
- Choate, Joseph H., pres. N. Y. Consti. Con., uses influence agnst. wom. suff., [767];
- votes agnst. suff. amend., fears to injure polit. prospects, [771].
- Choate, Mrs. Joseph H., petit, for suff., [764];
- not represented by husb., [771].
- Churchill, Mrs. Jerome, [404].
- Claflin, Tennie C., [376].
- Clapp, Eliza J., leaves A. $1,000, [763].
- Clapp, Hannah H., introd. A. in '71, '95, [826].
- Clark, Emily, temp. speaker, travels with A., [71]; [87];
- at Brick church meet., [90].
- Clark, Helen Bright, [576].
- Clark, James G., [200].
- Clark, Nancy Howe, Teacher's Trib. To Mr. and Mrs. A., [22]; [47].
- Clark, Sidney M. C., [247];
- Clarkson, Thomas, A. visits old home, [569].
- Clay, Henry, preaches liberty attended by a slave, [42].
- Clay, Laura, [511]; [806]; [807];
- Clay, Mary B., [511]; [628].
- Clay, Mary J. Warfield, [511]; [806].
- Clay-Klopton, Mrs., [809].
- Clayton, Col. V. P., [812].
- Clemmer, Mary, describes con., trib. to A., [340]; [360];
- Cleveland, Grover, [594];
- Cleveland, Mrs. Grover, rec. Wom. Intl. Council, [637].
- Clymer, Ella Deitz, [704].
- Coates, Sarah Chandler, [895].
- Cobbe, Frances Power, [368]; [566]; [577].
- Cobden, Jane, [565]; [576].
- Cochran, Hon. John, how to fool the women, [418].
- Cockrell, Sen. Francis M., opp. wom. suff., [590]; [591]; [608]; [677].
- Coffeen, Heney A., M. C., ad. suff. con., [756].
- Coke, Lord, on taxation without representation, [969].
- Cogswell, Mr. ----, compli. A., [535].
- Colby, Clara B., first meets A., [493]; [511]; [541];
- manages Neb. campn., [541];
- in Kan. campn., [609];
- A.'s eloquence at Madison, [612]; [628]; [629];
- council issue of Wom. Trib., [633];
- at A.'s birthday banq., [666];
- compli. in Wom. Trib., [671]; [672];
- on S. Dak. com., [675];
- in campn., [685];
- at Neb. and Kan. cons., [697];
- in Atlanta, [811];
- objects to res. agnst. Wom. Bible, [852]; [857];
- at Anthony homestead, [940];
- at Berk. Hist. meet., trib. to A., love of justice, home, life-work, [944];
- Anthony homestead shd. be purchased, [945].
- Cole, Hon. A. N., sustains wom. delegates, [70].
- "Cole, Catharine," [597].
- Coleman, Lucy N., [178]; [216]; [229].
- Collins, Jennie, at Natl. Con., [337]; [349].
- Collyer, Rbt., endorses wom. suff., [284]; [371]; [372]; [373];
- beautiful pict. in pulpit, [802].
- Collyer, Robt. Laird, spks. agnst. wom. suff., [316].
- Colvin, Hon. Andrew J., champions woman's rights, [189].
- Condit, Rev., opp. woman's rights, [88].
- Conkling, Roscoe, [410]; A.'s trial for voting, [441]; [485];
- defeats com. on wom. rights, [527].
- Conway, Moncure D., A. visits, [563];
- delighted with A.'s speech, [565].
- Conway, Mrs. Moncure D., [563].
- Conway, Mildred, [566].
- Coonley, Lydia Avery, [711]; [720];
- Cooper, Harriet, affect, let. to A., [820];
- Cooper, Peter, [422].
- Cooper, Sarah B., On Hist. Wom. Suff., [616];
- pres. Calif. Wom. Cong., [819];
- sends A. money to come to Calif., loving letters, [820];
- meets A. and Miss Shaw at ferry, [826];
- at Congreg. church, San Fr.;
- pres. Woman's Cong., [827];
- gives A. and Miss Shaw freedom of speech;
- trib. to A., [828];
- chmn. campn. com., consecrates herself to suff., [829];
- takes A. to minister's meet., [830];
- chmn. [4]th July wom. com., refused permission for A. Shaw to speak, gains her point, rides in procession, [836];
- sympathy for A., [842];
- appeals to A. for help in Calif. campn., [861];
- meets at ferry, [862]; [863];
- suff. plank in Repub. platform, [871];
- at Demo. St. Con., [872];
- at Portland Wom. Cong., [877].
- Corliss, Dr. Hiram, [45]; [902].
- Coudert, Frederick, for wom. suff., [764].
- Couzins, Phoebe, [322]; [327]; [349]; [360];
- urges A. and Mrs. Stn. to resume head of Natl. Assn., [382];
- presents Wom. Dec. of Ind. at Centennial, [478]; [479];
- compli. A.'s management of Wash. cons., [495];
- welcomes suff. con. to St. Louis, recep. to A., [506];
- ad. Cong. Com., [511]; [517];
- dele. to Natl. Prohib. Con., [520];
- at Mott memorial serv., [527];
- in Neb. campn., [545];
- A. sends $100, [608];
- meets A. at station, [609];
- A. makes her life memb. of Natl. Assn., [659];
- at A.'s birthday banq., [665];
- A. gives money, [672].
- Cowan, Sen. Edgar, moves to strike "male" from D. C. Suff. Bill, [266]; [422].
- Cramer, Mrs., [381].
- Crampton, Rev. R. C., [87].
- Cravath, Pres. Erastus M., invites A. to ad. students Mt. Union Coll., [928].
- Crawford, S. G., endorses wom. suff., [284].
- Crittenden, A. P., [390].
- Croly, "Jenny June," [353]; [720].
- Cromwell, Oliver, [1014].
- Crosby, Abby Burton, [327].
- Crowell, Ex-mayor, [248].
- Crowley, Richard, U. S. Dist. Atty., examines A. for having voted, [427];
- Culver, Pres. & Mrs., [598].
- Culver, Judge E. D., [330].
- Culver, Mary, registers and votes, [424].
- Cummings, ---- ---- Miss, A.'s Birthday, [671].
- Cunningham, Stephen M., [393].
- Curtis, Eliz. Burrill, ad. N. Y. legis., [914].
- Curtis, Eugene T., spks. for suff., [762].
- Curtis Family, [395].
- Curtis, Geo. Wm., hissed at W. R. con., [163];
- lect. on Fair Play for Women, dislikes term, "woman's rights," [167];
- objects to Ernestine L. Rose, replies to A.'s criticism, [172]; [233]; [270];
- stands by women, presents Mrs. Greeley's petit., [279];
- argu. for wom. suff. bef. N. Y. Constit. Con., real support comes from Repubs., [280];
- endorses suff., [284]; [373];
- let. on A.'s birthday, [669];
- death, [737];
- ed. Harper's Weekly fav. wom. suff., [771];
- daught. Eliz. Burrill ad. N. Y. legis., [914].
- Curtis, Mary B. F., votes, [447].
- Curtis, Newton M., ad. suff. con., [756].
- Cutler, Hannah M. Tracy, lectures with A., [178]; [629]; [902].
- Dahlgren, Mrs. Admiral, [372];
- petit. agnst. wom. suff., [377].
- Dall, Caroline H., [131];
- Dallas, Mary Kyle, [316].
- Dana, Chas. A., not enough women ask for suff., [760].
- Dana, Richard H., lect. against women, [59].
- Danforth, Judge Geo. F., presides suff. meet., [762];
- invites A. to meet Justices Appellate Court, [896].
- Daniels, Asso. Justice, P. V. citizenship means entire equality, [984].
- Daniels, Hattie, [553].
- Darling, Anna B., [341].
- Davies, Charles, LL.D., Pres. State Teach. Con., [98];
- Davis, Edward M., wants woman to wait till negro is enfranchised, [314];
- Davis, Mrs. Edward M., A. visits, [895].
- Davis, Isabella Charles, letter to A., [773].
- Davis, John, M. C., ad. suff. con., [756].
- Davis, Olive, [905].
- Davis, Paulina Wright, at Syracuse W. R. Con., [72];
- pres. cons., 1850-1851, [75];
- work in 1840-48, [82];
- discouraged with women, [130]; [253]; [327];
- entertains A., Mrs. Stan, and Mrs. Hooker, [332]; [349];
- gives $500 to Rev., [356]; [358];
- arranges 20th suff. annivers., [367];
- ill and sends for A., [368];
- 20 yrs. Hist. of W. R. movement, her early work, [369]; [372]; [375]; [376];
- at N. Y. con., [384];
- death, [481].
- Davis, William H., invites A. to 4th of July celebration, rejoices in her work, [835].
- Davitt, Michael, asks all for wom., [575]; [775].
- Dawes, H. L., Senator, for suff., [621];
- on A.'s birthday, [671].
- Dean, John C. and Lillian Wright, [904].
- Debs, Eugene V., invites A. to lecture, [503].
- De Garmo, Rhoda, votes, [424];
- death, [447].
- Delavan, Mrs. E. C., Wom. Temp. Con., [67].
- Deliverge, Doris and Huldah, employ A. as teacher, [24].
- De Long, Jas. C., A. S. assn. formed at house, [210].
- Demorest (Mme.), Louise, [282].
- Depew, Chauncey M. for wom. suff., [764].
- Depuy, Maria Wilder, [615].
- Deraismes, Maria, [652].
- D'Estria, Dora (see Koltzoff Massalsky).
- Detchon, Adelaide, [566].
- DeVoe, Emma Smith, [657];
- offers services to A., [684].
- Devoe, J. H., invites A. to S. Dak., [657].
- Deyo, Rev. Amanda, [702].
- D'Hericourt Mme., [322].
- Dickinson, Albert, criticises A.'s style of let. writing, [40]; [242].
- Dickinson, Ann Eliza, [408].
- Dickinson, Anna, her work, let. on war, [220];
- aid to Union, [239]; [246];
- will work for wom. suff, [258];
- first speech for W. R., [262]; [276];
- indignat. over refusal of N. Y. Constit. Con. to adopt wom, suff., [280];
- described by Nellie Hutchinson, criticises Phillips, declares emancipated black woman no better off than slave, [303]; [304]; [309];
- replies to Robt. Laird Collyer, [316];
- first to suggest Amend. XV, wd. be needed, [317];
- enthusiastic let., [320];
- sp. "Nothing Unreasonable," [327];
- tired of lecturing, devoted to A., [345];
- gives Mrs. Phelps $1,000 through friendship for A., [360];
- talks of editing Rev., [361]; [370];
- criticised for lect. on social questions, [469]; [859];
- let. and gifts to A. on 50th birthday, [975]; [995].
- Dickinson, Charles, [575];
- $300 to A, [707].
- Dickinson, Dr. Frances, [575];
- Dickinson, Mary Lowe, ad. suff. con., [756];
- Dietrick, Ellen Battelle, death, trib. of A., [849].
- Diggs, Annie L., on Kan. wom. suff. com., [781];
- Dilke, Mrs. Ashton, [651].
- Dingee, Martha Parker, A., [609].
- Dix, Dorothea, work in war, [239].
- Doane, Bishop Wm. Croswell, organizes remonstrants agnst. wom. suff. [765].
- Dodge, Mary Mapes, [799].
- Doggett, Kate N., [327];
- Dolley, Dr. Sarah C., [446];
- A. visits, [653].
- Dolph, Sen. Joseph N., on admis. Wash. Ter. with wom. suff., [607]; [608];
- Dolph, Mrs. Joseph N., [607].
- Douglass, Frederick, moves to Roch. and estab. North Star, [59];
- visits Anthony home, [60]; [93];
- favors A. as sec. of temp. soc., [95]; [163];
- silenced by mob, [165];
- flees to Eng., [181]; [198];
- on death of Stephen A. Douglas, [215]; [216];
- at funeral D. Anthony, [224]; [233]; [260];
- brands Demo. help to women a trick, [263];
- ridiculed by N. Y. World, [264]; [270];
- asks women to take back seat, [304];
- deserts wom. for negro suff., [317];
- forces indorse. Amend. XV, encounter with A., [323]; [350];
- at welcomes bolt from heaven or hell, [381];
- Natl. Wom. Suff. Con., [377];
- prayed with heels, [457]; [527]; [548];
- ad. [30]th suff. annivers., [495];
- second marriage, [586];
- let. on wom. suff. and first W. R. con., [634];
- death, A. spks. funeral, [814]; [904]; [934].
- Donlevey, Alice, sec. Art Ass'n. desires to make A.'s statue, [734].
- Doolittle, Hon. Jas. R., A. and Mrs. Hooker interview, [417].
- Doster, Judge Frank, for women suff. pl. in Kan. Popu. con., [789].
- Douglas, Stephen A., "King of Compromise," [215].
- Dow, Neal, pres. temp, con., [101];
- Downer, Ezra, leads mob, [211].
- Downing, George, opp. wom. suff., [314].
- Drake, Gov. Francis M., welcomes Natl. Suff. con., [902].
- Draper, Mr. and Mrs. E. D., [282].
- Du Bose, Miriam Howard, arr. suff. con., [810];
- A. visits, [812].
- Duffield, Rev. Geo., [87].
- Duniway, Abigail Scott, manages A.'s lecture tour, [395]; [397]; [398];
- Dunsmore, J. M., at Kan. Popu. con., [790].
- Eagle, Gov. Jas. B., introd. A. to aud., [649].
- Eagle, Mrs. James B., chmn. World's Fair com., urges A. to furnish stenog. rep. of address, [749].
- Eastman, Mary F., spks. at suff. con., [533]; [607]; [628];
- rec. sec. Natl. Council, [639].
- Eaton, Mr. (Kan.), [519].
- Eddy, Eliza Jackson, A. visits, [131];
- Eddy, The Misses, determined to carry out mother's wishes, [540].
- Eddy, Sarah J., meets A. first time, strong friendship, [601].
- Edmunds, Senator Geo. F., presents petit. agnst. wom. suff., [377];
- Elder, P. P., opp. wom. suff. plank in Kan. Popu. plat., [788].
- Eliot, Chas. W., Pres., remonstrates agnst. wom. suff., [620].
- Eliot, Geo., [733].
- Eliot, Senator Thomas D., [236].
- Eliot, Rev. T. L., [395].
- Eliot, Mrs. T. L., [400].
- Eliot, Rev. Wm. G., [395];
- soc. purity, on contagious diseases, [1005].
- Ellet, E. F., cares for wronged mother and child, [202].
- Elliott, Major, [407].
- Emerson, Ralph Waldo, accepts A.'s inv. to lecture, flowery description women voting, [132];
- Emerson, Mrs. Ralph Waldo, approves wom. suff., [251].
- Erskine, Hon. and Mrs. M. B., [611].
- Eskridge, C. V., opp. wom. suff., [281];
- Estee, Morris M., citizen's right to free ballot does not include women, [642].
- Estlin, Mary, [577].
- Eustis, Senator, agnst. wom. suff., [608];
- "nursing mother" argument, [618].
- Everhard, Caroline Mccullough, woman governed more by principle and less by prej., [854].
- Fair, Senator Jas. G., reports agnst. wom. suff., [543];
- opp. wom. suff., [590].
- Fair, Laura D., [391].
- Fairman, Col. Henry Clay, advocates wom. suff., [810].
- Faithfull, Emily, [368]; [564].
- Fanning, J. D., sustains A. at Teach. Con., [100].
- Farnham, G. L., stands by A. at Teach. Con., [164];
- invites A. to ad. Neb. Normal Sch., [728].
- Farnham, Eliza W., [252];
- early work, [369].
- Farwell, Chas. B., Senator, in favor wom. suff., [621].
- Fassett, Mrs. J. Sloat, [803].
- Fawcett, Henry, [577].
- Fawcett, Millicent Garrett, [577].
- Fenton, Mrs. Reuben E., entertains A., [642].
- Ferguson. Mrs. J. M., [808].
- Ferry, Senator Thomas W., pres. Centennial celebra. refuses recognition to women, [477]; [478];
- Field, Justice and Mrs. Steph. J., [677].
- Field, David Dudley, legal status of women, [185].
- Field, Kate, ad. suff. con., [756];
- scores A. for affiliating with Populists, [791].
- Fields, Adele M., petit, for wom. suff., [764].
- Fiero, J. Newton, opp. to wom. suff., [769]; [770].
- Fillmore, Millard, [329]; present at A.'s trial, [436].
- Fisher, P. M., chmn. [4]th July com. inv. Miss Shaw to spk., [836].
- Fitch, Chas. E., trib. to A., [673].
- Flower, Gov. Roswell P., appoints A. trustee St. Industrial School, [730];
- recommends wom. in N. Y. Constit. Con., [758].
- Folger, Charles J., women must not discuss social evil, [273].
- Foltz, Clara, tries to secure suff. amend. from Calif. legis., [863].
- Foote, Dr. E. B., [446].
- Foote, Hon. Samuel G., contemptuous report on wom. petit., [140].
- Foote, W. W., opposes wom. suff. in Calif. Demo. Con., [874].
- Foraker, J. B., refuses to hear A. on wom. suff., [723].
- Ford, ----, Mr., composes music for song to A., [548].
- Ford, Hannah, A. visits, [576].
- Forney, Col. John W., fights under banner of A., [487].
- Foss (Driver), [394].
- Foster, Abby Kelly, first meets A., [63]; [87]; [88]; [91];
- Foster, J. Ellen, [511]; [525];
- Foster, J. Heron, [527].
- Foster, Mrs. J. Heron, [527];
- Foster, Julia T., [511]; [527]; [550]; [701].
- Foster, Rachel G. (See Avery).
- Foster, Stephen S., first meets A., [63];
- Foulke, Wm. Dudley, [629];
- Fowler & Wells, publish Hist. Wom. Suff., [530];
- Fowler, Professor L. N., [83].
- Fowler, Rev., opp. wom. rights, [70];
- condemns women workers in reform, [89].
- Fowler, Lydia F., at wom. temp. meet., [65];
- entertains A., [83].
- Fox, George, [569].
- Fox, Sisters, [58].
- Francis & Loutrel, present A. with receipted bill, [468].
- Franklin, Benj., in what freedom consists, poor need votes more than rich, [990].
- Frederick the Great, [560].
- Frederick, William, [560].
- Frelinghuysen, Sen. F. F., [410]; State Rights, [991].
- Fremont, Jessie Benton, [234]; beautiful women at suff. con., [337].
- Fremont, Gen. John C., proclaimed freedom to negroes, [959].
- Frothingham, Rev. O. B., [192]; [322]; [351]; [563].
- Fuller, Margaret, [131];
- early work, [369].
- Fuller, Chief-Justice Melville W., [660].
- Fulton, Rev. Justin, debates with A. at Detroit, [345].
- Furness, Rev. Wm. H., [478].
- Gaden, Minna V., delight at A.'s visit to Calif., [819].
- Gage, Francis D., [102];
- Gage, Matilda J., first appearance at W. R. con., [75];
- answers Rev. Sunderland, [79];
- spks. at Saratoga, [121]; [327]; [360];
- pays A. $100, [365];
- call for forming new party, [413];
- urges wom. to work for Repub. party, [418];
- speaks for Repub. platform, [422];
- defends A. for voting, [432];
- issues call for con., [434];
- spks. in 16 places on "The U. S. on trial, not S. B. A.," present at trial, [436];
- manages Wash. con., [472];
- opens Centennial headqrs., [475];
- prepares Wom. Dec. of Ind., [476];
- presents it, [478];
- on habeas corpus, [479];
- appeal for 16th Amend., [483]; [495];
- ad. to Pres. Hayes, [500];
- edits Ballot-Box, [510]; [511];
- ad. Greenback Labor Con., [518];
- work on Hist. of Wom. Suff., [531]; [601];
- sells Hist. rights to A., [613]; [628]; [659];
- at A.'s birthday banq., [666];
- let. to A. on 50th birthday, [975]; [993].
- Galileo, A., born on his birthday, [943].
- Gannett. Rev. W. C., let. on A.'s birthday, [670];
- Gannett, Mary Lewis, let. on A.'s birthday, [670]; [739]; [806];
- Gardner, Rev. C. B., does not favor wom. suff., [709].
- Garfield, James A., favors civil equality of women, not polit. equal, [520];
- Garrison, Ellen Wright, marriage, [241];
- Garrison, Wm. L., visits Anthony home, [60]; [73];
- scores temp. con. treatment of wom., [101]; [102];
- opposes bloomer dress, [115];
- at home, [131];
- thanks A. for hospitality, [141];
- message to A., [151];
- characteristic let., Mason, of Virginia, on Bunker Hill, [152];
- abolit. without backbone, [161]; [162]; [182]; [185]; [192];
- favors divorce res., [194];
- urges A. to restore child to father, [203];
- yields to A.'s logic, [204];
- last W. R. meet. Albany, before war, [212];
- people wait his word on war, [214];
- A. hoped wd. redeem pledge to woman, [225];
- believes Anti-Slav. Soc. shd. be disbanded, [245];
- declines re-elect, as pres., [246]; [259]; [270]; [284];
- deserts woman for negro suff., [317];
- too soon for 16th Amend., [484]; [495];
- death, [508]; [529]; [549];
- fath. Mrs. H. Villard, [849]; [935];
- A. compared to, [953].
- Garrison,. Mrs. W. L., at home, [131];
- goes with A. to visit Mrs. Phillips, [219].
- Garrison, Wm. L., Jr., marriage, [241];
- Geary, Gov. John W., favors women at ballot-box, [310].
- George, Senator J. Z., reports agnst. wom. suff., [543]; [718].
- Gibbons, Abby Hopper, [83]; opp. divorce res., [194];
- Gilbert, Mary F., [234].
- Gladstone, William E., [553];
- Godse, Mr. and Mrs. W. S., [388].
- Goddard, Mrs. J. Warren, [764].
- Goeg, Mme. Marie, [360].
- Goodale, Dora, Berkshire poem, [2].
- Goodale, Elaine, [1].
- Goodelle, Wm. P., opp. wom. suff., [771].
- Goodrich, Sarah L. Knox, [405];
- Gordon, Anna, [609];
- joy over A.'s laurels, [747].
- Gordon, Laura de Force, [404];
- Gorham, Mrs. E. J., [833].
- Gottheil, Rabbi, for wom. suff., [764].
- Gougar, Helen M., [541]; [545]; [626]; [628]; [629].
- Gough, John B., [60].
- Gould, Frank, smothers wom. suff. plank, [873]; [874].
- Gove, Mary S., early work, [369].
- Graham, John, [352].
- Grant, U. S., [377];
- Grant, Mrs. U. S., [381];
- 70th birthday luncheon, A. rec. with her, [858].
- Gray, Almedia, suit under Wis. school suff. law. [624].
- Greatorex, Eliza, birthday gift to A., [976].
- Greeley, Horace, advocates co-educat. at People's College, [64];
- tells women how to manage con., [66]; [83];
- as host, [86];
- shows up action of men at Brick church meeting, [89];
- temp. tracts, church matters, [97];
- condemns mob at W. R. con., [103];
- pub. A.'s program without charge, [122];
- favors woman in politics, believes she shd. judge for herself, [125];
- disgruntled with suff. advocates, [146];
- recog. rights of women, [147]; [192];
- thunders agnst. divorce, [194];
- emancip. of negroes, [221];
- A. hoped wd. redeem pledge to women, [225]; [263];
- ridicules ballot for woman, [267]; [270];
- encounter with A., [278];
- chmn. suff. com. in N. Y. Constitut. Con., [279];
- anger over wife's petit., forbids Mrs. Stn.'s name in Tribune, [280];
- favors wom. suff. in May, opp. in Oct., [281]; [290];
- bids women stand aside, [300];
- pres. Hester Vaughan meet., [309];
- deserts wom. suff., [317];
- at McFarland-Richardson marriage, [351];
- does not desire help of women in campn., [420];
- Repubs. fear his election, [421];
- death, [428];
- opp. wom. suff. in Constitut. Con. of 1867, [771];
- urges workingmen to vote Whig ticket, [999].
- Greeley, Mrs. H., [83];
- Greeley, Ida, [279]; [327].
- Green, Rev. Beriah, [193]; [208];
- attitude of abolit. toward war, [214].
- Green, Dr. Cordelia, [901].
- Green, Mrs. Newton, [642].
- Greenleaf, Halbert S., friend of suff., [583]; [713];
- Greenleaf, Jean Brooks, [711]; [729];
- indignation at omission of women in charter, [732];
- recep. to A., [739];
- nominated dele. to Consti. Con., [759];
- work for wom. suff. amend. in N. Y., [760];
- trib. to Mary S. Anthony, [761];
- at suff. rally, [762];
- before N. Y. Consti. Con., [768];
- trib. to A., [772];
- before res. Com. at Rep. con., [774];
- at N. Y. Dem. con., [775]; [806];
- on Wom. Bible res. [856];
- ad. on A.'s birthday, [860];
- at Mary Anthony's recep., [816].
- Greenwood, Grace, describes women at suff. con., [314]; [561]; [566];
- at A.'s recep., [739].
- Grew, Mary, first meets A., [122]; [193]; [251];
- Griffing, Josephine S., founds Freedmen's Bureau, [239]; [260];
- Griffith, Mrs., yields time to A., [609].
- Griffith, Mattie, (See Brown).
- Grimke, Angelina. (See Weld).
- Grimke, Sarah, early work, [369].
- Gripenberg, Baroness Alexandra, [641].
- Gross, Samuel E., [750]; [841].
- Gross, Mrs. Samuel E., entertains A. during World's Fair, [750];
- Groth, Sophia Magelsson, ad. Sen. Com., [640].
- Grover, A. J., at A.'s lecture in Chi., [468].
- Gullen, Dr. Augusta S., [658].
- Hagar, Daniel B., principal Canajoharie Acad., girls' high school, Salem, Mass., [49].
- Hair, Minette Cheshire, descrip. of rooms where biog. was writ., [910].
- Halderman, Mayor John A., [287].
- Hale, John P., [226].
- Hale, Hon. Matthew, opp. to wom. suff., [769]; [770].
- Hall, Israel, gift to A., [492].
- Hall, N. K., U. S. Dist. Judge, hears argu. in A.'s case, [428];
- Hall, Olivia B., gift to A., [492]; [658];
- Hall, Dr. Sarah C., [697].
- Hall, Wm. B., election inspector, [423];
- tried without being brought into court, [444].
- Hallock, Frances V., [234].
- Hallock, Sarah, [159].
- Hallowell, Wm. R., signs call for woman's temp, con., [67].
- Hallowell, William and Mary, their home A.'s Mecca, [104]; [446].
- Hallowell, Mary, [177]; Phillips' lunch, [217]; [711]; [806].
- Hamilton, Alexander, right over subsistence, power over moral being, [385]; [1007].
- Hamilton, Emerine J., leaves $500 to A., [654].
- Hamilton, Gail, bright let., [322].
- Hamilton, Margaret V., [654].
- Hamlin, Hannibal, [339].
- Hammond, Nath. J., St. Sen., [189].
- Hammond, Dr. Wm. A., pres. Six O'clock Club, [648].
- Hampton, Wade, pres. Demo. Natl. Con., [519].
- Hanaford, Rev. Phebe A., [322]; [636].
- Hancock, Gen., favors wom. claims, [520].
- Harbert, Elizabeth Boynton, [360]; [511];
- Harlan, Senator James, grants wom. hearing before Senate com., [314].
- Harper, Ida H., State sec. Ind. arranges cons., [626];
- cor. sec. campn. com. in Calif., [863];
- chmn. Press com. visits with A., eds. daily papers in San Fr., [866];
- work on papers, [867]; [868];
- at Rep. St. Con., [869];
- descrip. of A. and Miss Shaw bef. res. com., [870];
- scene in Dem. con., [873];
- A. invites to write her biog., work begins, [909];
- writing of book, [910];
- in attic workrooms, [911];
- visits with A. at Mrs. Osborne's, [917];
- goes with A. to Sargent home, Thousand Islands, [926];
- at Anthony homestead, [940].
- Harper, Winnifred, edits suff. dept. San Fr. Report, [866].
- Harris, Senator, presents Woodhull petit., [375].
- Harrison, Benjamin, A. and Mrs. Sewall write open let., [642];
- open let. from them on "free ballot" plank in Repub. plat., [1013].
- Harrison, Mrs. Benj., [660];
- rec. Wom. Council, [703].
- Harrison, Carter, escorts A. to plat. of Demo. Natl. Con., [519].
- Haskell, Asst. Atty.-Gen. Ella Knowles, at Wash. con., [851].
- Haslam, Mrs., [572].
- Hatch, Rev. Junius, indecent speech agnst. women, [76].
- Haven, Bishop Gilbert, spks. at suff. con., [322];
- favors wom. suff., [588].
- Havens, Mr. and Mrs. F. C., entertain A., [877].
- Hawley, Genevieve Lel, priv. sec. to A., assists in biog., [909].
- Hawley, Gen. Joseph R., refuses women permis. to read their Dec. of Ind., [477]; [478].
- Hawthorne, Rev. J. B., preaches agnst. wom. suff., [810].
- Hay, Mary G., manag. meet, in N. Y. campn., [761];
- Hay, Judge Wm., helps A. at Saratoga con., [120];
- Hayes, Rutherford B., [499];
- Hayes, Mrs. Rutherford B., at Luc. Mott memorial, [526].
- Hayford, J. H., history of suff. law in Wyoming, [407];
- on its working, [497].
- Hazeltine, L., rebukes A. for speaking in public, [143].
- Hazen, J. T., wd. not count votes of women, [70].
- Hearst, Phoebe A., compli. A., [677];
- Hearst, Wm. R., A. begs to bring Examiner out for wom. suff., [867].
- Hebard, Mary L., registers and votes, [424];
- votes again, [434].
- Hedenberg, Isabella, [676].
- Hemphill, Gen. Robt. R., at suff. con., [811].
- Hemphill, Mrs. W. A., recep. to con., [810].
- Henderson, Mary Foote, Vice-pres. Natl. Suff. Assn., [327].
- Hendricks, Thomas A., [594].
- Hennessy Lady, [575].
- Henrotin, Ellen M., [702];
- Henry, Judge, introduces A., [492].
- Henry, Prof. Joseph, refuses Smithsonian Hall to women, [118].
- Henry, Josephine K., at Atlanta con., [811].
- Hewitt, Rev., condemns women's work in reforms, [89].
- Hewitt, Hon. Abram S., objects to wom. suff., [770].
- Higginson, Rev. Thos. Went., stands by women at Brick church meet., [88];
- Hildreth, Mrs. E. S., [809].
- Hill, David B., recommends women in N. Y. Constit. Con., [758].
- Hill, David J., pres. Roch. Univers., favors admit. women, [713].
- Hills, Mr. and Mrs. Wm. Henry, [571].
- Hindman, Matilda, in Col. campn., [492];
- Hinckley, Rev. Frederick W., ad. suff. con., [541]; [632];
- response at A.'s birthday banq., [666].
- Hinson, Ex-justice Geo., leads mob, [208].
- Hirst, Rev. A. C., [830].
- Hoar, Senator Geo. F., hopes to see A. member of House, [485];
- Hoch, E. W., [778].
- Hoffman, Gov. John T., [353].
- Hollister, Mrs. George, gift to A., [739].
- Holloway, Laura C., invites A. to ad. Seidl Club, [653].
- Holloway, Col. Wm. R., favors wom. suff., [547].
- Holmes, Kate Turner, [878].
- Holmes, Oliver Wendell, Berkshire people, [2].
- Hooker, Isabella Beecher, comes into suff. work, [331];
- visits with A. and Mrs. Stn. at Mrs. Davis', greatly pleased, pays trib. to both, [332];
- optimist, view of suff. cause, own humility, praise for A., [334];
- works 30 yrs. for wom. suff., tries to unite two wings of suff. party, [335]; [337];
- writes of Sumner, [339];
- reads husband's poem A.'s birthday, [342]; [343]; [350];
- devises schemes for Rev., [356];
- agrees to help edit, wishes name of paper changed, wants Mrs. Tilton at Wash. con., [357];
- urged by friends not to help Rev., declines, [358];
- offers to take charge Wash. con., writes Mrs. Stan., [371];
- "need not have another suff. con.," can get on without Mrs. Stan., [372];
- prominent speakers fail, [373];
- devotion to cause, con. a success, valuable worker, [374];
- refuses to hear Mrs. Woodhull, reconsiders, [375];
- ad. Cong. Com., [376];
- writes declaration and pledge, gives sister Catherine let. to Mrs. Woodhull, [378];
- result, [379];
- hopes for woman's deliverance thro. Repub. party, [381];
- repudiates Repub. and looks to Demo. for support, [382];
- ad. Sen. Com., [410];
- call for forming new party, [413]; criticises A., [414];
- interview with Doolittle at Natl. Demo. Con., [417];
- lect. tour of Conn. with A., [456];
- describes A.'s pathetic sp., [534]; [628]; [629];
- at Natl. Rep. Con., Chic., [641]; [664];
- genius and intellect, [665];
- A.'s birthday banq., [668]; [705];
- golden wed., [709];
- ad. Cong. Coms., [718];
- Hooker John, poem on A.'s birthday, [342];
- Hopper, Isaac T., [304].
- Horton, Chief-justice, A. H., congrat. A. on munic. suff. in Kan., [611];
- Hosmer, President, compli. A., [380].
- Hosmer, Harriet, wants Natl. Art. Assn. of women, [655]; [656]; [668];
- work on statue Lincoln, [821].
- Hough, Susan M., registers and votes, [424].
- Hovey, Charles F., [131]; [132];
- Howard, Emma Shafter, [834]; [877].
- Howard, H. Augusta, arranges suff. con., [810];
- A. visits, [812].
- Howard, Gen. O. O., [249].
- Howe, Judge Isaac, introduces A., [657].
- Howe, Julia Ward, [328];
- Howe, Melintha, [47].
- Howe, Nancy (see Clark.)
- Howell, Mary Seymour, in S. Dak., [685];
- anec. of A., [690];
- experience in poor hotel, landlady's comments, A.'s speech at Madison on admis. of Wyoming, [691];
- dramatic scene, [692];
- in Kan. campn., [719];
- sees gov. about appointing women, [730];
- in N. Y. campn. [761];
- speaks in Rochester, [762];
- addresses N. Y. Constitut. Con., [769];
- A.'s birthday, [860].
- Howells, Wm. Dean, for wom. suff., [764].
- Howland, Emily, [676]; [772];
- Howland, Fannie, describes women at cong. hearing, [338].
- Howland, Isabel, work in N. Y. campn., [773].
- Hoxie, Hannah Anthony, famous Quaker preacher, [6];
- Hubbell, Mr. and Mrs., recep. to con., [903].
- Huberwald, Florence, [808].
- Hudson, Eliza, minority report wom. suff. plank at Kan. Popu. con., [789].
- Hughes, Mrs. (Gov.), dele. Wash, con., [851].
- Hugo, Victor, telegram to suff. con., [496].
- Hultin, Rev. Ida C., [702].
- Hume, Mrs. Milton, [809].
- Humphrey, L. H., St. Sen., asks A. to spk. at wife's funeral, [908].
- Humphrey, Maude, entertains A., [739];
- A.'s tribute at funeral, [908].
- Hunt, Dr. Harriot K., [131];
- ready to work for wom. suff., [252].
- Hunt, Associate Justice Ward, presides at A.'s trial, [436];
- refuses to allow A. to testify but admits her testimony before Com'r., [437];
- delivers writ. opin. without leaving bench, [438];
- directs jury to bring in verdict of guilty, refuses to poll jury, denies new trial, spirited encounter with A., [439];
- fines her $100, [440];
- influenced by Conkling, condemned by newspapers, [441];
- Van Voorhis' opinion of, [444];
- few apologists, [449].
- Hunter, Gen. David, freed million slaves, [959].
- Hussey, Cornelia Collins, on shipboard with A., [579];
- New Yrs. gift to A., [900].
- Huston, Joseph W., Sup. Judge, Idaho, decides in favor wom. suff., [919].
- Hutchings, ----, [393].
- Hutchinson, Abby, sings for women, [162];
- death, [737];
- (see Hutch. Family).
- Hutchinson, Asa, favors wom. suff., [145].
- Hutchinson Family, sing for Loyal League, [227];
- sing at wom. Centennial, [479].
- Hutchinson, Henry, in Kan. campn., [286]; [291].
- Hutchinson, John, favors wom. suff., [146];
- Hutchinson, Nellie, describes Rev. office and editors, [301].
- Hutchinson, Viola, in Kan. campn., [286]; [291].
- Hyacinthe, Pere, [369].
- Ingalls, Mrs. E. B., [821].
- Ingalls, Senator John J., farewell let. to A., [547];
- Ingalls, Mrs. John J., entertains A., [626].
- Ingersoll, Robt. G., shows injustice of laws and declares for wom. suff., [345]; [764].
- Irene, Sister, [391];
- foundling hospital in N. Y., [1005].
- Irish, Col. John P., introd. A., [834];
- asks permis. for A. to ad. Calif. Demo. Con., [874].
- Irving, Henry, A. hears.
- Ivens, Mrs. C. H., [833].
- Jackson, Francis, [131];
- Jackson, Senator Howell E., reports agnst. wom. suff., [543].
- Jackson, James, [132]; [539].
- Jackson, Dr. Kate, let. to A., [335].
- Jacobi, Mary Putnam, petit. for wom. suff., [764];
- James, Alvan, marries A.'s niece, [652].
- James, Helen Louise Mosher, [488];
- Jameson, Judge, agnst. wom. suff., [985].
- Jefferson, Thomas, urged ballot for workingmen, [998].
- Jenkins, Dean M., four workers instead of one, [176].
- Jenkins, Helen Philleo, stands by A. at teachers' convs., [176].
- Jenkins, Therese, pres. A.'s lect., [823]; [824].
- Jenney, Mrs. E. S., [762].
- Jewell, Postmaster-Gen., [334].
- Jewell, Mrs., [357].
- Jex-Blake, Dr. Sophia, A. visits, [570]; [575].
- Johns, Laura M., in Kan. campn., [609]; [625]; [628]; [629];
- ad. Wash. con., [647];
- trib. to A., [671];
- in S. Dak. [685];
- begs A. to come to Kan., she shall get no wounds there, [715];
- renews appeals, [719];
- at Kan. Repub. Con., [726];
- makes Repub. speeches, [728];
- Repubs. and Popu. pledg. to suff. planks, [777];
- president Repub. Wom. St. Assn., puts wom. suff. first, [778];
- Repubs. trying to influ., worried about asking for planks, [779];
- officers of natl. assn. write no hope without planks, bad advisers, Mr. Blackwell urges to go before Repub. res. com., [780];
- Anna Shaw writes will not spk. unless polit. parties endorse, [781];
- efficient campn. manager, tries to secure pl., but will work for Repubs. anyhow, [783];
- A. writes not to listen to siren tongues, [784];
- angry at A.'s Kan. City speech, president Repub. Wom. Con., criticises res. com. for not demand. pl., [785];
- presents claims of wom. to Repub. Con., [786];
- Repub. per se., [793]; [794];
- thinks suff. amend. will win, [795];
- favors res. agnst. Wom. Bible, [854].
- Johnson, Adelaide, makes bust of A., [677];
- Johnson, Andrew, southern in sympathy, [255];
- Johnson, George G., [49].
- Johnson, George W., vigorous sentiments
- on W. R., [73].
- Johnson, Mary H., [676].
- Johnson, Oliver, [161]; [162];
- Johnson, Philena, inv. A. to S. Dak., [656];
- A. sends $100, [695].
- Johnston, Sup. Judge, opp. to suff. pl. in Kan. Rep. plat., [779];
- begs wom. not to demand it, [782].
- Johnston, R. J., faithful to A. and Revolution, [360].
- Johnston, Sarah, gift to A., [976].
- Jones, Benj., Garrisonian speaker, [150].
- Jones, Beverly W., inspector who registered A., [423].
- Jones, Fernando, [380].
- Jones, Mrs. Fernando, [380]; [446].
- Jones, J. Elizabeth, Garrisonian speaker, [150]; [178]; [902].
- Jones, Jane Graham, [541].
- Jones, Rev. Jenkin Lloyd, invites A. to take part in Lib. Relig. Cong., [804];
- as Geo. Wash. went into Continent. Cong., [805].
- Jones, Sen. John P., arranges interview for A. with Pres. Arthur, [538];
- Jones, Dr. Jonas, [730].
- Jones, Phebe Hoag, [446];
- death, last Abolit. in Albany, [536].
- Jordan, Pres. David S., invites A. to Stanford Univers., [830].
- Judah, Mary Jameson, recep. for A., [807].
- Julian, Geo. W., endorses wom. suff., [284];
- Kalloch, I. S., opposes wom. suff., [281].
- Keartland, Fanny, [553].
- Kearney, Dennis, opp. wom. suff., [518];
- refuses to hear A. spk., [519].
- Keefer, Bessie Starr, ad. Sen. Com., [640].
- Keeney, E. J., marshal who arrested A. for voting, [426].
- Keifer, Warren, M. C., for wom. suff., [584].
- Keith, Eliza D., suff. dept. in San Fr. Bulletin, [866].
- Keith, Wm. A., presents A. with painting of Yosemite, [934].
- Keith, Mrs. Wm. A., entertains A., [877].
- Kelley, Florence, [564].
- Kelley, Wm. D., M. C., endorses wom. suff. [233]; [564];
- Kellogg, St. Sen. and Mrs. (Kan.), [644].
- Kenyon, Eunice, boarding school, [39].
- Ketcham, Smith G. and Emily B., [720].
- Keyser, Harriet A., ad. N. Y. Consti. Con. [768].
- Kimball, Flora M., [833].
- Kimball, Mary Rogers, let. to A., [616].
- King, Thomas Starr, [191]; [834].
- Kingsley, Charles, for wom. suff., [368].
- Kirk, Eleanor, visits Moyamensing prison, [309]; [349]; [353].
- Kirkman, Mrs. Van Leer, recep. Wom. Council, [928].
- Kollock, Rev. Florence, [640].
- Kolsom, Mayor Jacob C., welcomes suff. con., [626].
- Koltzoff, Massalsky Princess, [558].
- Korany, Hannah K., ad. suff. con., [756].
- Krout, Mary H., A. at World's Fair, [751].
- Kuichling, Mrs. Emil, [730].
- Laboulaye, funeral, [561].
- Lake, Leonora Barry (see Barry).
- Lapham, Anson, loans A. presents A. with her notes, [448]; ,000 for Revolution, [354];
- Lapham, Elbridge G., believes in wom. suff., no man wd. sell right to vote, [455];
- Lapham, Semantha Vail, [772]; [802]; [847].
- Lamartine, Alphonse de, "universal suff. only basis," [969].
- Lane, Senator James H., wd. "colonize" negroes, [962].
- Lane, Mrs. James H., [287].
- Langston, Chas., negro orator against wom. suff., [286].
- Langston, John M., A.'s kindness to, [286].
- Langsberg, Rabbi Max, [714]; [730].
- Langsberg, Mrs. Max, [730].
- Lattimore, Prof. and Mrs., entertain F. E. Willard and A., [472].
- Lauterbach, Edward, has ad. on wom. suff. printed, [768];
- Lawrence, Marg. Stn., [302];
- Lease, Mary E., advocates suff. pl. in Kan. Popu. plat., [781].
- Lecky, W. E. H., [1006].
- Lee, Ex-Gov., Wyoming, [533].
- Lee, Kate Beckwith, A.'s face carv. in memory of father, [733].
- Lee, Rev. Luther, assists wom. delegates at temp. con., [70].
- Lee, Richard Henry, [478].
- Leland, Cyrus, refuses A.'s offer to speak during Kan. campn.,794;
- thinks suff. amend. will carry, [796].
- Lemon, George C., [676].
- Leonard, Clara T., office-holder opp. wom. suff., [620].
- Lewelling, Gov. L. D., opp. to wom. suff. pl. in Kan. Popu. plat., [787];
- speaks for wom. suff., [795].
- Lewis, Dio., women must only coax, [457]; [282].
- Lewis, Sylvester, challenges A.'s vote, [426].
- Leyden, Margaret, registers and votes, [424].
- Libertius, Frau Dr., [559].
- Lincoln, Abraham, too conservative, [207];
- Lincoln, Frank, [566].
- Linn, Dr. and Mrs. S. A., [860].
- Lippincott, Annie, [566].
- Livermore, Mary A., [276]; [315];
- trib. to A., [316];
- advises N. E. friends to forget differences, will write articles for Rev., [320]; [322];
- res. condemning "free love," [324];
- asks if Natl. Assn. was organized, [327];
- and if A. will join her in west. lect. tour, [328];
- merges Agitator into Wom. Jour. and is ed.-in-chief, [361];
- A. wd. give million to suff., [676].
- Lockwood, Belva A., defends A. in voting, [432]; [479].
- Lockwood, Mary S., [814].
- Logan, Senator John A., champions wom. rights com., [540];
- friend of wom. suff., [594].
- Logan, Mrs. John A., on A.'s birthday, [670].
- Logan, Olive, [316]; [322]; [326]; [360].
- Logan, Millie Burtis, [917].
- Long, John D., receives con., favors wom. suff., [533].
- Longfellow, Rev. Samuel, advocates wom. suff., [193].
- Longley, Mrs. M. B., [327].
- Lord, Frances, [566].
- Loring, Geo. B., M. C., introd. bill for 16th Amend., [511].
- Loucks, H. L., pledges A. support Farmer's Alliance for wom. suff., [684];
- candidate for gov., does not mention wom. suff., [686].
- Loughridge, Wm., M. C., endorses wom. suff., [284];
- Lowe, Robt., M.P., opp. suff. for workingmen, and then proposes to educate them, [997].
- Lowell, Josephine Shaw, petit. for wom. suff., [764]; [802].
- Lozier, Dr. Clemence S., [234];
- Lozier, Dr. Jennie de la M., [704].
- Lucas, Margaret Bright, [564]; [565]; [567]; [576]; [577];
- on com. for internat. organization, [579].
- Luce, Gov. Cyrus G., introduces A., [617].
- Lundy, Benjamin, [935].
- Luther, Martin, [559].
- Lyon, Mary, [706].
- Macomber, Mrs., greets natl. con. Iowa, [902].
- Madison, James, voice in making laws, right of human nature, [979].
- Maine, Henry C., spks. for suff., [762].
- Maguire, James G., M. C., spks. for wom. suff. in Calif. campn., [874].
- Manderson, Mrs. Chas. F., [660].
- Mandeville, Rev., insults wom. delegates, [69].
- Mann, Charles, pub. Vol. III Hist. Wom. Suff., [600].
- Mann, Rev. N. M., Garfield's relig., [536]; [697].
- Marsh, President, inv. A. to ad. Mt. Union Coll., [927].
- Marsh, Edwin F., inspector who reg. A., [423].
- Marsh, Hon. Luther R., pres. Repub. meet., [422].
- Martin, Gov. John A., signs Kan. munic. wom. suff. bill, [611].
- Martin, George, ferries A. across Missouri river, [291].
- Martin, Attorney-Gen. Luther, each individ. equally free, [979].
- Martineau, Harriet, A. visits home, [571].
- Marvin, Wm., stands by A. at Teach. Con., [157].
- Mason, Mrs., in Neb., [545].
- Mason, Hugh, M.P., presents wom. suff. bill in Parliament, [567].
- Mason, Rev. Joseph K., ad. suff. con., [762].
- Masson, Prof. David, champions co-education, [570].
- Matthews, Judge Stanley, constit. amendts. established polit. equal. of all citizens, [991].
- Maxwell, Claudia Howard, arr. suff. con., [810];
- A. visits, [812].
- May, Rev. Joseph, [478].
- May, Samuel J., friend of A., [58];
- assists temp. women, [65];
- encourages wom. dele. at Syracuse con., [69];
- helps wom. meet., [70];
- on wom. weak voices, [75];
- audience at Albany refuses to hear, [108];
- opp. Bloomer dress, [115];
- comforting let. to A., [151];
- congrat. A. on ad. on coëduca., [164]; [208];
- hissed at Roch., [209];
- opp. Garrison meet. at Syracuse, [210];
- but gives assistance, mobbed and burned in effigy, [211];
- conducts funeral serv. D. Anthony, [224];
- loyal to women, [270]; [337]; [350];
- centennial birth. celebra., [927].
- May, Samuel, Jr., [132];
- Mayer, Mrs. D. W., writes A. come to S. Dak., [682].
- Maynard, Col. J. B., editorial in favor of wom. suff., [517].
- Mayo, Rev. A. D., on wom. rights, [73]; [190];
- tilt with A., [196].
- McAdow, Clara L., [675].
- McBurney, Rev. S. E., opp. wom. suff., [283].
- McCall, John A., let. to A., [136].
- McCann, Lucy Underwood, indebtedness of women to A., [871].
- McClintock, Mary Ann, called first W. R. Con., [369].
- McCoid, Moses A., rep. favor wom. suff., [590].
- McComas, Alice Moore, praise for A., [862];
- spks. for wom. suff. in Calif. campn., [875].
- McCook, Gov. and Mrs., of Colo., entertain A., [387].
- McCready, Mrs., [131].
- McCulloch, Catharine Waugh, [940].
- McCulloch, Ex-Sec. Hugh, writes A., [704];
- endors. wom. suff., [705].
- McDowell, Annie, trib. to A., [489];
- dedicates song to her, [548].
- McDonald, Sen. Jos. E., favors admit. woman to prac. before Sup. Court, [502];
- advocates com. on wom. rights, [527].
- McFarland, Daniel, kills Richardson, acquitted on ground of insanity, [351]; [353].
- McKay, Judge, agnst. wom. suff., [985].
- McKee, Mrs., [405].
- McKenna, Luke, leads mob, [211].
- McLaren, Dr. Agnes, A. praises, [568].
- McLaren, Priscilla Bright, [565]; [567];
- McLaren, Eva Muller, spks. at wom. suff. meet., [566].
- McLaughlin, Major Frank, ch. Cal., Repub. Cent. Com. refuses wom. suff. speakers place on Repub. plat. "too many bonnets," [883];
- writes county chmn. to refuse them place, [884].
- McLean, Aaron, takes Anthony family to Battenville, [17];
- McLean, Ann Eliza, trip with A., [218];
- death, [241].
- McLean, Guelma Anthony, born, [12];
- McLean, Judge John, offers partnership to Mr. A., [17];
- on rum drinking, [18].
- McLean, Rev. John K., [370];
- McLean, John R., entertains A., [677].
- McLean, Mrs. John R., entertains A., [677];
- McLean, Thomas King, death, [369].
- McLendon, Mrs. M. L., Atlanta Club, [811].
- McRae, Emma Mont, ad. Cong. Com., [511].
- McVicar, Mayor John, welcomes natl. suff. con. Des Moines, [902].
- McVicker, Mrs., [824],
- Medill, Joseph, trib. to A. in Chi. Tribune, [549]; [572].
- Meeker, Hon. Ezra V., [676].
- Mellen, Mrs., [564]; [565];
- recep. to A. and Mrs. Stn., [566].
- Mellen, Nathaniel, [566].
- Melliss, David M., furnishes funds for The Revolution, [295];
- Melliss, Ernest and Norman, [407].
- Mendenhall, Dinah, death, leaves $1,000 to A., heirs refuse payment, [660].
- Meredith, Virginia C., [702].
- Meriman, Emelie J., [369].
- Meriwether, Elizabeth A., first appearance on Natl. plat., [607];
- Merriam, Mrs. A. B., [519].
- Merrick, Judge E. T., [597];
- Merrick, Caroline E., [597];
- Merritt, Mrs. John J., [349].
- Milburn, Rev. Wm. Henry, refuses represent. chamber to women, [118].
- Mill, John Stuart, [337];
- champions univers. suff. bill., [997].
- Miller, Caroline Hallowell, opp. res. agnst. Wom. Bible, [854].
- Miller, E. W., insulting sp. on wom. suff., [686];
- disgraces Democ., [687].
- Miller, Eliz. Smith, first to wear Bloomer costume, [113]; [304];
- Miller, Florence Fenwick, [564];
- trib. to A. at World's Fair, [747].
- Miller, Mr. and Mrs. Lewis, [652].
- Mills, C. D. B., aids Garrison, meet., [211].
- Mills, Harriet May, in N. Y. campn., [761]; [773];
- manages cons. in Calif., [864].
- Mills, W. H., [685].
- Minor, Francis, first to claim wom. right to vote under Amend. XIV, [331]; [338]; [383];
- Minor, Virginia L., pres. Mo. Assn., [315]; [327];
- claims wom. right to vote under Amend. XIV, [331]; [383];
- votes and carries case to Sup. Court, [453]; [483];
- gives A. compli. from W. Phillips, [494];
- pres. suff. con., entertains A., [506];
- in Neb. campn., [545]; [546]; [629];
- tries to arr. for A. to ad. Catholics, [649]; [659];
- death, leaves A. $1,000, [803].
- Mitchell, Senator John H., [406]; [407];
- Mitchell, Maria, A. visits at Vassar, [622];
- Mixer, Carolyn Louise, [679].
- Moffett, Mrs. P. A., [742].
- Moore, Mrs. and Mrs. A. A., [877].
- Moore, E. M., fav. admit. wom. Roch. Univers., "boys are breadwinner," [713];
- Moore, Rebecca, [355];
- Morgan, Gov. E. D., signs Married Woman's Property Bill, [189].
- Morgan, John T., Sup. Judge, Idaho, decides in favor wom. suff., [919].
- Morgan, John T., Senator, opp. com. on wom. rights, [541].
- Morse, Mrs. S. B., [349].
- Morrill, Rev., [729].
- Morrill, Gov. E. N., [796]; [797].
- Morris, Judge, Esther, [479];
- first wom. judge, [823].
- Morris, Helen Lewis, [811].
- Morris, Dr. Sarah, [762].
- Morton, Gov. Levi P., [561];
- reappoints A. on board St. Indus. Sch., [731].
- Morton, Senator Oliver P., argument for wom. suff., [500];
- Mosher, Arthur A., [598].
- Mosher, Mrs. Arthur A., [598]; [672].
- Mosher, Eugene, marries A.'s sister, [46].
- Mosher, Anthony Hannah, born, [12];
- Mosher, Helen Louise (see James).
- Mosher, Wendell Phillips, marriage, [679].
- Mott, Abigail, explains Unitarianism, [44]; [58].
- Mott, Anna C., friendship for A., [756].
- Mott, James, at Syracuse W. R. Con., [72];
- Mott, Lucretia, Discourse on Women, [59];
- pres. Syr. W. R. Con., opp. to woman as pres., first W. R. Con., [72];
- as mother, [76];
- invites A. to visit, washes dishes and entertains guests, [122];
- cheering let. to A., [130]; [163];
- confidence in A. and Mrs. Stn., [195];
- Garrisonian and W. R. meet. at Albany, [212];
- spks. Wom. Loyal League, [237];
- opp. to disband. Anti-Slav. Soc., [246]; [251];
- trib. of Independent, [253];
- parting words to con. in New York, [260];
- true to woman's cause, [268]; [303];
- pres. first Wash. con., [313]; [314];
- A.'s unselfishness, [329];
- adheres to Natl. Assn., [335];
- Geo. Downing decl. man shd. dominate woman, [340];
- goes to N. Y. conf. to unite suff. org., [346]; [347]; [348];
- called first W. R. Con., [369];
- gift to A., [370]; [434];
- sends A. money for law suit, [446];
- pres. and spks. at wom. centennial meet. in Phila., drinks tea at headqrs., [479];
- sends tea and thanks to A., [480];
- at 30th wom. rights annivers., [495];
- attends last con., [496];
- A.'s last sight of, [512];
- death, character, [525];
- memorial serv. at Wash. con., [526];
- A.'s trib., [527];
- suff. pioneer, [547]; [549];
- bust. by Ad. Johnson, [713]; [854]; [895]; [915];
- sentiment to bride and groom, [923]; [934].
- Mott, Lydia, [58]; advises women to hold separate temp. meet., [65];
- work in 1840-48, [82];
- denies woman loses individuality in marriage, [170];
- entertains reformers, [173];
- in charge "depository," [199];
- defends wronged mother, [200];
- ministers to A., [202];
- refuses to give up mother and child, [205];
- old fraternity no more, [244]; [246];
- comforts A., [415];
- dying, A. visits, [470];
- death, A.'s tribute, [471]; [536].
- Mott, Rebecca W., [260].
- Mott, Richard, staunch support of A., [756].
- Mott, Richard F., teacher Nine Partner's School, [8].
- Moulson, Deborah, school circular, [24];
- Moulton, Frank D., birthday gift to A., [976].
- Mulligan, Charlotte, [730].
- Mullinor, Mr., on shipboard, [552].
- Mullinor, Mr. and Mrs., entertain A., [575].
- Muller, Mrs., meeting at house of, [555].
- Muller, Henrietta, [564]; [565]; [566];
- Napoleon I, A. thinks wd. have stood for freedom of women, [562];
- Neblett, A. Viola, at Atlanta con., [811].
- Nelson, Julia B., in S. Dak. campn., [685];
- at Neb. con., [697].
- New, Mrs. John C., recep. for A., [517].
- Newman, Bishop John P., fav. wom. suff., [588].
- Newton, Rev. Heber, favors wom. suff., [764]
- Neymann, Mme. Clara, in Neb. campn., [545];
- Nichol, Eliz. Pease, A. visits, [568]; [569]; [570].
- Nichols, Clarina Howard, prophecy for A., [66];
- Nichols, Sarah Hyatt, [720].
- Nicholson, Eliza J., [597].
- Nightingale, Florence, [239].
- Noble, Mrs. John W., gives recep. in honor A., Mrs. Stn., L. Stone, [718].
- Nordhoff, Chas., let. on A.'s birthday, [670].
- Northrop, Mrs., supports A.'s res. in Teach. Con., [100].
- Northrop, Pres. Cyrus, introd. A. students Minnesota Univers., [929].
- Nye, Senator Jas. W., endorses wom. suff., [284];
- presides over suff. con., [377].
- O'Connor, Joseph, [766].
- Oglesby, Senator R. J., insults women's petitions, [485].
- Oliver, Rev. Anna, [737].
- Opdyke, George, [329].
- Ordway, Evelyn B., [808].
- Orme, Eliza, entertains A., England's first wom. lawyer, [564].
- Ormond, Judge John J., offers to present suff. memorial in Ala. legis. favors civil but not polit. rights for women, [183];
- after raid on Harper's Ferry declares enmity, [184].
- Orth, G. S., M. C., ad. suff. con., [541].
- Orr, Elda A., pres. Nev. Assn. entertains A., [825];
- New Years gift to A., [900].
- Osborne, Eliza Wright, entertains A. and Eliz. Smith Miller, [714];
- entertains A. and Mrs. Stn., [917].
- Oscar, Prince of Sweden, [477].
- Osgood, Julia, travels with A., [569]; [570]; [573].
- Otis, Bina M., on Kan. wom. suff. com., [781].
- Otis, Harrison G., disrespectful to A. and Miss Shaw, [834].
- Otis, James, man without representation is without liberty, [989].
- Owen, J. J., ed. San Jose Mercury, compli. A., [394].
- Owen, Rbt. Dale, supports Wom. Loyal League, chmn. Freedmen's Inquiry Com., [235]; [529].
- Owen, Mrs. Rbt. Dale, [349]; [353].
- Owen, Rosamond Dale, [529].
- Packard, Hon. Jasper A., presents A. to Ind. Legis., [904].
- Paine, Thomas, right of voting is primary right, [990].
- Palmer, Gen. (Colorado), [564].
- Palmer, Gov. (Ill.), [315].
- Palmer, Bertha Honore, at Wom. Council, [702];
- Palmer, Senator T. W., rep. in favor wom. suff., [590]; [591];
- Palmer, Senator and Mrs., recep. for Wom. Council, [637].
- Parker, Jane Marsh, at A.'s birthday banq., [666];
- organizes club agnst. suff., [766].
- Parker, Julia Smith, ad. Cong. Com., [446]; [511];
- at Lucretia Mott's, [512].
- Parker, Margaret E., at Phila. Centennial, [479]; [565];
- Parker, Theo., A. visits him in study, [131];
- "only noise and dust of wagon," [195].
- Patterson, Mr. and Mrs. Thomas M., entertain A. friends of wom. suff., [821].
- Patton, Abby Hutchinson (see Htchis'n.).
- Patton, Ludlow, [260].
- Patton, Rev. W. W., preaches agnst. wom. suff., [596].
- Payne, Senator and Mrs., [677].
- Peabody, Eliz., [131]; [756].
- Pease, Dr. R. W. and Hannah F., [211].
- Peckham, Lilie, [327].
- Peckham, Justice, Rufus W., pays fine trib. to charac. of A., [735].
- Pedro, Dom, [477].
- Peffer, Senator William A., ad. suff. con., [756].
- Peet, Mrs. B. Sturtevant, tries to sec. suff. amend. from Calif. Legis., [863];
- A. writes obj. to Natl. W. C. T. U. Con. in San Fr., [882].
- Pellet, Sarah, at Saratoga con., [121].
- Pence, Laf., M. C., addresses suff. con., [756].
- Pennock, Deborah, [601].
- Perkins, Geo. C., [685].
- Perkins, Mary (see Randall).
- Perkins, Sarah M., [628]; [629].
- Perry, A. L., invites A. to Berkshire Hist. Soc. meet, [939].
- Peters, Judge, advoc. suff amend., [796].
- Peters, O. G. and Alice, [676].
- Pettingell, Abby L., [772].
- Pettigrew, Senator R. F., [676].
- Phelps, Eliz. B., establishes Wom. Bureau, [320]; [327]; [341]; [349];
- Philleo Helen (see Jenkins).
- Phillips, Wendell, visits Anthony home, [60];
- goes with Antoinette Brown to World's Temp. Con., [101]; [102];
- opp. Bloomer dress, [115];
- gives A. $50 for first canvass of N. Y., [122];
- refuses to let her pay it back, [128]; [131]; [132];
- spks. at N. Y. wom. rights con., [147]; [162];
- on gift of Jackson to wom. rights cause, [165];
- approves A.'s N. Y. canvass, [171];
- lashes the mob, [174];
- prepares suff. memorial to legis., [175]; [182]; [185]; [192]; [193];
- opp. divorce resolutions, [194];
- attitude grieves A. and Mrs. Stn., [195];
- praises A., [196]; [197];
- urges A. to restore child to father, [203];
- can not feel for woman, [204];
- declares for war, [214];
- refuses check for lect., [217];
- A. hoped wd. redeem pledge to woman, [225];
- A. "salt of earth," [226]; [233];
- lively let. on A.'s getting Mrs. Stn. to invite him to speak, [237];
- urges A. to return East, [244];
- on disbanding Anti. Slav. Soc., [245];
- elected pres. A. S. Soc., [246];
- no freedom without ballot, objects to union of A. S. and W. R. Soc., [256];
- prevents the union, [259];
- argues against trying to strike "male" from N. Y. consti., [261];
- declines to sustain demands of women, [270];
- refuses to give money from Jackson fund, [275];
- endorses wom. suff., [284]; [290];
- bids woman stand aside, [300];
- and wait for negro, [304];
- gives preference to negro suff., [317];
- wom. suff. intellectual theory, [323];
- first meet. with A. since dif. of opinion on Amend. XIV, [370]; [373];
- will help toward Amend. XVI;
- A. stands at head of suff. movement, [495];
- replies to A.'s 70th birthday greet., faith in her, [538];
- announces Eddy legacy to A., [539];
- tells of suit to break will, [540]; [548]; [549];
- Harvard ad., [557]; [568]; [577]; death, [587]; [593]; [859]; [985];
- freedom without ballot is mockery, [990].
- Phillips, Mrs. Wendell, [219].
- Pickler, Alice M., presents claims S. Dak., suff., [675];
- Pickler, J. A., M. C., response A.'s birthday banq., [666]; [675];
- stands by wom. suff., [688].
- Pillsbury, Parker, visits Anthony home, [60];
- facetious let. to L. Mott on A.'s work, [105]; [150];
- great eloquence, [152];
- men's rights, [157]; [162];
- preaches in Rochester, [167];
- on John Brown execution, [180];
- spks. at John Brown meet., [181];
- on divorce, [195];
- ridicules Dall con., [196]; [198];
- let. of sympathy to A., [224];
- urges A. to return East, [244];
- on div. in Anti-Slav. Soc., [246];
- resigns editorship of Standard, [262];
- abused by N. Y. World, [264];
- refuses to edit Standard unless it declares for women, [269];
- loyal to women, [270];
- Susan cd. extinguish argu. with thimble, [273]; [290];
- editor Revolution, [296]; [297]; [299]; [301]; [302]; [309];
- offers res. that Equal Rights Assn. be transferred to Union Suff. Soc., [349];
- work on Rev., [354];
- "A. works like plantation of slaves," [356]; [357];
- faithful to Rev., [360];
- "your meed of praise be sung over your grave," [363]; [380];
- at A.'s lect. in Chicago, [468]; [535]; [587];
- urges A. to visit his home, [702];
- symp. for A. when ill, [842];
- A. visits, [895].
- Pillsbury, Parker Mrs., praises A., [535];
- Pomeroy, Senator S. C., [248];
- contrib. money and franking privilege, 283:
- endorses wom. suff., [284];
- offers amend. to Fed. Constit. enfranchising women, [310];
- opens first Wash. suff. con., [313]; [317];
- tells ladies they must accept every help in politics, [375];
- pres. candidate, [594];
- ballot for negro, [962];
- gift and let. to A. on 50th birthday, [974].
- Pomeroy, Mrs. S. C., birthday gift to A., [976].
- Pond, Asst. U. S. Dist. Atty., examines A. for having voted, [427].
- Pond, Major James B., compli. A. and offers $100 for parlor lect., [896].
- Porter, Maria G., A.'s friend, [104]; [711];
- Porter, Sam. D., Pillsbury's adjectives, [181].
- Post, Amalia, secures suff. bill in Wyoming, [408];
- suff. pioneer, [823].
- Post, Amy, [195];
- Post, Isaac, home rendezvous for runaway slaves, [61].
- Potter, Bishop H. C., for wom. suff., [764].
- Potter, Bessie, makes statuette of A. and Mrs. Gross, [862].
- Potter, Helen, famous impersonator, gift to A., [488]; [548];
- present to A., [549].
- Powderly, Hannah, on A.'s birthday, [671].
- Powderly, Terence V., on A.'s birthday, [671];
- invites A. to spk. at Omaha, [726].
- Powell, Aaron, in Garrisonian meet., [150]; [161];
- Powell, Eliz. (see Bond).
- Powell, Maude, [566].
- Platt, Senator Orville H., [699].
- Plumb, Senator P. B., opp. wom. suff., [281];
- for wom. suff., [621].
- Plutarch, "equality causes no war," [968].
- Priestman, the Misses, A. visits, [577].
- Prince, Mayor (Boston), [519];
- receives suff. con., [534].
- Proudfit, Elizabeth Ford, [612].
- Pruyn, Mrs. John V. L., pres. remonstrants agnst. wom. suff., presents res., [765].
- Pryn, Rev. Abram, ad. John Brown meet., [181].
- Pugh, Sarah, first meets A., [122]; [131]; [246]; [251];
- Pulver, Mary, registers and votes, [424];
- votes again, [434].
- Purinton, Mr. and Mrs. Jas. W., [624].
- Purvis, Harriett, [527].
- Purvis, Robert, [246];
- demands equal rights for women, [257]; [260];
- willing to postpone own enfranch. in favor of women, [269];
- loyal to women, [270];
- rebukes son for opp. wom. suff., [314]; [420]; [527];
- ad. at A.'s birthday recep. in Phila., [547];
- presents testimonial from Natl. Suff. Assn., [548];
- gift to A., [549];
- A. writes on death of Phillips, [587]; [664];
- at A.'s birthday banq., [666];
- let. from A. on Gladstone, [741].
- Putnam, Rebecca Shepard, [234]; [802].
- Quarles, Ralph P., Sup. Judge, Idaho, decides in favor wom. suff., [919].
- Quay, Senator Matthew S., [718].
- Quincy, Edward, [162].
- Raines, Judge Thomas, for wom. suff., [762].
- Rainsford, Rev. W. S., signs petit. for wom. suff., [764].
- Ramsey, S. A., help of natl. assn. gives hope to S. Dak., [679].
- Ramsey, State Senator (N. Y.), [189].
- Randall, Superintendent, encourages A. in pub. speak., [143].
- Randall, Anna T., [342].
- Randall, Mary Perkins, teacher in Anthony home, [22]; [394].
- Ransom, C. R., executor Eddy will, [539].
- Raper, J. H.,479.
- Read, Daniel, grandfather Susan B., ancestry, marriage, military service, [4];
- Read, Joshua, rescues Mr. Anthony's goods from sheriff, [35];
- Read, Lucy, (See Anthony).
- Read, Susannah Richardson, grandmother Susan B., born, [4];
- business qualities, [6].
- Reagan, John H., M. C., opp. wom. suff., [585].
- Reason, Chas. L., [157].
- Reed, Charles Wesley, brings in minor. rep. in fav. wom. suff. pl. and makes fight for it in Calif. Demo. Con., [873].
- Reed, Kitty, let. greet. natl. suff. con., [902].
- Reed, Thos. B., champions wom. rights com., [540];
- Reid, Whitelaw, A.'s 50th birthday, [974].
- Remond, Charles Lenox, A. drives with, [131];
- Remond, Sarah, in Garrisonian meet., [150].
- Resse, Countess de, [558].
- Revels, Senator Hiram, [243].
- Reynolds, Mrs., [780].
- Reynolds, Mark W., invites Train to Kan., [287];
- takes to woods, [288].
- Reynolds, Wm. A., [167]; [279].
- Rice, Victor M., stands by A. in St. Teach. Con., [120].
- Rich, Gov. and Mrs. (Wyoming), [823].
- Richards, Bishop (Utah), [824].
- Richards, Mr. and Mrs. F. S., [825].
- Richardron, Miss, [564].
- Richardson, Abby Sage, unhappy married life, ability, marries A. D. Richardson, [351];
- Richardson, Albert D., killed by McFarland, married on his deathbed, [351].
- Richardson, Mr. and Mrs. F. M., [832].
- Richardson, Mayor Samuel, presides at temp. festival, Rochester, [62].
- Richardson, Susannah (see Read).
- Richer, Leon, [562].
- Riddle, Judge A. G., [337];
- Ripley, Geo., [563].
- Ristori, A. hears, [558].
- Robinson, Gov. Charles, [273];
- Robinson, Emily, wom. suff. pioneer, [722].
- Robinson, Harriet H., welcomes suff. con. to Boston, [533]; [534].
- Robinson, Marius, ed. Anti-Slav. Bugle, [722].
- Rochambeau, Count, [477].
- Rockefeller, John D., for wom. suff., [764].
- Rogers, Nathaniel P., [616].
- Rogers, Dr. Seth, Worcester Hydro. Institute, [131]; [132];
- let. agnst. individ. annihilat. in marriage, [135].
- Root, Ehihu, opp. wom. suff. amend. in N. Y. Consti. Con., [767];
- Root, Lieut.-Gov. J. P., let. A.'s 50th birthday, [974].
- Root, Francis T., responds for Ind. legis. at recep. for A., [904].
- Rose, Ernestine L., justice of wom. suff., [75];
- interpretation of Bible, [77];
- work in 1840-48, [82];
- prejudice agnst. on acct. of religious beliefs, [117];
- president suff. con., [121]; [163]; [185]; [193];
- favors divorce res., [194];
- at Albany, [212];
- patriotic speech Wom. Loyal League, [229]; [237]; [309];
- repudiates "free love" res., [325]; [327];
- leaves for Eng., [329];
- early work, [369];
- back from Eng., [458]; [530];
- delight to see A. in Eng., [553]; [554]: [563];
- death, [737];
- never banished from suff. ass'n. because of religious belief, [853]; [935].
- Rosecrans, Major-Gen. Wm. S., [233].
- Rosewater, Edward, deb. suff. with A., [545].
- Ross, Senator E. G., franks wom. suff. documents, [283].
- Ross, John W., welcomes suff. con., D. C., [756].
- Routt, Gov. John L., speaks for wom. suff., [491]; [821].
- Routt, Mrs. John L., entertains A. and Miss Shaw, [821].
- Rowan, St. Senator, ad. natl. suff. con., [902].
- Russell. Frances E., assists Loyal League, [234];
- writes for Rev., [359].
- Rye, Miss, [555].
- Sage, Russell, signs petit. for wom. suff., [764].
- Sage, Mrs. Russell, A. guest at Emma Willard dinner, [753].
- St. John, Col. John P., [496].
- Salvador, A., ed. Le Soir, wishes to interview A., [561].
- Sanborn, Frank, approves wom. suff., [251];
- speaks at suff. con., [533].
- Sanford, Dr. and Mrs. J. E., [802]; [806];
- 70th birthday recep. to Mary Anthony, [916].
- Sand, George, [733];
- "independence is happiness," [100]8.
- Sanders, Mrs. Henry M., petit. for wom. suff., [764]; [802].
- Sargent, A. A., declares for woman's rights, [405]; [406]; [407]; [408];
- presents A.'s appeal for remission of fine for voting, [450];
- intercedes for inspectors, [452];
- defends woman's petitions, [486]; [495];
- arg. for wom. suff., [500]; [501];
- favors admit. wom. to practice before Supreme Court, [502];
- returns to Calif., friend of wom. suff., [507];
- U. S. Minister to Berlin, [553];
- genuine Repub., [559].
- Sargent, Ella, [560].
- Sargent, Ellen Clark, entertains A. as guest, [405];
- while snow bound on eastward journey, [406]; [407]; [480];
- urges A. not to be troubled, [494]; [495];
- returns to Calif., personal characteris., [507]; [509]; [512]; [553];
- genuine Repub., [559];
- asks Estee Chairman Natl. Repub. Con. if "free ballot" plank includes women, [642];
- work for S. Dak., [685];
- entertains A. during Wom. Cong., [829];
- gift to A. and Miss Shaw, [832];
- made pres. Calif. Suff. Assn., [835];
- asks A. to help in campn., [861];
- directs it with A., [862];
- on committees, [863];
- entertains A. and Miss Shaw during campn., [864];
- gives up entire home to work, her services and money, [865];
- at Repub. St. Con., [869];
- at Popu., Prohib. and Demo. Cons., [872]; [888];
- scenes in election booths, [891];
- trib. to A.'s services in Calif., [892].
- Sargent, Dr. Eliz., A. visits in Zurich, [559];
- Sargent, George, [408].
- Sargent, Mr. and Mrs. James, [772];
- Saunders, Alvin, Senator, ad. suff. con., [541].
- Saxe, Rev. Asa, spks. for wom. suff., [762].
- Saxon, Elizabeth Lyle, ad. Cong. Com., [511];
- Saxton, Gen. Rufus, approves equal rights for women, [272];
- negroes still enslaved, [964].
- Scatcherd, Alice, secures admission wom. dele. to Lib. Con., [576];
- Schenck, Eliz. B., [327].
- Schieffelin Brothers, [234].
- Schofield, Martha, A. visits industrial school, [812].
- Schumacher, Mr. and Mrs. Adolph, entertain A., [652].
- Schurman, Pres. Jacob Gould, welcomes suff. con., invites to visit Cornell, [800].
- Schurz, Carl, opponent wom. suff., [415].
- Schuyler, Mary M. Hamilton, Art. Assn. desire to make statue rep. Philanthropy, [734];
- stepson obj. to having name coupled with A.'s, [735].
- Schuyler, Philip, obj. to stepmother's statue by side of A., [734];
- enjoins Art Assn., she wd. resent attempt to couple name with A.'s, defeat in court of appeals, [735].
- Scott, Charles F., urg. Mrs. Johns to call off women, [778].
- Scott, Francis M., ad. N. Y. Consti. Con. in opp. wom. suff., [769].
- Sears, Judge T. C., assails wom. suff., [281];
- res. agnst. it, [283].
- Sedgwick, Catharine Maria, born in Berkshire, [1].
- Selden, Henry. R., women have valid claim to vote, [425];
- assures A. of this, [424];
- tells her she has committed no crime, [426]; [427];
- appears for A. before U. S. Commiss., [428];
- argues for writ of habeas corpus, gives bail for A., [432];
- wishes he had heard her argument first, [433];
- defends her at trial, [436];
- argument before jury, [437];
- demands jury be polled and moves for new trial, [439];
- Judge Hunt's action indefensible, [441];
- Van Voorhis' trib., [445];
- A. has argument printed, [446];
- prepares appeal to Cong. in A.'s case;
- Hunt's action judicial outrage, [449]; [994].
- Seney, Geo. E., M. C., opp. wom. suff., [590].
- Severance, Caroline M., [131]; [252]; [260];
- Severance, Mrs. Mark Sibley, recep. for A., [833].
- Severance, Sarah M., work for S. Dak., [685];
- spks. for wom. suff. in Calif. campn., [875].
- Sewall, May Wright, first app. on natl. suff. plat., [495];
- presents flowers to A. at St. Louis, [507]; [511];
- arranges suff. con. Indpls., [517]; [527];
- presentation speech to A., [534];
- chmn. natl. ex. com., [535];
- appears bef. House Com., [541]; [545];
- description of honors paid A. on departure for Europe, [547];
- A. at New Orleans Expo., [597];
- applies lash to own back, [600];
- entertains A., [623]; [626];
- chmn. com. on union of two assns., [628]; [629];
- skill as pres. offic., [632];
- arranges internat. council, [633];
- originates idea of permanent Councils, [639];
- made cor. sec., [641];
- open let. to Gen. Harrison, [642];
- introduces A. to Classical School, [650];
- arranges birthday banq. for A., [664];
- presides, [665]; [676];
- A. visits, [698];
- present to A., [707];
- at Fed. of Clubs, [720]; [721];
- spks. at Rochester, [740];
- at opening World's Fair, [742];
- ch. com. org. Wom. Cong., A. glories in her work, [745];
- A.'s popularity at World's Fair, [746];
- entertains A. during World's Fair, [750];
- presides at lunch to Internat. Council, [751]; [821]; [841];
- wants A. to manage Stn.'s birthday, [847];
- death of husband, A.'s sympathy, [850];
- receives State officials in honor of A., [903];
- at Anthony homestead, [940];
- at Berk. Hist, meet., [944];
- A.'s character, [950];
- open let. to Gen. Harrison on "free ballot" pl. in Repub. plat., [1013].
- Sewall, Samuel E., endorses wom. suff., [284]; [373];
- birthday gift to A., [976].
- Sewall, Mrs. Samuel E., congratulat. let. to A., [640];
- birthday gift to A., [976].
- Sewall, Theodore L., at World's Fair, [750];
- death, [850].
- Seward, Mrs. W. H., favors divorce, [195].
- Seymour, Gov. Horatio, heads opposit. to A. S. meet., [210];
- Seymour, Horatio, Jr., leads disturbance at A. S. meet., [208].
- Seymour, Mary F., reports wom. council, [637];
- death, [757].
- Shafroth, Mrs. John F., at Wash. con., [851].
- Sharkey, Wm. L., Provis. Gov. Miss., [961].
- Sharswood, Judge, agnst. wom. suff., [985].
- Shattuck, Harriette Robinson, spks. at suff. con. Boston, [533]; [541];
- Shaw, Rev. Anna Howard, in Kan., [625]; [629];
- accepts proposals for union, [630]; [636];
- beginning of friendship with A., [645];
- first appears on Natl. plat., [647]; [652];
- at A.'s birthday banq., [665];
- appeal for S. Dak., [675]; [676];
- must not attack Christian relig., [678];
- goes to S. Dak., [681];
- writes A. people anxious for her to come, [682];
- scores State com., better not cut loose from A., [683]; [684];
- at Repub. con. seats for Indians, none for wom., [687];
- rebukes con., in Black Hills, [688];
- gets courage from A., longs for mother, [689];
- A.'s experience with crying baby, [692];
- her own experience, A.'s retort in case of drunken man, [693];
- at Deadwood, [694];
- hardest campn. ever known, [696];
- at Rochester, [698];
- first pres. Wimodaughsis, [700];
- at Wom. Council, [702];
- christens Avery baby, [705];
- present to A., [707];
- in Adirondacks, [708]; at Chautauqua, [709];
- J. H. Buckley's obj. to wom. suff. from relig. standpoint, [710];
- at West. N. Y. Fair, [711];
- vice-pres.-at-large Natl. Am. Assn., [717];
- in Kan. campn., [719];
- shut out of churches bec. spoke at spiritual meet., will speak on suff. anywhere, [720];
- at Kan. Repub. con., at Omaha Popu. con., [726];
- deb. suff. with Dr. Buckley at Chau., [727];
- recep. at Hall of Philos., [728];
- spks. in N. Y. campn., [761];
- will not work for wom. suff. in Kan. unless politic. part. endorse it, weakness of wom., [781];
- opens campn. in Kan. City, [784];
- demands Repub. Wom. con., ask for suff. plank, [785];
- ad. res. com. at Repub. St. con., [786];
- ad. suff. mass. meet. in Topeka, [787];
- ad. Popu. St. con., [789];
- shakes hands with dele., telegram Kan. Prohib. con. adopts wom. suff. plank, [790];
- finishes Kan. engagements, [792]; [793];
- Mrs. Diggs urges return to Kan., [795];
- in Atlanta, [811];
- in Columbus, [812];
- invit. to Calif. Wom. Cong., [820];
- at Chi. St. Louis, Denver, entertained by Gov. and Mrs. Routt, [821];
- enthusiastic greet. in Broadway Thea., [823];
- preaches Tabernacle, Salt Lake, "politic. sermon," [824];
- preaches in theater; at Inter-Mount. Suff. Assn., receptions, banq. in Ogden, at Reno, Nev., [825];
- spks. in theat., in Calif., at Oakland ferry, in Dr. McLean's pulpit, [826];
- in Congreg. church San Fr., at Wom. Cong., [827];
- spks. every day, royal welcome, [828];
- all in love with, preaches in synagogue, helps org. suff. campn., [829];
- ad. Congreg. ministers' meet., Unit. Club dinner, Stanford Univers., [830];
- social courtesies, Yosemite, names big tree S. B. A., at San Jose, [831];
- Los Angeles, Riverside, Pasadena, Pomona, San Diego, [832];
- Olivewood, Santa Monica, Los Angeles, [833];
- spks. in Oakland, in Method. ch., San Fr., at ministers' meet., [834];
- meets with Calif. Suff. Assn., [835];
- 4th July com. refuse to let spk., reconsider, she rides in proces. and makes sp., [836];
- goes to Oakland, can not find audience, starts homeward, [837];
- goes to Chicago, [839];
- stricken with fever, [840];
- favors res. agnst. Wom. Bible, [854];
- spks. at county cons. in Calif., in Sargent residence, [864];
- at Repub. St. Con., [869];
- bef. res. com., [871];
- ad. Dem. res. com. for two min., [873];
- scores con. for action on wom. suff. pl., at ratificat. meet. in San Fr., [874];
- spks. every night dur. campn. and donates serv. of sec., [875]; [883];
- at "Tom Reed" rally, Oakland, [885];
- photo. given for pledges, [889];
- at Salt Lake, Kan. City, banq. at Roch., [895];
- R. I. suff. con., [896];
- A's 77th birthday, [907];
- present to Mary Anthony, [916];
- visits Mrs. Osborne, [917];
- A.'s letters like Paul's Epistles, [924];
- spks. at western conferences, [929];
- at Anthony homestead, [940];
- at A.'s right hand, [942];
- at Berk. Hist. meet., trib. to A., her belief in men and women, great, ideal life, [945].
- Shaw, Francis G., gives A. $100 for Rev., [355].
- Shaw, Sarah B., [282].
- Sheldon, Ellen H., serv. for Natl. Assn., [700].
- Shippen, Rev. Rush R., ad. suff. con., [607].
- Sherman, Gen. Wm. T., [249].
- Sherman, Mrs. Gen., agnst. wom. suff., [377].
- Simonton, J. W., at press dinner, [316].
- Simpson, Jerry, M. C., ad. suff. con. [756].
- Simpson, Bishop Matthew, [337]; favors wom. suff., [588].
- Sizer, Nelson, phrenolog. chart of A., [85].
- Skidmore, Mr. and Mrs. Thos. J., hospitality, love of liberty, [710].
- Slayton (Lect. Bureau), tells A. she has ruined lect. prospects, [468];
- cempli. circular of A.'s lect., [486].
- Slocum, Mrs., interviews Gen. Hancock, [520].
- Smalley, Geo. W., [246].
- Smith, Abby, [446].
- Smith, Mrs. E. O., at Calif. Dem. Con., [872].
- Smith, Eliz. Oakes, at Syracuse W. R. Con., [72]; [316];
- death, [756].
- Smith, Mr. and Mrs. Frank M., entertain A., [877].
- Smith, Judge G. W., agnst. wom. suff., [283].
- Smith, Gerrit, suff. greatest of all rights, [75];
- one standard of morals, [93];
- advocates Bloomer costume, [113];
- in Cong., [118];
- wom. must get rid of poverty and disabling dress, [147];
- sleeps in church, [179];
- insane, [181];
- Garrison. meet. at Albany, [212];
- donation Loyal League, [234]; [270]; [279];
- endorses wom. suff., [284];
- bids wom. stand aside for negro, [300];
- "nothing to fear from women," [301]; [350];
- helps A. pay expenses of trial, [446];
- death, [467];
- gave land to negroes, [708]; [935].
- Smith, Mrs. Gerrit, vice-pres. Wom. Temp. Con., [67].
- Smith, Goldwin, opp. wom. suff., [698].
- Smith, Hannah Whitall, [541].
- Smith, Julia (see Parker).
- Smith, Lewia C., testimonial to Judge Selden, [446];
- testimonial and gift for A., [558].
- Smith, Mrs. M. F., [808].
- Smith, Mrs. Nicholas, [327].
- Solomons, Selina, poem to A., [881].
- Somerset, Lady Henry, approves A.'s bust, [722];
- Somerville, Mary, endorses wom. suff., [368].
- Sorbier, Madame, tries to sec. suff. amend. from Calif. Legis., [863].
- Soule, Rev. Dr., [550].
- Southwick, Sarah, [902].
- Southworth, Louisa, [623];
- Spence, Catherine H., ad. suff. con., [756].
- Spencer (Judge) Mrs., tries to sec. suff. amend. from Calif. Legis., [863].
- Spencer, Rev. Anna Garlin, speaks at suff. con., [533], [702].
- Spencer, Sara Andrews, engrosses Wom. Dec. of Ind., [478]; [479];
- Sperry, George B., [831].
- Sperry, Mrs. Austin, treas. wom. suff. campn., com. in Calif., [863];
- Spofford, Mr. and Mrs., welcome A., [701];
- leave Riggs House, [705].
- Spofford, Jane S., elect. treas. Natl. Suff. Assn., [407];
- hospitality to A., [512];
- A. writes to give up con., [526]; [527];
- Albany people shd. take A. in their arms, [536];
- A.'s let. on shipboard, [551];
- let. from A., [562]; [629]; [632]; [633]; [643];
- thoughtfulness for A., [672]; [676]; [679];
- pays S. Dak. bills, [680];
- recep. to Wom. Council, [702];
- valu. assist. to A., [743].
- Squier, Ellen Hoxie, [653]; [802].
- Squier, Lucien, [653].
- Sprague, Homer B., [337].
- Spraker, Livingston, [49].
- Springer, Wm. M., M. C., obj. to admit. Wy. with wom. suff., [698].
- Stambach, Dr. Ida, entertains A., [881].
- Stafford, Col., [4].
- Stafford, Brown, [121].
- Stafford, John, [121].
- Stanford, Jane L., [607]; [660];
- Stanford, Senator Leland, sends A. and Mrs. Stn. passes, [390];
- Stanford, Senator and Mrs., recep. to Wom. Council, [637].
- Stansbury, L. M., [780].
- Stanton, Elizabeth Cady, first impression of A., [64];
- advice to pub. speakers, writes to please self, [66];
- elected pres. State Temp. Con., [67];
- divorce and practical relig., [68];
- opp. to woman as pres. of first con., [72];
- co-education, bondage of relig., [73];
- as mother, [76];
- work in 1840-'48, [82];
- woman's right to speak in public, [92];
- admit men to Woman's Temp. Soc., [94];
- objected to as pres. of society, [95];
- ad. N. Y. Legis., [108];
- appeal for rights of women, [110];
- Bloomer costume, [113];
- renounces it, [115];
- drawbacks to her efforts for women, [130];
- takes turns with A. in writing and baby-tending, [142];
- congrat. A. on stirring up teachers, [157];
- appeals for equal rights, [175];
- martyrdom of John Brown, what she will say to St. Peter, [181]; [185];
- will obey Napoleon, [187];
- describes A. and self working together, [188];
- ad. N. Y. legis., [189];
- declares for divorce, [193];
- replies to Greeley, Luc. Mott approves, [195];
- blows struck at men's stronghold, [196];
- on divorce at Friends' meet., [197];
- offers to help A. on agricult. sp., [199]; [208];
- hissed at Roch. anti-slav. meet., [209];
- Garrisonian meet at Albany, [212];
- on "Adam Bede," prepares anti-slav. ad., [217]; [221];
- call for Loyal League, [226];
- spks. for League, [227];
- pres. League, [229]; [234];
- lively let. from Phillips, [237];
- humiliation of women at seeing negro placed above their heads, [239];
- love for A., [244]; [246]; [249];
- petit. Cong. for wom. suff., [250];
- urges women to work for suff., [251]; [253];
- sounds alarm when men show signs of treachery, [256];
- eloquent demand for wom. suff., [257]; [259];
- last moments of con., [260];
- influenced by eloquence of Phillips and Tilton but repudiates it, [261];
- easily psychologized, [262];
- compliments Democrats, [263];
- ridiculed by N. Y. World, [264]; [265];
- will sign every petit. if necessary, scores "old guard," [268];
- protests agnst. negro's receiv. rights denied women, [269];
- comes to meetings rested and refreshed, ad. joint coms. of N. Y. legis. on new constit., [273];
- memorial to Cong., [277];
- before N. Y. Consti. Con., [278]; [279];
- encounter with Greeley, name forbidden in Tribune, [280]; [282];
- goes into Kansas campn., [283];
- unpleasant nights, [284];
- homage for her talents, [285];
- tour of Kan. with ex-Gov. Robinson, [286];
- invites Train to assist, [287]; [290];
- arranges lect. tour with Train, at polls, [291];
- praised by Leav. Commercial, [292];
- admiration of Mr. Train, defers to A.'s judgment, tour with A. and Train, [293];
- censured and repudiated by friends for alliance with Train, claims right to accept his aid for wom. suff., [294];
- begins The Revolution, abuse of N. Y. Times, [295];
- comment N. Y. Independent, Cin'ti Enquirer, [296];
- descrip. of Revolution, wom. have lost self-respect, [297];
- defends The Revolution, [298];
- on desire to edit paper, [299];
- objects to treatment by Equal Rights Assn., Revolution an individ. matter, [300];
- described by Nellie Hutchinson, [302];
- presides at Equal Rights Assn., [303];
- Blackwell praises work in Kan., independent com. formed, [304];
- attends Demo. mass meet. in N. Y., comment of Sun, [305];
- attends Natl. Demo. Con. in Tammany Hall, [306];
- finishes home at Tenafly, [308]; [309];
- goes to Gov. Geary in behalf of Hester Vaughan, [310]; [314];
- western tour, [315]; [316];
- almost alone in demanding word "sex" in Fifteenth Amend., [318];
- writes old friends to ignore the past, [320];
- presides Equal Rights Assn., [322];
- presides Natl. Suff. Assn., [327]; [328];
- describes Newport con., [329]; [330];
- forms friendship with Mrs. Hooker, [332]; [337];
- ad. Cong. com., [338]; [339];
- described by Mary Clemmer, [340]; [343]; [344];
- urges union of suff. orgz'tns and offers to resign office, [347];
- forbids use of name for pres., women protest, at Apollo Hall con., at dissolut. of Equal Rights Assn., [348]; [349];
- mass meeting in McFarland-Richardson case, [352];
- beautiful appearance, [353];
- no salary on Revolution, [354];
- objects to change name of Rev., "Rosebud" will not answer, [357]; [358];
- declines to serve longer as editor, [360];
- urges A. to roll load off her shoulders, [361]; [362]; [366]; [368];
- work in 1845, called first W. R. con., [369];
- wants A. for pres. of assn. but willing to exalt Mrs. Hooker, [371];
- sends $100 to Wash. con., [372];
- bet. two fires, [374];
- answers men who object to Mrs. Woodhull, [379];
- no faith in Repub. party, [382];
- supports Mrs Woodhull, [383];
- chmn. Natl. com., [384];
- starts to Calif., [387];
- bliss in marriage if both equals, [388];
- first sp. in San Fr., visits Mrs. Fair in jail, [390];
- sympathizes with her, goes to Yosemite, [392];
- can not mount pony, hard trip, [393]; [396];
- ad. Sen. com., [410];
- call for forming new party, [413];
- criticises A., [414];
- let. to N. Y. World urging Demo. to stand by women, [416];
- let. from Cochran, [418];
- not grateful to Repubs., "white mules turn long ears," [420];
- spks. on Repub. plat. in N. Y., [422];
- defends A. in voting, [432]; [434];
- annual protest agnst. Wash. con., [467];
- objects to A.'s lecture on Social Purity, [468];
- opens Centennial headqrs., [475];
- prepares wom. Dec. of Ind., [476];
- refused permis. to read Dec., [477];
- evils of manhood suff., [479];
- begins Hist. of Wom. Suff., [480];
- at Mrs. Davis' funeral, [481];
- appeal for 16th Amend., [483];
- hates lecturing, thankful for abuse, friendship for A., [488];
- her children's love for A., [489];
- prayer-meet. in Cap. at Wash., [494]; [495];
- re-elect. pres. Natl. Assn., [496];
- strong res. at Natl. Con., [499];
- ad. to Pres. Hayes, [500]; [507];
- corres. editor Ballot-Box, [510];
- writes res. and ad., [516];
- work on Hist., [524];
- tries to vote, [525];
- A. compels to attend cons., pres. at Wash. con., [526];
- eulogy on Luc. Mott, [527]; [528];
- valuable work on Hist. Wom. Suff., [531];
- present is time to write history, [532];
- entertainment by Bird Club, Boston, [534];
- illness, fears of not finish. history, [537]; [540]; [541];
- sails for Europe, [543];
- always strength to A., [544];
- urges A. to come to Eng., [546]; [547]; [549]; [553];
- calls on Channing in Eng., [554]; [564];
- spks. at Prince's Hall, [565];
- spks. at St. James Hall, [566];
- advises suff. for married women, [568];
- Mrs. McLaren appreciates, [569]; [575]; [576]; [577];
- confidence of Eng. women, [579];
- open let. on Douglass marriage, [585];
- prepares natl. con. report, begins work on Vol. III Hist. of Wom. Suff., [592];
- advises women to work for Rep. party, [594];
- res. denounc. dogmas and creeds, [595];
- rebukes Rev. Patton for sermon agnst. woman suff., upholds A.'s remarks, [596];
- work on Hist. Wom. Suff., [599];
- ease-loving nature, A. urges to work, Mrs. Sewall pities, "exercises by lying down," [600];
- women complain of use of "blue pencil," [601];
- 70th birthday, "Pleasures of old age," let. H. Stanton Blatch., [602];
- æsthetic cons., [605];
- revises History proofs, sells rights to A., fine ability, [613];
- adv. A. to burn old letters, [625];
- advised not to take presidency united assns., [628]; [629];
- willing to decline, but lets. insist she shall take presidency, [630];
- A. spks. in her favor, [631];
- elect. pres., [632]; [633];
- friendship for A., coming back to Amer. to do best work, [635];
- dreads ocean trip, can not come to Council, A. brings her and shuts her up to write sp., [636];
- at recep. for Wom. Council, [637];
- trib. of Fr. Willard, [638];
- ad. Sen. com., [640]; [642]; [654]; [659]; [664];
- looks like Lord Chief. Just., [665];
- response at A.'s birthday banq., thorn in side, meets A. in London, oblig. to her, [667];
- inspiration to A., [668];
- A. will have her under thumb, ad. Cong. Coms., presides Natl. Am. Assn., [674];
- honored to go abroad as its represent., farewell, [675];
- The Matriarchate, [702]; [703];
- re-elect. pres. natl. assn., [704];
- keep home and be cremat. in own oven, [707];
- returns to Amer., A. urges to make home with her and prepare writings for posterity, [712];
- goes for month's visit to A., sits for bust by Ad. Johnson, sp. in favor opening Roch. Univers. to women, cartoon in Utica paper, [713];
- settled in N. Y., children urge to give up work, paper on Solitude of Self, ovation at con., begs scepter be transfer. to A., elect. hon. pres. natl. assn., last app. at Wash. con., [717];
- ad. Cong. Coms., recep. in Wash., [718]; [719]; [729];
- trib. to disting. dead, [737];
- natl. com. sends greet. to, [739];
- paper for Educat. Cong. World's Fair, [751];
- ad. to N. Y. women contrib. to Sun, [763];
- prep. call for natl. con., [801];
- cosy home, [802];
- thanks A. for read. her papers, [811];
- memorial to Fred. Douglass, [814];
- A. visits to tell about cons., etc., [815];
- portrait at Utah Con., [825];
- let. sympathy to A., [842];
- 80th birthday, [845];
- all wom. shd. pay tribute, [846];
- birthday sp., [847];
- magnific. fête, Tilton's testimonial, [848];
- recep. by Mrs. H. Villard, birthday celebrat. in Roch., [849];
- extolled by Sen. Stanford, [851];
- prepares Woman's Bible, res. agnst. introd. in natl. suff. con., [852];
- always announc. to be her individ. work, [853];
- always in advance of times, A. defends her, [854];
- urges that she and A. resign office, [855];
- A. tells her she is talking down to people in her Bible commentary, [856];
- and says suff. wd. take women out of relig. bigotry, urges not to send Bible literature to Calif., [857];
- women only class left to fight battles alone, [879];
- A. wishes she were young and strong, [880]; [896]; [915];
- at Mrs. Osborne's, [917];
- A. writes of Mrs. Besant and Theosophy, [918];
- at Geneva, [927]; pict. in Anthony parlor, [934];
- A.'s magnanimity, honesty, heroism, tenderness, "to be wedded to an idea may be holiest and happiest of marriages," dedicates Reminiscences, [951];
- to "my steadfast friend.," [952];
- ad. to Pres. Lincoln, "free women as you have slaves," [957];
- ad. to Cong., eloquent demand for woman's enfranchisement, [968];
- birthday gift to A., [976];
- Repubs. will lose power to protect black men in right to vote, [1016].
- Stanton, Mr. and Mrs. Gerrit, [654].
- Stanton, Harriot, (See Blatch).
- Stanton, Henry B., on condition of country, urges A. to gird on armor, [226].
- Stanton, Mrs. Henry B., Greeley's revenge, [280]; [972].
- Stanton, Theodore and Marguerite, [532];
- take A. to Chamber of Deputies, to St. Cloud, to station, [561].
- Starrett, Helen Ekin, compares A. and Mrs. S. when in Kan., [273];
- Starrett, Rev. Wm., [287].
- Stearns, Judge J. B., introd. A., [656]; [902].
- Stearns, Sarah Burger, [656].
- Stebbins, Giles and Catharine F., old friends of A., [658];
- Stebbins, Rev. H. H., for wom. suff., [762].
- Stebbins, Dr. Horatio, [830].
- Stephens, Prof. Kate, in Germany, [560].
- Stetson, Charlotte Perkins, opp. res. agnst. Wom. Bible, [854];
- visits A. and spks. in Rochester, [901].
- Stern, Judge, ad. wom. suff. con., [762].
- Stevens, Thaddeus, tries to have women included in Amend. XIV, [250];
- Stevenson, Dr. Sarah Hackett, at Fed. Clubs, [720];
- let. from A. on maternity hospital, [843].
- Stillman, Jas. W., [350].
- Stewart, Sen. Wm., favors wom. suff., [500].
- Stocker, Alice M., Calif. Dem. Con., [872].
- Stone, Lucinda Hinsdale, [379].
- Stone, Lucy, first meets A., [64];
- unjust laws for women, [73];
- does not favor Maine law, [81]; [87]; [90];
- on divorce, [93];
- assists Whole World Temp. Con., [96];
- commends A., praises Channing, [111];
- writes A. regarding Bloomers, [115];
- defends costume, but abandons it, [116];
- marries, [128];
- playful letter on marriage, [130];
- will retire from public work, [135]; [139];
- encourages A. to speak in public, [145];
- shows legal posit. of women, has faith in A., [146];
- pres. N. Y. con., [147];
- sympathetic let., [151];
- care of children, [162];
- trustee of Jackson fund, [165];
- wd. use Hovey fund for test cases, [171]; [185];
- opp. divorce res., [195];
- pres. Loyal League meet., [229]; [234];
- petit. for Cong. action, [250]; [253];
- favors union of A. S. and W. R. Soc., [256];
- abused by N. Y. World, [264];
- campn. in Kan., money from Jackson fund for it, treachery of Repub. Com., censures Tribune and Independent, [275]; [281];
- wants Mrs. Stn. to edit paper, [299];
- A. desires her to edit paper, [300]; [303];
- Repub. party false unless it protects woman, [304];
- repudiates "free love" res., [325]; [328];
- chmn. ex. com. Am. Suff. Assn., [329];
- for dissolution of E. R. Assn., [349];
- asst. ed. Wom. Jour., [361];
- early work, [369];
- asks A.'s attitude toward parties, [497];
- Eddy legacy, [539]; [540];
- on com. for union of two assns., [627];
- meets A. in Boston, submits plan, [628];
- appoints conf. com., [629]; [630];
- chmn. ex. com. united assns., [632]; [634];
- at recep. for Wom. Council, [637];
- trib. of Fr. Willard, [638];
- let. on A. birthday, [668];
- let. greet. Natl. Am. Con., [675];
- authoriz. A. to sign name, [676];
- requests women celebrate admiss. Wyoming, [699];
- invites A. to Mass. suff. annivers., sympathizes with illness, [701];
- at Wom. Council, had stood beside A. on many a battlefield, [703];
- hon. pres. Natl. Am. Assn., [717];
- at recep. in Wash., [718]; [729];
- last let. to natl. con., greeting sent her, [738];
- memorial serv. at Wash. con., [756]; [935].
- Storrs, Wm. C., U. S. Commissr., [426];
- examines A. for having voted, [427].
- Stout, Ira, [164].
- Stowe, Calvin E., endorses wom. suff., [284].
- Stowe, Dr. Emily H., [658].
- Stowe, Harriet Beecher, will help Revolution, [356];
- Stratton, Sen. and Mrs. Fred., entertain A., [877].
- Strong, Harriet R., [832].
- Studwell, Edwin A., [349]; [368].
- Studwell, Mrs. Edwin A., [349].
- Sullivan, Isaac N., Sup. Judge, Idaho, decides in favor wom. suff., [919].
- Sullivan, Margaret B., on shipboard with A., [579].
- Sumner, Chas., work for emancip., [226];
- presents petit. for emancip. in Senate, [235];
- writes A. must "blast idea of property in man," [236];
- acknowl. indebtedness to A., [238];
- efforts to omit "male" in Amend. XIV, [256];
- L. M. Child's petit. "inopportune," [265];
- concedes right to disfranchise taxpayers, [269];
- bids women stand aside, [300]; [317];
- interested in suff. hearing, [339]; [373];
- did not realize women felt degredat. of disfranchise, [411];
- never a public word for woman, [456];
- ext. from great sp., [968];
- all citizens entitled to equal rights, [979];
- no doubt but women have constit. right to vote, [981]; [1014];
- negro enfranchisement, [1015];
- wrote 19 pp. foolscap to keep "male" out of Amend. XIV, [1016].
- Sunderland, Rev. Byron S., attacks W. R. women, [79].
- Sutro, Mayor Adolph, welcomes Wom. Cong., San Fr., [827].
- Sweet, Ada C., [607].
- Sweet, Emma B., priv. sec. to A., [843];
- Swift, John F., [892].
- Swift, Mary Wood, on Calif. wom. suff.
- Swift, Richard L., mob at A. S. meet., [209].
- Swing, David, quotation from, [667].
- Taft, Lorado, bust of A., sex nothing to do with art, [721];
- Miss Willard's compli. [722].
- Taney, Chief Justice Roger B., decision in Dred Scott case, [454];
- Tanner, Mary Priestman, [576]; [577].
- Taylor, Alberta Chapman, [810].
- Taylor, Ezra B., M. C., rep. in favor wom. suff., [590];
- Taylor, Helen, [337]; [565]; [577].
- Taylor, Mr. and Mrs. Lansing G., A. teaches in family of, [44].
- Taylor, Meneia (Mrs. Peter), [555]; [577].
- Taylor, Hon. T. T., introd. munic. wom. suff. bill in Kan. legis., [611].
- Teller, Senator Henry M., ad. suff. con., [756].
- Teller, Mrs. Henry M., at Wash, con., [851].
- Terry, Ellen, A. hears, [555].
- Thacher, Mayor Geo. H., declares for free speech, [211];
- Thacher, John Boyd, asks record of father, fails to put suff. wom. on N. Y. Board Lady Manag., [733].
- Thatcher, Judge, [287].
- Thayer, John M., ad. on Mary Anthony's birthday, [916];
- Thomas, Rev. H. W., introd. A. in Chicago, [617];
- Thomas, Mr. and Mrs. John W., recep. to Wom. Council, [928].
- Thomas, M. Louise, [511]; [550];
- Thomas, Mary F., [629].
- Thomasson, Mrs. J. P., [563];
- Thompson, Elizabeth, gives A. $1,000 for History, [524];
- pres. Art. Assn. desiring to make A.'s statute, [734].
- Thompson, Geo., [63];
- Thomson, Adeline, first meets A., [122]; [327]; [527]; [538];
- Thomson, Annie, first meets A., [122]; [527];
- Thurman, Senator Allen G., insults wom. petit., [485]; [486].
- Thurston, Sarah A., on Kan. wom. suff. com., [781].
- Tiffany & Co., [278].
- Tilton, Eliz. R., funeral of baby, [308]; [346];
- demure, motherly, sweetness needed, [357];
- selects poetry for Rev., [359]; [360];
- during Beecher-Tilton trouble, [461];
- beautiful character, not wicked, [463];
- love and veneration for pastor, [464];
- born into Plymouth church, pitiable condition, crushed, [465];
- let. to A. on 50th birthday, [975];
- gift, [976].
- Tilton, Theodore, "noise-making twain," A. and Mrs. Stn., [188];
- gets Beecher's sp. in Independent, [192];
- A.'s "sphere," [217];
- on Emancip. Proclam., millenium on the way, [225];
- announces birth of son, [232];
- supports A.'s plan, proposes E. R. Assn., strong ed. in N. Y. Independent, [252];
- favors union of A. S. and W. R. Soc., [256]; [259]; [260];
- argues agnst. trying to strike "male" from N. Y. constit., [261]; [264]; [270];
- refuses to champion wom. suff. in 1867, [281]; [290];
- res. to send A. to Natl. Demo. Con., [305];
- deserts wom. suff. for negro suff., [317];
- wom. suff. presented as "intellect. theory," [323];
- tries to unite suff. assns., [346];
- made pres. Union Society, [348]; [349];
- sends com. to Am. Suff. Assn. proposing union, [350]; [357];
- assists Mrs. Bullard in ed. Rev., [361]; [368];
- at Lib. Repub. Con., [415];
- derides women, [419];
- A.'s affection for, [463];
- brilliant and attractive, Beecher's love for, [464];
- respect for wife, [465];
- testimonial to A. and Mrs. Stn., [848];
- let. on A.'s 50th birthday, [975];
- gift, [976].
- Tod, Isabella M. S., entertains A., [572]; [573].
- Towns, Mirabeau L., has ad. on wom. suff. printed, [768].
- Townsend, Harriet A., [741].
- Townsend, S. P., arranges temp. meet, for A. and others, [83].
- Tourgee, Albion W., [754].
- Train, Geo. Francis, offers assist. to wom. suff. campn. in Kan., [286];
- first sp. at Leav., [287];
- obj. to hard route, says A. knows how to make man ashamed, speaking tour, [288];
- dons evening dress before speaking, attacks Gen. Blunt, advice to sick people, [289];
- will furnish money for wom. suff. paper, A. proprietor, praised by D. R. Anthony, [290];
- fails to reach Atchison, makes final arrange. with A. at St. Joe for paper and lect. trip, [291];
- method of speaking, personal descript., [292];
- pays all expenses for lect. tour of himself, A. and Mrs. Stn., [293];
- scored by suff. advocates, [294];
- furnishes funds for The Revolution and reserves space for his own opinions, [295];
- comment N. Y. Independ., [296];
- defended by Mrs. Stn., [297];
- goes abroad, is put into Dublin jail, [298];
- not able to meet all financ. obligat. to Rev., [299]; [301]; [308];
- withdraws from paper, [319];
- put in $3,000, [354]; [408].
- Trall, Dr., [88].
- Tremaine, Lyman, rep. agnst. A.'s appeal
- for remission of fine, shows ignorance of matter, [450].
- Truesdale, Sarah, registers and votes, [424].
- Truman, Commissioner, [597].
- Trumbull, Senator Lyman, [410].
- Truth, Sojourner, at W. R. con., [103].
- Trygg, Alli, ad. Senate Com., [640].
- Tucker, Gideon J., for wom. suff., [767].
- Tucker, John Randolph, M. C., opp. wom. suff., [590];
- rep. agnst. wom. suff., [607].
- Tudor, Mrs. Fenno, [534].
- Tupper, Rev. Mila (Maynard), at Wash. Wom. Council, [702];
- in Calif. campn., [875].
- Turner, Bishop Henry M., favors wom. suff., [588];
- spks. with A., [812].
- Tuttle, Rev. J. H., [165].
- Tyng, Rev. Stephen H., [233].
- Vail, Moses, teaches A. algebra, [43].
- Van Buren, Martin, at Tarrytown, New York, his habits, [41];
- Vance, Senator Zebulon B., rep. agnst. wom. suff., [718].
- Van Dyck, Henry H., St. Supt., opposes co-education, [156].
- Van Pelt, Ada, [826].
- Van Voorhis, John, M. C., retained in A.'s case, [428];
- Vaughan, Hester, accused of murdering child, [309];
- pardoned and sent back to Eng., [310].
- Vaughn, Mary C., pres. temp. meet., [65]; [82]; [95].
- Vest, George G., Senator, opposes com. on wom. rights, [540];
- Vibbert, George H., [328].
- Villard, Mrs. Henry, daught. W. L. Garrison, recep. to A. and Mrs. Stn., [849].
- Vincent, John H., learn law of love from God's women, [708];
- invites A. to Chautauqua, [727].
- Vosburg, Mrs. J. R., stands by A. in Teach. Con., [100].
- Vrooman, Mrs. Henry, entertains A., [877].
- Wade, Senator Benjamin F., encourages Wom. Loyal League, [233];
- Wadleigh, Senator Bainbridge, insults wom. petit., [485];
- opp. wom. suff., scored by Mary Clemmer, [501].
- Wagener, Mr., agnst. wom. suff. pl. in Kan. Repub. plat., [780].
- Wagner, Silas J., advises inspect. not to register women, [426].
- Wait, Anna C., in Kan. campn., [609].
- Waite, Judge C. B., [315];
- compli. Hist. Wom. Suff., [531].
- Waite, Chief-justice Morrison R., decides agnst. woman's right to vote under Amend. XIV, [453].
- Waite, Mrs. Morrison R., recep. to A. in Wash., [739].
- Walker, Mr. and Mrs. T. B., entertain A., [723].
- Wallace, Celia Whipple, [641].
- Wallace, Zerelda G., ad. Cong. com., [511];
- Wallis, Judge and Sarah B., [405].
- Walters, Bishop, favors wom. suff., [588].
- Walworth, Rev. Clarence A., ad. N. Y. Constit. Con. in opp. to wom. suff., [769]; [770].
- Washington, Booker, A. spks. with for Tuskeegee Instit., [914].
- Washington, Assoc.-Just. Bushrod, citizens have right to franchise and office, [984]; [986].
- Washington, George, [805]; [900].
- Wasson, Rev. D. A., sermons and presence inspire A., [133].
- Watkins, Letitia V., canvasses Kan., [625].
- Watson, Elizabeth Lowe, [405];
- entertains A., [831].
- Watterson, Henry, favors wom. suff. [519]; [725].
- Wattles, Susan E., suff. work in Kan., [178].
- Ward, Eliza T., [632].
- Wardall, Popu. Chmn., in Calif, campn., [883].
- Wardall, Alonzo, inv. A. to S. Dak., [657];
- Wardall, Elizabeth M., let. to A., [679];
- Warner, Sen. Willard, presides at wom. suff. con., [377].
- Warner, Chas. Dudley, praises A., [334].
- Warner, Daniel J., advises women to be registered, [426].
- Warren, Sen. Francis E., working of wom. suff. in Wy., [716];
- Warren, Mrs. Francis E., [823].
- Warren, Bishop Henry W., favors wom. suff., [588].
- Way, Rev. Amanda M., [328].
- Waymire, Judge and Mrs. J. A., entertain A., [877].
- Webb, Alfred, [572]; [575].
- Webb, Richard D., [572].
- Webb, Thomas, [575].
- Webster, Daniel, [593].
- Webster, Prof. Helen L., wants Wom. Suff. Hist. for Wellesley, [754].
- Weed, Thurlow, assists temp. women, [65]; [329].
- Weld, Angelina Grimke, [73];
- Weld, Theodore D., [233].
- Wellman, Alice H., entertains A., [877].
- Wells, Mayor (Salt Lake), [388].
- Wells, Emmeline B., pres. Utah assn., [825];
- at natl. suff. con., [902].
- Wells, Ida B., lect. in Roch., interrupt. by theolog. stu., A. comes to defense, takes her home, [815];
- stenographer refuses to work for her, [816].
- Wellstood, Jessie M., [568].
- Wentworth, "Long John," [468].
- West, Governor (Utah), recep. to A., [825].
- Whaley, J. C. C., [307].
- Wheeler, Vice-Pres. William A., presents wom. petit., [500].
- Whelpley, A. W., arrang. lect. for A., [648].
- Whipple, Rev. A. B., invites A. to annual meet. Berkshire Hist. Soc., [940];
- places meet. in her charge, [942].
- Whipple, Edwin P., lectures for Loyal League, [233].
- White, Pres. Andrew D., compli. Hist. Wom. Suff., [531];
- wife one of A.'s kind, [850].
- White, Armenia S., urges A. to visit her, [702]; [895].
- White, Betsey Dunnell, A.'s aunt, talks politics, [57].
- White, John D., M. C., champions wom. rights com., [540];
- White, Mrs. Lovell, arrang. trip for A. to Mt. Tamalpais, [877].
- White, Philip S., [60].
- Whiting, John H., [676].
- Whiting, Lillian, trib. to A., [672]; [673].
- Whiting, Mr. and Mrs. Wm., A, visits, [705].
- Whitney, Bishop, [824].
- Whitney, Adeline D. T., opp. wom. suff., [620].
- Whittier, John G., A. calls on, [525];
- Whittle, Dr. Ewing, recep. to A. and Mrs. Stn., [579].
- Whyte, Senator Pinkney, [485].
- Wilberforce, Canon, A. hears on temp., [567].
- Wilbour, Charlotte B., [234]; [327];
- Wilbur, Julia A., stands by A. in Teach. Con., [155].
- Wilcox, Birdseye, heads pro-slavery mob, [208].
- Wilde, Lady, [565].
- Wilder, Mayor Carter, pres. Repub. meet., [422];
- friendship for A., [615].
- Wilder, D. Webster, praises Hist. Wom. Suff. and A., [615].
- Wilder, Samuel, friendship for A., [615].
- Wigham, Eliza, [568]; [570].
- Wigham, Mr. and Mrs. Henry, [572].
- Wigham, Jane Smeale, [570].
- Wilkes, Rev. Eliza Tupper, [831].
- Willcox, Albert O., [676].
- Willcox, Hamilton, [313].
- Willard, Frances E., asks A. to sit on plat. at lect. in Roch., [472]; [496];
- A. does not coincide with views, [505];
- has lever but no fulcrum, [506]; [511];
- introd. A. at Natl. W. C. T. U. con. in Wash., [537];
- favors State rights on suff. ques., A. criticises and tells her Prohib. party will throw wom. suff. overboard, prophecy fulfilled, [594];
- A. visits, [609];
- corres. with A. regard. suff. plank in Prohib. plat., [622]; [631];
- sp. and let. about A. at Wom. Council, [638];
- presents constit. for Councils of Women, [639];
- ad. Sen. com., presides Central Music Hall, Chicago, [640];
- let. on A.'s birthday, [669]; [685];
- presides trienni. meet. Woman's Council, introd. A. as one of double stars, [702];
- suff. day at Chautauqua, [709];
- at Fed. Clubs, [720];
- urges A. to visit her and have bust made by L. Taft; "wom. wd. not allow male grasshop. on lawn," [721];
- will have A.'s bust in Senate and White House, one man has seen her great soul, [722];
- describes A. at two natl. polit. cons., "such souls meet God," [725];
- farewell teleg. to A., [729];
- delight over A.'s laurels at World's Fair, Lady Henry's compli., [747];
- in Twilight Park, [773];
- at Repub. con., Saratoga, describes A. before res. com., [774];
- century's foremost figure, [775];
- introd. A. to W. C. T. U. gospel meet., Cleveland, as ordained of God, declares for wom. suff., [800];
- A. begs to withdraw W. C. T. U. con. from Calif., [857];
- A. repeats the entreaty, [881];
- accedes to request, [882];
- depart. for Europe, [883];
- sends tele. of greet. on A.'s return from Calif., invites her to sanitarium in Castile., [901];
- sends roses for A.'s birthday, [906];
- asks A. to join in protest agnst. yellow journal. and prize fight., [923];
- when she refuses, writes affect. let., urges to come to World's and Natl. W. C. T. U. Cons., [924];
- testimonial to A's character, courage, self-sacrifice, integrity, personal kindness, in next world women will stand on plane of perfect equality, [950].
- Willard, Mary B., let. to A., [804].
- William, Emperor, [559].
- Williams, Harriet W., [400].
- Williams, Mary Hamilton, [434].
- Williams, Sarah L., editor Ballot-Box, [509]; [510].
- Willis, Sarah L., birthday gift to A., [672]; [711];
- Wilson, Vice-Pres. Henry, acknowledges indebtedness to A., [238];
- Winchester, Margaret E., [348]; [349]; [368].
- Windeyer, Miss, ad. natl. suff. con., [756].
- Wing, Judge Halsey, [44].
- Winslow, Dr. Caroline B., [902].
- Winter, William, pays trib. to A., [323].
- Wolf, Hon. Simon, ad. Wash. suff. con., [756].
- Wollstonecraft, Mary, [934].
- Wood, Hon. B. R., opp. wom. delegates, [88].
- Wood, Hon. D. P., advocates wom. rights, [109].
- Wood, Dr. Ruth M., suff. work in Leavenworth, [609].
- Wood, Samuel N., urges wom. suff. be discussed
- Woodall, Wm., M.P., pres. at wom. suff. meet., [566];
- amends suff. bill, [593].
- Woodruff, President (Utah), [825].
- Woodhull, Victoria C., goes before Cong. Com. with memorial, fine presence, [375];
- first app. on suff. plat., scene described, [376];
- "veins contain ice," [377];
- advent creates commotion, [378];
- vanquishes Cath. Beecher, defended by Mrs. Stn., [379];
- at suff. con. in N. Y., papers use this as reproach to movement, makes strong argument, [383];
- issues call for con. to form new party, [413];
- tries to secure control of suff. con., [413]; [414]; [596].
- Woods, Mrs. M. C., [902].
- Worden, Mrs., [195]; [249].
- Worthington, Mrs., [44].
- Wright, Daniel, teacher of A., [35].
- Wright, David, at wom. temp. meet., [65].
- Wright, Frances, early work, [369]; [935].
- Wright, Martha C., sec. wom. rights' con., [72];
- pres. wom. rights' con., [131];
- Garrison. meet. at Albany, [212]; [249]; [260];
- let. of friendship to A., [301]; [368];
- called first W. R. Con., [369];
- sarcasm regard. Cath. Beecher, comments on Wash. politicians, [372];
- comforts A., [415];
- only hope for suff. movement lies in A., elected pres. of assn., [458];
- death, A.'s grief, [467]; [917].
- Yates, Edmund, [422].
- Yates, Eliz. Upham, spks. at Atlanta con., [811];
- Young, Prof. C. Howard, [920].
- Young, John Russell, compli. A., [384].
- Young, Virginia D., [757].
- Zahner, Rev. Louis, pays trib. to Anthony family, [942].