FOOTNOTES:
[57] I am indebted to Colonial Williamsburg, Inc., for permitting the partial excavation of the site, for its generosity in offering to present the bulk of the artifact collection to the United States National Museum, and for its financial assistance in the preparation of this report. I am also much indebted to Audrey Noël Hume and John Dunton who represented the full extent of our field team, and to the latter for his work in the preservation of the iron and other small finds. My gratitude is also extended to A. E. Kendrew, senior vice president of Colonial Williamsburg, and to E. M. Frank, resident architect, the late S. P. Moorehead, architectural consultant, and Paul Buchanan, all of Colonial Williamsburg, for their help in the interpretation of the architectural remains. Further thanks are extended to Thaddeus Tate of the College of William and Mary for his valued council throughout the operation and for reading and commenting on the final report. I also greatly appreciate comments made by C. Malcolm Watkins, curator of cultural history at the Smithsonian Institution, in regard to the European artifacts; the help with the Indian material provided by Ben C. McCary, president of the Archeological Society of Virginia; and suggestions for historical sources made by H. G. Jones, state archivist, North Carolina. Finally, my thanks are extended to Alden Eaton who first found the site and without whose interest another relic of Virginia's colonial past would have been lost.
[58] "Mesuage, in Common law, is used for a dwelling-house, with Garden, Courtilage, Orchard, and all other things belonging to it" (E. Phillips, The New World of Words, London, 1671).
[59] William Waller Hening, Statutes at Large ... A Collection of All the Laws of Virginia ..., vol. 4 (Richmond, 1820), p. 371.
[60] Papers of the Jones Family of Northumberland County, Virginia, 1649-1889 (MSS. Division, Library of Congress), vol. 1.
[61] "Patents Issued During the Royal Government," William and Mary College Quarterly (January 1901), ser. 1, vol. 9, no. 3, p. 143. In the 17th century prior to the building of the College of William and Mary, College Creek was known as Archer's Hope Creek, after the settlement of Archer's Hope at its mouth.
[62] There was a patent dated February 6, 1637, to "Humphry Higgenson" for 700 acres "called by the name of Tutteys neck, adj. to Harrop ... E. S. E. upon a gr. swamp parting it from Harrop land, W. S. W. upon a br. of Archers hope Cr. parting it from Kingsmells neck, W. N. W. upon another br. of sd. Cr. parting it from land of Richard Brewsters called by the name of the great neck alias the barren neck & N. N. W into the Maine woods." Richard Brewster's 500 acres were described as beginning "at the great Neck alias the barren neck, adj. to Tutteys Neck a br. of Archers hope Cr. parting the same, S. upon a br. of sd. Cr. parting it from Kingsmells Neck...." Cavaliers and pioneers. Abstracts of Virginia Land Patents and Grants 1623-1800, abstracted and edited by Neil M. Nugent (Richmond: Dietz Printing Co., 1934), vol. 1, pp. 80, 81.
[63] On July 19, 1646, a patent was granted to Richard Brewster for "750 acres, Land & Marsh, called the great Neck of Barren Neck, next adjoining to lutteyes neck." "Patents Issued ...," William and Mary College Quarterly (July 1901), ser. 1, vol. 10, no. 1, p. 94.
[64] "Notes from Records of York County," Tyler's Quarterly Historical and Genealogical Magazine (July 1924), vol. 6, no. 1, p. 61.
[65] "Virginia Gleanings in England," Virginia Magazine of History and Biography (October 1904), vol. 12, no. 2, p. 179.
[66] "List of Colonial Officers," Virginia Magazine of History and Biography (January 1901), vol. 8, no. 3, p. 328; and "Lightfoot Family," William and Mary College Quarterly (October 1894), ser. 1, vol. 3, no. 2, p. 104.
[67] "Patents Issued ...," William and Mary College Quarterly (January 1904), ser. 1, vol. 12, no. 3, p. 186. For similar spelling see note 7, above.
[68] "Escheat, in Common-law, signifieth lands that fall to a Lord within his Manor, by forfeiture, or the death of his Tenant without Heirs; it cometh from the French word Escheire, to fall" (Phillips, New World of Words).
[69] On August 14, 1710, Richard Burbydge was among those who signed a report on the inspection of the vessel Jamaica Merchant, lying at anchor in the upper district of the James River, at the precept of Governor Spotswood. The inspectors were sworn by Capt. John Geddes, a justice of the peace for James County. (Calendar of Virginia State Papers and other Manuscripts, 1652-1781, edit. Wm. P. Palmer, M.D., Richmond, 1875, vol. 1, p. 141.) This is the only reference to Burbydge that has been found.
[70] L. H. Jones, Captain Robert Jones of London and Virginia (Albany, 1891), p. 34.
[71] "Virginia Quit Rent Rolls, 1704," Virginia Magazine of History and Biography, vol. 31, no. 2 (April 1923), p. 157; vol. 31, no. 3 (July 1923), p. 222; vol. 32, no. 1 (January 1924), p. 72.
[72] Colonial Records of North Carolina, edit. William L. Saunders (Raleigh 1886), vol. 1, p. 590.
[73] Alonzo T. Dill, "Eighteenth Century New Bern," North Carolina Historical Review (January 1945), vol. 22, no. 1, p. 18.
[74] "Bruton Church," William and Mary College Quarterly (January 1895), ser. 1, vol. 3, no. 3, p. 180.
[75] Hening, Statutes at Large, vol. 3 (Philadelphia, 1823), p. 431.
[76] Papers of the Jones Family ..., vol. 1.
[77] Colonial Records of North Carolina, vol. 1, p. 680.
[78] Ibid., pp. 837, 838.
[79] Ibid., p. 787.
[80] Ibid., p. 866.
[81] Ibid., p. 864.
[82] Hugh T. Lefler and Albert R. Newsome, The History of a Southern State, North Carolina (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1954), pp. 56-60.
[83] Colonial Records of North Carolina, vol. 1, p. 864.
[84] "Notes from the Journal of the House of Burgesses, 1712-1726," William and Mary College Quarterly (April 1913), ser. 1, vol. 21, no. 4, p. 249.
[85] Hening, Statutes at Large, vol. 4 (Richmond, 1820), p. 371.
[86] Papers of the Jones Family ..., vol. 1.
[87] "Diary of John Blair. Copied from an Almanac for 1751, Preserved in Virginia Historical Society," William and Mary College Quarterly (January 1899), ser. 1, vol. 7, no. 3, p. 151, note 2.
[88] Conway Robinson, "Notes from Council and General Court Records," Virginia Magazine of History and Biography (October 1906), vol. 14, no. 2, p. 188, note 3.
[89] "Bray Family," William and Mary College Quarterly (April 1905), ser. 1, vol. 13, no. 4, p. 266.
[90] Ibid.
[91] Hening, Statutes at Large, vol. 4 (Richmond, 1820), p. 371.
[92] "Bray Family," pp. 266-267.
[93] Hening, Statutes at Large, vol. 8 (Richmond, 1821), pp. 460-464.
[94] Inventory of William Allen, in Surry County Wills, no. 6, 1830-1834, pp. 341-344.
[95] Calendar of Virginia State Papers, vol. 1, p. 39.
[96] The will of Roger Jones is preserved in the Public Records Office in London, but it is published in full in L. H. Jones, Captain Robert Jones, pp. 196-200.
[97] L. H. Jones, Captain Robert Jones, p. 34.
[98] Dill, "Eighteenth Century New Bern," p. 18.
[99] Samuel A. Ashe, History of North Carolina (Greensboro: C. L. Van Noppen, 1908), vol. 1, pp. 200-204; and Lefler and Newsome, History of a Southern State, pp. 63-64.
[100] Colonial Records of North Carolina, vol. 2, p. 472.
[101] Ibid., p. 475.
[102] Text of the will is given in L. H. Jones, Captain Robert Jones, pp. 200-205.
[103] Hugh Jones, The Present State of Virginia [1724], edit. Richard L. Morton (Virginia Historical Society, 1956), p. 104.
[104] "The Cocke Family of Virginia," Virginia Magazine of History and Biography (October 1897), vol. 5, no. 2, p. 192.
[105] Two concrete fenceposts have been set up on the north-south axis of the residence, the posts being driven immediately beyond the respective chimney foundations. Two additional posts have been erected on the east-west axis of the kitchen.
[106] As the work progressed, access to the site became increasingly difficult, necessitating the abandoning of transport farther and farther from the scene of operations. However, in the winter of 1960-1961, after all save the last trench had been dug, the Chesapeake Corporation crew drove a new road through the neck, a road which in fact cut right through the middle of the archeological area. By great good fortune the road passed between the two buildings without doing much more damage than had already been done by the earlier bulldozing.
[107] The builders had made use of oystershell mortar. Specimen bricks ranging in color from pale salmon to a purplish red have the following measurements: 8-7/8 in. by 4¼ in. by 2¼ in. and 8-7/8 in. by 4-1/8 in. by 2½ in.
[108] The "T.N." number in parentheses represents the field number of the Tutter's Neck deposit.
[109] A house of similar character was photographed at Yorktown in 1862; see A. Lawrence Kocher and Howard Dearstyne, Shadows in Silver (New York: Scribner, 1954), p. 82, fig. 3, no. 17. The Bracken House in Williamsburg also is similar; see Marcus Whiffen, The Eighteenth-Century Houses of Williamsburg (Williamsburg, 1960), p. 57, and figs. 5, 6.
[110] Negroes belonging to the estate of Frederick Jones are listed in Papers of the Jones Family, vol. 1, November 29, 1723.
[111] Oystershell mortar was used. Sample bricks are pale salmon to overfired red and measure 8 in. by 3-7/8 in. by 2½ in. and 8¾ in. by 3¾ in. by 2½ in.
[112] Ivor Noël Hume, "The Glass Wine Bottle in Colonial Virginia," Journal of Glass Studies (Corning Museum, 1961), vol. 3, p. 99, fig. 3, type 6.
[113] See F. H. Garner, English Delftware (London: Faber and Faber, 1948), p. 15 and fig. 30a.
[114] See C. Malcolm Watkins, "North Devon Pottery and Its Export to America in the 17th Century" (paper 13 in Contributions from the Museum of History and Technology: Papers 12-18, U.S. National Museum Bulletin 225, by various authors; Washington: Smithsonian Institution, 1963).
[115] Adrian Oswald, "A Case of Transatlantic Deduction," Antiques (July 1959), vol. 76, no. 1, pp. 59-61.
[116] For an example of comparable shape and date, see figure 6 of Ivor Noël Hume, "German Stoneware Bellarmines—An Introduction," Antiques (November 1958), vol. 74, no. 5, pp. 439-441.
[117] J. C. Harrington, "Dating Stem Fragments of Seventeenth and Eighteenth Century Clay Tobacco Pipes," Quarterly Bulletin Archeological Society of Virginia (September 1954), vol. 9, no. 1, no pagination. Audrey Noël Hume, "Clay Tobacco Pipe Dating in the Light of Recent Excavations," ibid. (December 1963), vol. 18, no. 2, pp. 22-25. Lewis H. Binford, "A New Method of Calculating Dates from Kaolin Pipe Stem Samples," Southeastern Archeological Newsletter (June 1962), vol. 9, no. 1, pp. 19-21.
[118] See Ivor Noël Hume, "Excavations at Rosewell, Gloucester County, Virginia, 1957-1959" (paper 18 in Contributions from the Museum of History and Technology: Papers 12-18, U.S. National Museum Bulletin 225, by various authors; Washington: Smithsonian Institution, 1963), p. 222, fig. 35, no. 7, and p. 220.
[119] Adrian Oswald, "The Archaeology and Economic History of English Clay Tobacco Pipes," Journal of the British Archaeological Association (London, 1960), 3d series, vol. 23, p. 83.
[120] Oswald, loc. cit. (footnote 59).
[121] Noël Hume, "Excavations at Rosewell," p. 220, footnote 96.
[122] See: J. F. Blacker, The A B C of English Salt-Glaze Stoneware from Dwight to Doulton (London: S. Paul & Co., 1922), p. 34ff.; and Ivor Noël Hume, "Bellarmines and Mr. Dwight," Wine and Spirit Trade Record (December 17, 1956), pp. 1628-1632.
[123] C. Malcolm Watkins and Ivor Noël Hume, "The 'Poor Potter' of Yorktown" (paper 54 in Contributions from the Museum of History and Technology, U.S. National Museum Bulletin 249, by various authors), Washington: Smithsonian Institution, in press.
[124] The earliest known importation is indicated in Boston News-Letter of January 17, 1724 (G. F. Dow, The Arts and Crafts in New England, 1704-1775, Topsfield, Massachusetts: The Wayside Press, 1927, p. 82).
[125] The common term "wine bottle" is used here for the sake of convenience, though it should be realized that bottles were not specifically shaped to contain wine but were used for any and all liquids from beer to oil.
[126] Adrian Oswald, "English Clay Tobacco Pipes," Archeological News Letter (April 1951), vol. 3, no. 10, p. 158. The type is attributed to the period about 1700-1750, with the distribution mainly in the southwest of England.
[127] See Noël Hume, "Excavations at Rosewell," p. 220, footnote 96.
[128] See J. C. Harrington, "Tobacco Pipes from Jamestown," Quarterly Bulletin Archeological Society of Virginia (June 1951), vol. 5, no. 4, no pagination.
[129] See J. F. Hayward, English Cutlery (London: Victoria and Albert Museum handbook, 1956), pp. 15-16, pl. 13b.
[130] Ibid., p. 16, pl. 17c.
[131] For a similar example, see J. Paul Hudson, New Discoveries at Jamestown (Washington: National Park Service, 1957), p. 34, second knife from bottom.
[132] The 18th-century shanks tend to be bulbous either below the shoulder or at the midsection.
[133] A complete spoon with this type terminal was found in excavations at Green Spring Plantation near Jamestown; see Louis R. Caywood, Excavations at Green Spring Plantation (Yorktown, Virginia: Colonial National Historical Park, 1955), pl. 11, "G.S. 153." For a Scottish silver spoon with this type terminal see The Connoisseur (April 1910), vol. 26, no. 104, and Catalogue of the Guildhall Museum (London, 1908), pl. 81, no. 16.
[134] A spoon handle with a shaft of similar type was found at Jamestown. It bears the mark of Joseph Copeland, a pewterer of Chuckatuck, Virginia, in 1675. See John L. Cotter, Archeological Excavations at Jamestown, Virginia (Washington: National Park Service, 1958), pl. 87, fig. at right.
[135] See Catalogue of the Guildhall Museum, pl. 71, fig. 3 (for bowl shape) and fig. 5 (for mark).
[136] As the 18th century progressed, loops tended to be more round-sectioned. By the end of the colonial period most loops display their greatest width on the same plane as that of the blade. See Noël Hume, "Excavations at Rosewell," p. 198, fig. 21, no. 13.
[137] For a similar example see Hudson, New Discoveries at Jamestown, p. 57.
[138] See H. C. Mercer, Ancient Carpenters' Tools (Doylestown, Pa.: Bucks County Historical Society, 1951), p. 182.
[139] See Noël Hume, "Excavations at Rosewell," p. 198, fig. 21, no. 14.
[140] Both the baglike shape of the lock and the hinged keyhole cover are indicative of a date in the late 17th century or early 18th century.
[141] Hudson, New Discoveries at Jamestown, p. 26.
[142] A similarly headed object, but slotted at the other end to hold a linchpin, was found at Jamestown and considered to be an item of marine hardware. Hudson, New Discoveries at Jamestown, p. 85.
[143] For similar example see Noël Hume, "Excavations at Rosewell," p. 224, no. 8.
[144] For similar example see Hudson, New Discoveries at Jamestown, p. 20, fig. at top left.
[145] Another example with similar frame, but with a broader tang and no ornamental ridge, was found in the same context.
[146] See Noël Hume, "Excavations at Rosewell," p. 224, no. 10, and Archaeology in Britain (London: Foyle, 1953), p. 107, fig. 23, no. 17.
[147] It is possible that this leg originally spread out into a foot in the style of no. 6. See Hudson, New Discoveries at Jamestown, p. 30, fig. at left.
[148] For similar examples, see Noël Hume, "Excavations at Rosewell," p. 200, fig. 22, nos. 6, 7.
[149] For a parallel of the stem form only, see George Bernard Hughes, English, Scottish and Irish Table Glass from the Sixteenth Century to 1820 (London: Batsford, 1956), fig. 35, no. 1. A rather similar baluster shape, about 1695, is shown in E. M. Elville, "Starting a Collection of Glass," Country Life (June 11, 1959), vol. 125, no. 3256, p. 1329, fig. 1. A tavern glass, attributed to the period 1685-1690, whose baluster has a large tear, but which otherwise is a good parallel, is shown in The Antique Dealer and Collector's Guide (April 1954), p. 29, fig. at left.
[150] The metal was tested for lead with positive results.
[151] A slightly larger stem from a glass of similar form was found outside the kitchen in deposit T.N. 1; not illustrated.
[152] For a glass of comparable form, but of soda metal, see G. B. Hughes, "Old English Ale Glasses," Wine and Spirit Trade Record (April 15, 1954), p. 428 and fig. 1.
[153] For a similar stem shape attributed to the last decade of the 17th century see A. Hartshorne, Old English Glasses (London, 1897), p. 245, pl. 34.
[154] The association of color and style of decoration coupled with the relationship of diameter to height as displayed here is generally indicative of early date. In the 18th century, jars of this diameter tended to be taller, less spread at the base, and with the blue decoration much darker.
[155] Waste products from London delftware kilns were used to build up the north foreshore of the River Thames between Queenhithe and Dowgate in the City of London. Among the many fragments recovered from this source were biscuit porringer handles of a type similar to the Tutter's Neck example. The manner in which the rim is folded over the handle seems to be a London characteristic, Bristol examples more often being luted straight to the rim. The Thames material was deposited in the late 17th century and probably came from a pottery on the Bankside on the south side of the river.
[156] A very small porringer rim sherd of this ware was found at Tutter's Neck in context T.N. 24; not illustrated.
[157] See Garner, English Delftware, p. 15, fig. 30a.
[158] Dating based on the Carolian appearance of the figure.
[159] E. A. Dowman, Blue Dash Chargers and other Early English Tin Enamel Circular Dishes (London: T. Werner Laurie Ltd., 1919).
[160] From a kiln site found during building operations for Hay's Wharf between Toolley Street and Pickelherring Street in 1958.
[161] See Ernst Grohne, Tongefässe in Bremen seit dem Mittelalter (Bremen: Arthur Geist, 1949), p. 120, Abb. 78, Abb. 80a.
[162] The smaller base fragment was found in stratum T.N. 17, a much later context than the rest. If this fragment does come from the same dish, it must be assumed that the fragments were scattered and that the sherd was moved in fill dug from an earlier deposit.
[163] A name coined to describe pottery made by the Pamunkey Indians and others in the 18th century that was copied from English forms and sold to the colonists, presumably for use by those who could not afford European wares. See Ivor Noël Hume, "An Indian Wave of the Colonial Period," Quarterly Bulletin of the Archeological Society of Virginia (September 1962), vol. 17, no. 1, pp. 2-14.
[164] The bowl was important in that the presence of its fragments deep in both T.N. 23 and T.N. 24 indicated that both Pits D and E were filled at approximately the same time.
[165] Colonial Williamsburg archeological collection, 10C-58-10B.
[166] Brown stonewares similar to those commonly attributed to Fulham, but more correctly called London, were manufactured at Yorktown by William Rogers in the second quarter of the 18th century. See footnote 67.
[167] A comparable vessel, ornamented with medallion containing Tudor rose and initials of Charles II, is illustrated in Blacker, The A B C of English Salt-Glaze Stoneware, p. 35.
[168] A similar example from a context of 1763-1772 is illustrated by Noël Hume, "Excavations at Rosewell," fig. 29, no. 1.
[169] Adrian Oswald, "A London Stoneware Pottery, Recent Excavations at Bankside," The Connoisseur (January 1951), vol. 126, no. 519, pp. 183-185.
[170] Op. cit. (footnote 67).
[171] A close parallel that was found at Lewes, Delaware, is illustrated in Watkins, "North Devon Pottery," p. 45, fig. 25.
[172] See Sheelah Ruggles-Brise, Sealed Bottles (London: Country Life, 1949), pl. 4, fig. at lower left, and W. A. Thorpe, "The Evolution of the Decanter," The Connoisseur (April 1929), vol. 83, no. 332, p. 197, fig. 2.
[173] Another example is illustrated by Noël Hume, "The Glass Wine Bottle," op. cit. (footnote 56), fig. 3, type 3.
[174] Ibid., fig. 3, type 6, illustrates a similar example.
[175] Ibid., fig. 3, type 5, shows another example.
[176] All other Jones seals from T.N. 30 and T.N. 31 were stamped from combinations of single-letter matrices. See fig. 6.
[177] A similar though slightly smaller neck came from T.N. 16, and a square base, probably from an ordinary case bottle, was among the surface finds. Another example is illustrated in Noël Hume, "Excavations at Rosewell," p. 181, fig. 11, no. 13.
[178] Noël Hume, Archaeology in Britain, p. 108.
[179] Colorful beads of this character were frequently used as Indian trade goods and are found in Indian graves in Virginia and elsewhere. A long-established legend that beads were manufactured at the Jamestown glasshouse is without archeological evidence. Although many beads have been found on the shores of the James River near Jamestown, there is reason to suppose that all those of European form were imported.
[180] See Hughes, English, Scottish and Irish Table Glass, p. 195 and fig. 134.
[181] C. G. Holland, "An Analysis of Projectile Points and Large Blades," appendix to Clifford Evans, A Ceramic Study of Virginia Archeology (Bureau of American Ethnology Bulletin 160, Washington, 1955), p. 167.
[182] Ibid., p. 171.
Contributions from
The Museum of History and Technology:
Paper 54
THE "POOR POTTER" OF YORKTOWN
C. Malcolm Watkins and Ivor Noël Hume
| Part I: Documentary Record—C. Malcolm Watkins | [75] |
| THE CROWN AND COLONIAL MANUFACTURE | [76] |
| THE "POOR POTTER" AND HIS WARES | [79] |
| APPENDIXES | [86] |
| Part II: Pottery Evidence—Ivor Noël Hume | [91] |
| THE SALT-GLAZED STONEWARE | [91] |
| STONEWARE MANUFACTURING PROCESSES | [102] |
| THE EARTHENWARES | [105] |
| CONCLUSIONS | [109] |
Figure 1.—Modern Yorktown, Virginia, showing original survey plat on which William Rogers' name appears on lots 51 and 55. Additional properties which he acquired are mentioned in his will as lots 59, 74, and 75.