Chapter III
[P. 37.]—Patrick at Lérins. Dictum Patricii, see above, [App. A, i. 3]; Tírechán, 302₂₃ erat hautem in una ex insolis quae dicitur Aralanensis annis xxx, mihi testante Ultano episcopo. It seems obvious that the Bollandists and Todd were right in supposing that Aralanensis arose from Lerinensis. The more recent view that Arelate is meant seems very improbable; though the name Arelate may conceivably have influenced the corruption (cp. [App. C, 6], ad fin.).
[P. 38.]—Island monasteries: Gallinaria, Gorgon, Capraria, Palmaria. See Ambrose, Hexaem. 3, c. 5, insulas uelut monilia; Jerome, Epist. 73 § 6 (Migne, 22, 694) [c. 400 A.D.]; Sulp. Severus, V. Mart. 6, 5 (Gallinaria). For Capraria, see Rutilius Namatianus, De reditu suo [c. A.D. 417], i., 439 sqq.—
squalet lucifugis insula plena uiris,
and for Gorgon ib. 517 sqq. For cloisters in the Dalmatian Islands see Jerome, Epist. 92. For the Stoechades: Cassian, Coll. 18, Praef. (Migne, 49, p. 1089); Ennodius, v. Epiphanii, 93, medianas insulas Stoechadas (so Sirmond and Vogel; cycladas, MSS.) Lerum ipsamque nutricem summorum montium planam Lerinum, described as sanctarum habitationum loca.
[P. 38.]—Monastery of Lérins. For the names Lero, Lerina (Lirinus is the form in the best MSS. of Sidonius), see Pliny, Nat. Hist. 3, 5. Strabo, 4, 1, 10 gives the names Planasia and Leron.
The exact date of the foundation of the monastery by Honoratus is unknown, but it cannot have been later than the first years of the fifth century. The earliest reference seems to be in a letter of Paulinus of Nola in A.D. 410, or a few years later (Ep. 51 to Eucherius and Galla in island of Lero; this letter seems to show that the foundation was recent). Tillemont in his note on the question (Mém. ecc. xii. p. 675) quotes and contests the statement of Baronius and Barralis, that the monastery was founded in A.D. 375 (so Alliez), but he does not give the source for this statement. So far as I can discover, the only foundation for it is indicated by Barralis (Chronologia sanctorum ... monasterii sacrae insulae Lerinensis, 1613), p. 190, where he says he found it in quodam membr. codice perantiquo Lerin. MS. We cannot attach any importance to this. Tillemont points out the objections to this date, and founds one of his arguments on the age of Saint Caprasius.
The chief sources for the history of the monastery during the first forty years of its existence are: Hilary, Sermo de vita s. Honorati; Eucherius, De laude eremi, cp. also his other writings; Vincentius, Commonitorium primum et secundum; Honoratus, Vita s. Hilarii. All these works will be found in Migne, P.L. vol. l. Further information is to be gathered in Paulinus, Ep. 51; Faustus, Epp. ed. Krusch (M.G.H.), and ed. Engelbrecht (Vienna Corp. Scr. Ecc.); Homilia de S. Maximo in Eusebii Emiseni ep. homeliae, p. 84, vᵒ sqq. (ed. Gagneius, 1589); Sidonius Apollinaris, Carmen, 16.
Consult Barralis, op. cit.; Silfverberg, Hist. Mon. Lerinensis usque ad ann. 731 (Copenhagen, 1834); Tillemont, Mém. eccl. (xii. art. on Saint Honoratus, with notes; ib. xv. arts. on Hilary, Eucherius, Vincentius, Maximus of Riez; ib. xvi. art. on Faustus); Alliez, Les îles de Lérins, Cannes, et rivages (1860), and Histoire du monastère de Lérins, vol. i. 1862; the articles on Honoratus, Hilary, etc. in the Dict. of Christian Biography; Krusch’s and Engelbrecht’s prefaces to their editions of Faustus.
[Pp. 38-9.]—Snakes at Lerinus: Hilary, Sermo, c. 3 (1257, ed. Migne).—Fresh water flows in media maris amaritudine, ib. 1258.—In mare magnum recedentia: Eucherius, De laude eremi, c. 1 (701 ed. Migne).—Vines, etc., ib. c. 42.—Anecdote of the tablet of Honoratus: Hilary, Sermo, c. 4, 1261 (mel suum ceris reddidisti).—“Break through the wall of the passions.” etc.: Eucherius, Hom. ii. 836.—Venire ad eremum, etc., Id., Hom. iv. 842.—Manual work was practised at Lérins, Gennadius, de scr. ecc. lxix.
[P. 40.]—Faustus. Engelbrecht (preface to his ed.) gives reasons for placing the birth of Faustus not long before 410; but they are not absolutely decisive.
[P. 47.]—Semi-Pelagianism at Lerinus.—Vincentius, author of the Commonitorium (which Neander justly describes as “ein für die Geschichte des Begriffs von der Tradition epochemachendes Buch,” Kirchengeschichte, iii. 262), held semi-Pelagian views (cp. ib. iv. 405). Faustus was also a strong exponent of modified Pelagianism, though severe in condemnation of Pelagianism; his work, De gratia dei et libero arbitrio, is extant (Opp. ed Engelbrecht; Migne, 58, 783 sqq.). On the other hand, Hilary of Arles was a follower of Augustine, and Lupus a decided anti-Pelagian. Cp. Duchesne, Fastes épiscopaux de l’ancienne Gaule, pp. 129-30.
[P. 42.]—Victoricus: appears transformed into an angel in Muirchu; and in later biographers the name is changed to Victor. In Tírechán (330₂₂) we meet a Victoricus whom Patrick ordained bishop for Domnach Maigen.
[P. 43.]—Pelagius, a Scot, but probably born in Britain. See Bury, “The Origin of Pelagius,” in Hermathena, xxx. p. 26 sqq., where the evidence is set out. Zimmer holds that he was born in Ireland (Pelagius in Ireland, pp. 18-20). For a general account of the Pelagian theory and the course of the controversy, see Harnack, History of Dogma, vol. x.
[P. 47.]—Patrick’s reluctance to go to Ireland: cp. esp. Conf. 365₁₉, contra, Hiberione non sponte pergebam donec prope deficiebam (cp. Ps. 18.37, White).
[P. 49.]—Autissiodorum.—For the connexion of Patrick with Auxerre see Muirchu, pp. 496, 272; cp. Hymn Gen. Patr. 19, 20 (p. 98, Lib. Hymn. vol. i.). The authenticity of the record that Patrick received his theological training in Gaul is borne out by the desire to visit the brethren in Gaul which he expresses in the Confession, 370₁₂.—For Amator, see [Appendix C, 9]. For Iserninus and Auxilius: Muirchu, p. 273; Add. Notices, p. 342 (Patricius et Isserninus, 1. epscop Fith, cum Germano fuerunt in Olsiodra ciuitate, etc., a passage which shows that Iserninus was an Irishman); and [Appendix C, 9]. The notice in Ann. Ult. s.a. 439 might seem to imply that Iserninus was already a bishop when he went to Ireland in that year; but Tírechán says that Patrick ordained Eserninus at Killcullen. See below, [p. 310].
[Pp. 49-50.]—Patrick ordained deacon: Confession, 365₁₂ (see [Appendix C, 9]). Patrick discouraged in his enterprise: Conf. 371₁₁, multi hanc legationem prohibebant, etc.
[P. 50.]—Germanus: see [Appendix A, i. 7], on the Vita Germani of Constantius, and W. Levison’s monograph there cited. On the apparent inconsistency of the statement that he held a military command with the fact of his civil career (see Levison, op. cit. p. 117).
[P. 51.]—Germanus in Britain: Prosper, Chron. s.a. 429—the source for the fact that Germanus was sent by Celestine as his representative ad insinuationem Palladii diaconi. We are not told whether Palladius was a deacon of Rome or of Auxerre. It is to be observed that this notice is strictly contemporary; the first edition of the Chronicle was published only four years later. Constantius, in the V. Germani, does not mention the part played by Celestine. He represents the mission of Germanus, with whom Lupus of Troyes was associated, as decided by a synod of Gallic bishops which assembled in response to an appeal from Britain (c. 12). It is difficult to say how far we should be justified in accepting the statement of Constantius and reconciling it with Prosper’s, in the sense that a Gallic synod decreed the mission and Celestine sanctioned and approved it (so Tillemont, Mém. ecc. xv. 15, and others). But it may be so far correct, that an appeal was made from Britain to Gaul, probably to Auxerre, and that Auxerre enlisted the intervention of Rome. The question is discussed in Levison, op. cit. pp. 120-2.
[Ib.]—British Pelagians: Agricola was prominent. Writings of a British Pelagian are edited by Caspari, Briefe, Abhandlungen und Predigten aus den zwei letzten Jahrhunderten des kirchlichen Alterthums (1890), who ascribes them to Agricola. For Fastidius cp. Tillemont, xv. 16, 17; but Mr. H. Williams seeks to defend him against the charge of heresy (Transactions of Society of Cymmrodorion, 1893-4, p. 71 sqq.).
[P. 52.]—Pelagianism in Ireland: see Zimmer, Pelagius in Ireland, 22-24.
[Ib.]—Patrick’s false friend: Confession, p. 365, 366: esp. 366₁₃, et comperi ab aliquantis fratribus ante defensionem illam [see below, [note on p. 202]], quod ego non interfui nec in Brittanniis eram, nec a me orietur [I would read oriebatur: “without any prompting from me”], ut et ille in mea absentia pro me pulsaret.
[P. 54.]—Mission of Palladius: Prosper, Epit. s.a. 431, ad Scottos in Christum credentes ordinatus a papa Celestino Palladius primus episcopus mittitur. It has been pointed out by Zimmer that this notice probably owes its insertion in the Chronicle to the circumstance that Prosper was at Rome in this year (Celtic Church, p. 32). The mission of Palladius is also referred to rhetorically by Prosper in his Contra Coll. c. xxi.; Migne, P.L. li. p. 271: ordinato Scotis episcopo dum Romanam insulam studet seruare catholicam, fecit etiam barbaram Christianam (sc. Caelestinus).
[P. 56.]—Churches said to have been founded by Palladius: See V₂24 = V₄28 (= W source) = V. Trip. p. 30. In Cell Fine “he left his books and the casket with relics of Paul and Peter, and the board on which he used to write” (V. Trip. trans. Stokes). In Donard were preserved the relics of “Sylvester and Solinus” (V₄; Solonius, V. Trip.). Acc. to V₄ the Tech na Romhan was founded by the disciples of Palladius. For the identification of this name with Tigroney, see Shearman, Loca Patriciana, p. 27. Shearman has attempted to identify the site of Cell Fine with the ancient cemetery of Killeen Cormac (near Colbinstown in Kildare on the borders of Wicklow). He supposed that Killeen has not here its usual sense of “little church,” but stands for “Kill Fhine,” so that the name would mean “the church of the clan of Cormac”; and he supposes that the saint Abbán maccu Cormaic was buried here. It cannot be said that he has made out his case. His argument largely depends on his view that the remarkable bilingual inscription preserved in the graveyard is connected with the poet Dubthach maccu Lugair—a view which must be rejected (see below, [p. 305]). The same sources mention the landing-place of Palladius. Muirchu (p. 272) has no local details, and only notes his failure in general terms. The feri et inmites homines, who would not receive his doctrine, evidently mean especially Nathi son of Garrchu, who is mentioned in other sources as opposing Palladius.
[P. 59.]—Patrick’s preparations. Cp. Muirchu, 275₁₀.
[P. 59.]—Companions of Palladius: Augustinus et Benedictus, Muirchu, 272₃₁. The thought strikes one that they might have brought some intimation from Ireland that Patrick would be acceptable as successor to Palladius. If Palladius died in Dalaradia, and these companions came with a message from Dalaradian Christians, this might have been a motive for Patrick’s special connexion with that region of Ireland.
[Pp. 61 sqq.]—Position of the Roman see. For what I have said on this subject I must acknowledge my particular obligations to the important study of M. E.-Ch. Babut, Le Concile de Turin, 1904. His chief object is to determine the date and circumstances of the Council of Turin (Sept. 417), but the book is of much wider scope. For the position of the apostolic see in the latter half of the fourth century, Rade’s Damasus, Bischof von Rom, 1882, is important.