FOOTNOTES
[1] I may be permitted to remark that in vindicating the claims of history to be regarded as a science or Wissenchaft, I never meant to suggest a proposition so indefensible as that the presentation of the results of historical research is not an art, requiring the tact and skill in selection and arrangement which belong to the literary faculty. The friendly criticisms of Mr. John Morley in the Nineteenth Century and After, October 1904, and of Mr. S. H. Butcher in Harvard Lectures on Greek Subjects (1904), Lecture VI., show me that I did not sufficiently guard against this misapprehension.
[2] For the expansion of Christianity in the first three centuries see Harnack’s invaluable work Die Mission und Ausbreitung des Christentums in den ersten drei Jahrhunderten (1902).
[3] Rufinus, Hist. ecc. ii. 7. For the Georgian legend of Nino see Life of St. Nino, translated by Marjory and J. O. Wardrop, in Oxford Studia Biblica et Ecclesiastica, vol. v. (1900).
[4] De Vocatione Gentium, ii. 32.
[5] On the other hand it may be questioned whether the army itself did anything to diffuse Christianity within the Empire. In the west certainly its chief significance in the history of religion was what it did to spread the solar, Mithraic worship. Cp. Harnack, op. cit. 268, 388.
[6] Rufinus, Hist. ecc. i. 9.
[7] Armenia was already Christian at the beginning of the fourth century in the days of Maximin.—Eusebius, Hist. ecc. ix. 8. 2.
[8] Socrates, Hist. ecc. vii. 30.
[9] The island of Man is indeed another exception. The Scottic colonisation of north-western Britain (Argyle, etc.) was comparatively late, but before the middle of the fifth century (see below, [chap. ix. p. 192]).
[10] Professor Rhŷs thinks that it was to Ireland, more than to Britain, that the Gallic Druids went to learn their art, and that Caesar (in B. G. vi. 13) was badly informed; and he has recently stated this view in Studies in Early Irish History (Proceedings of British Academy, vol. i.), p. 35. It is remarkable that, apart from Caesar’s assertion, the only evidence for Druidism in southern Britain pertains to the island of Anglesey (Tacitus, Ann. xiv. 29), and Professor Rhŷs holds that in the first century A.D. Anglesey (Mona) was not yet Brythonic. Druidism in the Isle of Man is attested by a stone inscribed Dovaidona maqi Droata “(the burial-place) of Dovaido, son of (the) Druid.” See Professor Rhŷs in the Academy for August 15, 1890.
[11] Tacitus, Agricola, c. 24, medio inter Britanniam atque Hispaniam sita. Cp. Caesar, B.G. v. 13. The notice in Orosius (Hist. i. 2, § 72) of the lighthouse at Brigantia in north-western Spain as built ad speculam Britanniae is noteworthy. Compare the remarks of Professor Rhŷs, op. cit. p. 47.
[12] Tacitus, ib. aditus portusque per commercia et negotiatores cogniti.
[13] Tacitus, ib. The policy recommended by Agricola, who considered one legion sufficient to hold the island, was based partly on the ground of political expedience. The conquest of Ireland, he thought, would have a similar wholesome effect on Britain to that which the conquest of Britain had on Gaul, by removing the spectacle of liberty (si Romance ubique arma et uelut e conspectu libertas tolleretur).
[14] The baronies of Upper and Lower Deece, in Co. Meath.
[15] Decies within Drum, and Decies without Drum, in Co. Waterford.
[16] See note, [Appendix B].
[18] It seems probable that Pelagius sprang from these Gaelic settlers in Britain. See below, [p. 43].
[19] See below, [cap. viii.] ad fin.
[20] Un peuple n’emprunte pas l’alphabet des voisins s’il n’a pas à correspondre avec eux.... Qui donc constate un emprunt de monnaie et d’alphabet, en tous temps et en tous lieux, peut affirmer un échange de produits et d’idées (V. Bérard, Les Phéniciens et l’Odyssée, i. p. 20).
[21] See [Appendix C, 1].
[22] See note, [Appendix B].
[23] See [Appendix C, 2], for the following account of the invasions of Britain.
[24] Circa A.D. 389; see [Appendix C, 3].
[25] See note, [Appendix B].
[26] There is no evidence, and no probability, that the name Paul was adopted on his conversion, or that it had anything to do with Sergius Paullus.
[27] Frigeridus is Gothic Frigairêths.
[28] For date see [Appendix C, 3].
[29] See [Appendix C, 4].
[30] Croagh Patrick, close to Westport.
[31] Dalriada = north Antrim; Dalaradia = south Antrim and Down. The Latin form, Ulidia, is used in this book for Ulaid in the narrower meaning.
[32] It has been conjectured that Miliucc’s dwelling was on the hill of Skerry, on the northern side of the Braid; see below, [p. 86].
[33] Another possible theory is mentioned in [Appendix C, 4].
[34] See note, [Appendix B].
[35] The association of Saint Elias with the sun was due to the resemblance of the name to the Greek ἥλιος.
[36] See [Appendix C, 6].
[37] St. Honorat.—Lero is Ste. Marguerite.
[38] A.D. 426.
[39] A.D. 433.
[40] His own expression “as a son” shows that parentes here means kinsfolk, not parents, and justifies the inference that his parents were dead.
[41] Pelagius, Letter to Demetrias, Migne, P.L., xxxii. 1100.
[42] Prosper has an epigram on the thesis that the whole life of non-Christians is sin:
Perque omnes calles errat sapientia mundi
Et tenebris addit quae sine luce gerit.
(Epig. 83, ed. Migne, 51, p. 524.)
[43] Compare Celestine, Ep. iv. (Migne, P.L., 1. 434), nullus inuitis detur episcopus.
[44] The conjecture is due to Professor Zimmer.
[45] The old kingdom of Leinster, or Laigin, was south of the Liffey, and in this book “Leinster” is used in this sense (not equivalent to the modern province, which includes the old kingdom of Meath). See below, [chap. iv].
[46] See [Appendix C, 9], on Patrick’s consecration.
[47] No better illustration of this can be found than Pope Gregory’s provision for the mission of Augustine to England, as recorded in Bede, Hist. ecc. i. 29; he sent, besides fellow-workers, “uniuersa quae ad cultum erant ac ministerium ecclesiae necessaria, uasa videlicet sacra, et vestimenta altarium, ornamenta quoque ecclesiarum, et sacerdotalia uel clericilia indumenta, sanctorum etiam apostolorum ac martyrum reliquias, necnon et codices plurimos.”
[48] It has recently been held, more plausibly but erroneously, that Patrick was on his way to Rome when the news of the death of Palladius overtook him. See [Appendix C, 8].
[49] Celestine probably died July 27, and Xystus succeeded July 31, 432. These dates have been determined by M. Duchesne, Liber Pontificalis, i. pp. ccli.-ii.
[50] It is probable that excommunication by a Roman bishop was also recognised as universally binding. The question whether the popes had the right of annulling sentences pronounced by provincial councils on bishops, depends on the question of the authenticity of the Council of Sardica. See J. Friedrich, Sitzungsber. of the Bavarian Academy, 1901, 417 sqq.; E. Babut, Le concile de Turin, 75.
[51] A.D. 366-384.
[52] See Babut, Le concile de Turin (1904), a valuable work.
[53] This has been well brought out by M. Babut.
[54] Novella, xvi.
[55] Commonitorium, ii. 33, 34.
[56] The chief source for the social and economic conditions of ancient Ireland is the collection of the Ancient Laws of Ireland (6 vols., 1865-1901). A clear account of the general framework of society, with interesting details and illustrations, will be found in Dr. Joyce’s Social History of Ireland, vol. i.
[57] Tuath = people, tribe, tribal district.
[58] Flaith = noble.
[59] The bó-aires.
[60] The tributes and presents which are due from the under-kings to the over-kings, the donations which the over-kings owe to the under-kings, the privileges which the various kings possess, are the subject of the Book of Rights (edited and translated by O’Donovan, 1847), which still awaits a critical investigation. It is easy to see that it was compiled in Munster in the tenth century, but it was based on older material of high antiquity, and clearly reproduces the general character of the mutual relations which theoretically bound together the Irish kingdoms.
[61] The king of Aileach was so called because his palace was at Aileach, near Londonderry. His territory was north Ulster to the Bann. Ulaid was east Ulster; Oriel, south Ulster.
[62] This is clearly to be inferred from the Book of Rights, where no relations or mutual obligations are mentioned as existing between the three Ulster kings. Nor was there, since the destruction of the old Ulidian kingdom in the third century, any name to designate the whole province, for Ulaid was confined to the kingdom in the east of Ulster. The use of Ultonia to describe the province, as distinguished from Ulidia = Ulaid, is of course merely a literary convention.
[63] See Petrie, Tara Hill, 135.
[64] His date, according to the Annals, was A.D. 358-366; Niall reigned A.D. 379-405; his nephew, Dathi, 405-428; and then his son, Loigaire, 428-463. For Amolngaid (Dathi’s brother), king of Connaught, see [Appendix C, 14].
[65] Tyrconnell.
[66] The derivation of the word druid (nom. drui, gen. druad) is uncertain. Perhaps, as Professor Rhŷs holds, Druidism was not of Celtic origin, and the word “was adopted by the Celts from some earlier population conquered by them” (see his “Studies in Early Irish History,” in Proceedings of the British Academy, vol. i. p. 8). Druidecht is the Irish for magic. For the functions and powers of the Druids some excellent pages in Dr. Joyce’s Social History, I. c. ix., may be recommended; illustrations and references will be found there.
[67] Mug Ruith, servant of the wheel, was the name of a mythical Druid.
[68] The Feth Fiada.
[69] For these superstitious ceremonies at baptism cp. Duchesne, Origines du culte chrétien, pp. 296-7 (the exorcism of salt), 299, 317; cp. 349.
[70] In the remarkable ancient Irish Christian incantation, the Lorica, ascribed to St. Patrick (see [Appendix A, 5]), the Trinity, Angels, Prophets, and other Christian powers are invoked, but also “might of heaven, brightness of sun, brilliance of moon, splendour of fire, speed of light, swiftness of wind, depth of sea, stability of earth, firmness of rock,” to intervene between him who repeats the spell when he arises in the morning and “every fierce merciless force that may come upon my body and soul; against incantations of false prophets, against black laws of paganism, against false laws of heresy, against deceit of idolatry, against spells of women and smiths and druids, against all knowledge that is forbidden [so Atkinson] the human soul.”
[71] M. Réville, dealing with the third century, puts this very well. “Chacun croit sans le moindre difficulté à toutes les merveilles et à toutes les folies. On dirait même que plus une pratique est merveilleuse, plus elle a de chance d’être admise sans contestation. Chose singulière! les adeptes des religions opposées ne contestent pas la réalité des miracles allégués par leurs adversaires: Celse admet les miracles des chrétiens, et ceux-ci ne se refusent pas à admettre les miracles païens; des deux parts on attribue aux mauvais esprits les merveilles invoquées par les adversaires” (La Religion à Rome sous les Sévères, p. 131).
[72] See note, [Appendix B].
[73] The Memoir by Tírechán.
[74] The Life by Muirchu.
[75] Cuchullin of legend.
[76] Then called Brene Strait.
[77] The Slaney (see [Appendix B, note]). It flows from L. Money past Raholp.
[78] It has been conjectured that the stronghold of Miliucc was on the hill of Skerry, north of Slemish, on the other side of the Braid valley. Muirchu says that Patrick saw the conflagration from the south side of Slemish. We may interpret south to mean south-west. A cross, mentioned by Muirchu, was erected on the spot where the legend supposed Patrick to have stood, and the memory of this is still preserved in the name of the townland of Cross, on a hill to the west of Slemish.
[79] Dr. W. Stokes, taking the story literally, suggests that Miliucc committed self-destruction as “a mode of vengeance” (Book of Lismore, p. 295).
[80] Mag-inis, later known as Lecale (Leath Cathail), now the baronies of Lower and Upper Lecale. It is accurately described as a peninsular plain.
[81] But meaning barn.
[82] There is a second story (also recorded by Muirchu), clearly inspired by the same motive. Patrick was resting near Druimbo (in the north of Mag Inis, and close to a salt marsh), and he heard the noise of pagans who were busily engaged in making an earthwork. It was Sunday and he commanded them to cease from work. When they refused he cursed them: “Mudebrod! may your work not profit you!” and the sea rushed in, as in the other story, and the work was destroyed. The curse mudebrod (or mudebroth) has not been explained.
[83] See above, [chap. i. p. 14].
[84] See [Appendix C, 11].
[85] See above, [cap. iv. p. 72].
[86] Compare what has been said above in [chap. i. p. 9].
[87] This name is the same as the British Vortigern (Welsh Gwrtheyrn), and the original Goidelic form was similar. It occurs in Ogam inscriptions, thus: ... Maqi Vorrtigern<i>, on a stone of Ballyhank (near Cork), now in the Dublin Museum (Rhŷs, Proc. of R.S.A.I., pt. i. vol. xxxii. p. 9, 1902).
[88] The distance of Tara from Slane is about ten miles.
[89] Yet more remote from the Paschal season was the feast of Samhain at the close of autumn (November 1), when on the hill of Tlachtga, not far from Trim, a fire was kindled, from which, tradition says, all hearths in Ireland were lit. It was at Samhain too, according to tradition, that the High Kings used to hold such high festivals at Tara as are designated in the story. See note, [Appendix B].
[90] This incident is obviously suggested by St. John xx. 19, 26. When St. Columba went to the palace of King Brude the closed gates opened of their own accord (Adamnan, V. Col. ii. 35).
[91] See note, [Appendix B].
[92] See note, [Appendix B].
[93] Tírechán, p. 308, perrexitque ad civitatem Temro ad Loigairium filium Neill iterum quia apud illum foedus pepigit ut non occideretur in regno illius.
[94] See [Appendix C, 12].
[95] At Crag, in Co. Kerry.—Macalister, Studies in Irish Epigraphy, ii. p. 52.
[96] Cp. [Appendix A, ii. 5].
[97] It should be Donagh-shaughlin, for Donagh is domnach, a church, whereas dún is a fort. There is no doubt that Dún here is a corruption, as we get the form Donnaclsacheling in a document of A.D. 1216 (Reeves, Eccl. Ant. p. 128).
[98] See [Appendix B, note on cap. ii. p. 23].
[99] See [Appendix A, i. 6]. One of the best quatrains is the fourth:
Dominus illum elegit ut doceret barbaras
nationes, ut piscaret per doctrinae retia,
ut de seculo credentes traheret ad gratiam
Dominumque sequerentur sedem ad etheriam.
[100] The Confession shows that this comparison was sometimes in Patrick’s mind.
[101] Perfectam vitam, Hymn v. 4. Secundinus died A.D. 447, acc. to Ann. Ult.
[102] Telltown comes by popular etymology from the genitive Taillteann. The site is marked by a round rath. O’Donovan said in 1856 that it had been in recent times a resort for the men of Meath for hurling, wrestling, and other sports (Four Masters, i. p. 22).
[103] Herbord, Vit. Ott. ii. 14. The silence of early authorities is decisive against the isolated statement that Patrick preached at Taillte against the “burning of the first-born offspring.” (See [Appendix B, note].)
[104] Mac Fechach.—Tírechán, 310₂₄.
[105] Áth Brón.—Tír. 307₂₈.
[106] St. Colomb’s House. For its description and measurements see Petrie (Round Towers, 430-31), who compares it with St. Kevin’s House at Glendalough, and Dunraven’s Notes on Irish Architecture, vol. ii. p. 50 (plans and photograph).
[107] Tírechán, 310-11.
[108] See [Appendix C, 4], ad fin.
[109] See note, [Appendix B].
[110] It may be observed that if the idol of Mag Slecht had been eminently important for all Ireland, and had been destroyed at a period subsequent to St. Patrick, there could hardly fail to be a Christian record of its fall. In the Annals of the Four Masters, s.a. 464, it is said that Conall, son of Niall, ancestor of the lords of Tyrconnell, was done to death by the “old Folks” of Mag Slecht, who caught him unprotected. The thought occurs that Conall had supported the attack on the worship of Cenn Cruaich, and that his death was an act of vengeance wreaked by people of the plain who still clung to the old faith.
[111] Perhaps A.D. 444-5. See [Appendix C, 14].
[112] See [Appendix C, 13], on Patrick in Connaught.
[113] At Duma Graid, close to Lake Kilglass. See Tírechán, 313, and Vit. Trip. p. 94.
[114] Between Sligo and Leitrim.
[115] May the name be the same as that of the tribe of the Anghaile (Annaly), who extended their power subsequently into Tethbia (cp. O’Donovan, Book of Rights, p. 11, note)?
[116] Tamnach.
[117] “Church of Bishop Brón.”
[118] In Mag Airthic. See [Appendix C, 13].
[119] Ciarrigi. Through the baronies of Costello, Clanmorris, and Kilmaine. Possibly Aghamore, south of Kilkelly, may lie on the supposed route. It has been conjectured that the church in campo Nairniu (Tírechán, 321) was there.
[120] In quo fiunt episcopi.
[121] Muiriscc (Muir = sea) Aigli. (The promontory dominated by Knocknaree in Sligo Bay was also called Muiriscc, Tír. 327.) The promontory was also known as Umail. This name is preserved in the Owles, designating the regions on both sides of Clew Bay, now the baronies of Murrisk and Burris-hoole; the latter word also contains the name Umail.
[122] Its height is 2510 feet. Mount Nephin, close to Lake Conn, is higher.
[123] Carrick-on-Shannon.
[124] He first went to a place called Duma Graid, and ordained there the arch-presbyter Ailbe, who resided at Shancoe (as mentioned above). It may be suspected that the name Duma Graid (for which we expect a modern Doogary) is preserved in Dockery’s Island, near the mouth of Lake Kilglass.
[125] See note, [Appendix B].
[126] Tuatha De Danann, people of the goddess Danann. They are said, in the mythical history of Ireland, to have colonised the country and to have been conquered by the Milesians.
[127] Fountain of Clebach.
[128] See note, [Appendix B].
[129] See [Appendix A, ii. 1].
[130] See [Appendix A, i. 4], on the tonsure question.
[131] Selce has not been identified.
[132] Kill-araght. From here Patrick may have revisited Mag Airthic and the Kerries.
[133] Irrus Domnand, “the peninsula of Domnu” = barony of Erris in Mayo. Cp. Rhŷs, “Studies in Early Irish History,” p. 38.
[134] Ballina.
[135] It was one of the many Donaghmores, “great churches,” which Patrick is said to have founded. He consigned it to the care of Mucneus.
[136] The name of a townland, in which there is an old churchyard and traces of ruins, to the right of the road from Ballina to Killala, a mile south of Killala. For Donaghmore and Mullaghfarry (farry = forrach = foirrgea, Tír. 327) see O’Donovan, Hy Fiachrach, pp. 466 and 467, notes.
[137] See [Appendix C, 8].
[138] De laude sanctorum (Migne, Patr. Lat. xx.).
[139] Jerome, Adversus Vigilantium, c. 5.
[140] A.D. 440.
[141] See above, [chap. iii. p. 64].
[142] For the evidence see [Appendix C, 15].
[143] It may be Ptolemy’s Regia (Ῥηγία). Cp. Rhŷs, “Studies in Early Irish History,” p. 49 (Proc. of British Acad. vol. i.).
[144] See note, [Appendix B].
[145] The dimensions of these houses are given, Vit. Trip. p. 226:—“27 feet in the Great House, 17 feet in the kitchen, 7 feet in the oratory [aregal, supposed to be derived from oraculum]; and it was thus that he used always to found the congbala” [i.e. the sacred enclosures, or cloisters]. If these houses were circular, the numbers represent the diameters. For the topography of Armagh see the paper of Reeves, The Ancient Churches of Armagh (Lusk, 1860), with a plan. The locality of the first settlement, ubi nunc est Fertae martyrum, “the grave of the relics” (Muirchu, 290), he fixes, by means of the monastery of Temple-fertagh, which existed at the beginning of the seventeenth century, to the land south of Scotch St., near Scotch St. river (p. 10).
[146] The two stages, first below, and then on the hill, are doubtless historical. We may conjecture that the second and final foundation is that which is recorded in the Annals, and that the first settlement had been made before the visit to Rome.
[147] This is expressed by quantum habeo, “so far as it is mine,” in Muirchu, 292₃₁.
[148] See note, [Appendix B].
[150] There can be little question that the (contemporary) expression in provincia nostra in Ann. Ult., A.D. 443, means “in Ireland,” conceived as a single ecclesiastical province, like the province of a metropolitan.
[151] Láthrach Patricc (Trip. 349₈). Cp. Reeves, Antiquities of Down and Connor, pp. 47 and 236; for Glore, ib. 87, 338; for Dunseveric, ib. 286. For Clogher and Ard-Patrick (Louth) see note, [Appendix B].
[152] Ep. against Corot. 375.
[153] Ann. Ult., A.D. 439.
[154] Or Killishea.
[155] See note, [Appendix B].
[156] Áth Fithot, south of Tallow.
[157] Old Kilcullen, south of (new) Kilcullen, in Co. Kildare.
[158] See note, [Appendix B].
[160] In barony of Slievemargy, in Queen’s County, a mile or so north-west of the town of Carlow.
[161] The Life by Muirchu, see [Appendix A, ii. 3].
[162] See note, [Appendix B].
[163] Generally described inaccurately as the Acts of a Synod. The genuineness of the document is vindicated in [Appendix A, 4].
[164] For this sphere of Christian activity in the early Church see Harnack, Mission und Ausbreitung des Christentums, p. 120.
[165] A Christian who believes in a supernatural female form (lamia quae interpretatur striga) seen in a mirror is to be anathematised. One is reminded of
Was seh’ ich? Welch ein himmlisch Bild
Zeigt sich in diesem Zauberspiegel!
(Goethe, Faust, Part I.)
[166] See [Appendix A, i. 4].
[167] Chap. iii. [pp. 61 sqq.]
[168] Collection of Irish Canons, 20. 5. b (ed.² Wasserschleben, p. 61). For the possible date of the canon, and for some further illustration of the subject, see [Appendix C, 16].
[169] See [Appendix C, 17].
[170] Confession, 368₉.
[171] Ib. 372₁₇; cp. 367₁₃.
[172] Ib. 368₂₆.
[173] Otto of Bamberg is said to have baptized 22,156 converts in Pomerania during his first journey! Mon. Prieflingensis, V. Ott. ii. 20; Ebbo, V. Ott. ii. 11.
[174] Confession, 369₂₂.
[175] Confession, 367₁₆.
[176] Ib. 372. It may be conjectured, from the context, that this happened in Connaught.
[177] So Otto of Bamberg used to distribute presents in Pomerania as a means of propagating Christianity, Herbord, Dial. 2. 7.
[178] The question arises, Where did Patrick get his money? Did he inherit from his father? It is useless to ask.
[179] Confession, 371₂₅.
[180] See the anecdote in Tírechán, p. 303.
[181] Epistles of Gregory, vi. 10 (A.D. 595), M.G.H. vol. i. p. 389.
[182] Todd, St. Patrick, p. 154.
[183] The early abbots of Hi (Iona) were almost entirely chosen from a branch of the family of Tirconnell (Reeves, Adamnan, genealogical table, p. 342).
[184] See the bequest of Fith Fio in Lib. Arm. (Trip. 338). It is added that if there be no suitable person in the community of Drumlease, some one from Patrick’s community (Armagh, or any Patrician community?) should be chosen.
[185] Corus Bescna, p. 73 (Ancient Laws of Ireland, vol. iii.).
[186] Tírechán, 330₂₉, fecit alteram (aeclessiam) hi Tortena orientali in qua gens oThig Cirpani, sed libere semper. Cp. 321₇.
[187] Additional Notices in Lib. Arm. (338₄, liberauit rex Deo et Patricio). The exact boundaries of the land are given, as if from the original document. Two interests were concerned here, that of Caichán and that of MacCairthin, and the land is described as “Caichán’s Fifth.” The two men are designated as flaith (lord) and aithech (tenant-farmer?), and they jointly devoted the land to ecclesiastical use.
[188] Corus Bescna, p. 73.
[189] Ib. p. 71.
[190] Cp. Ancient Laws, iii., Introd. p. lxxii.
[191] Ib. luii., Corus B. pp. 41, 43.
[192] Ib. pp. 39-43.
[193] Cp. Introd. pp. luiii. sqq.
[194] See [Appendix C, 18].
[195] Todd, St. Patrick, 51 sqq.
[196] See [Appendix C, 17].
[197] See above, [chap. vii. p. 143].
[198] It has twenty-one letters, a b c d e f g h i l m n o p q r s t u v, and ng (a guttural nasal, which occurs in the name Amolngaid; cp. the Greek double gamma). If the Goidels had originally invented an alphabet to suit their own language they would never have constructed this. They had to resort to various devices to represent their sounds by its means. See further note, [Appendix B].
[199] More strictly, a new letter was added, and u was differentiated into two, to represent its two sounds. It is as well to say that in describing the ogams as a cipher it is not intended to imply that they were cryptic, but only that they were not an independent alphabet.
[200] For the Iberian alphabet see Hübner’s Monumenta linguae Ibericae (1893). Cp. Strabo, 3. 1. 6.
[201] B.G. vi. 14.
[202] Desjardins, Géographie de la Gaule, ii. 214, note 3.
[203] Ail Clúade.
[204] Milites.
[205] Conf. 360₈.
[206] Cp. Letter, ad init., inter barbaras itaque gentes habito proselitus et profuga.
[207] Conf. 374₂₉. Compare 357₁₅.
[208] Conf. 370₂. The passage 373₅₋₉ also supports the view in the text. In that passage the oldest MS. has ab aliquo uestro; and we should probably read uestrum with the later MSS.
[209] Ib. 359₂.
[210] Ib. 372₃₁.
[211] See above, [chap. iii. p. 53].
[212] But see note, [Appendix B].
[213] See [Appendix A, 5].
[214] This is the theory of Professor Zimmer.
[215] The Second Letter to the Corinthians seems to have been especially before him. This was natural. In it Paul was vindicating his character.
[216] The legend will be found in Vit. Trip. pp. 112 sqq.
[217] The old lists of the Armagh succession agree in assigning to Benignus ten years as bishop, so that, as Benignus died in 467 (Ann. Ult., sub anno), he would have succeeded in 457.
[218] March 17.
[219] Oirthir, not to be confounded with the kingdom of Oriel (Oirgéill), of which it formed the eastern portion.
[220] Inundations are a recurring motive in the legends of the Island-plain. See the salt-marsh stories, above, p. 91.
[221] This second incident can be shown to be a subsequent invention. See [Appendix C, 19].
[222] This story is also told by Muirchu, but not in immediate connexion with the story of the waggon and oxen seized by the men of Orior. It seems probable that the latter was suggested by the former. We meet the duplicate waggon and oxen in the Life of St. Abban (Colgan, Acta Sanctorum, i. March 16, cc. 41 sqq.), where the account of that saint’s death and burial and the struggle between the north and the south Leinster men is obviously borrowed from the stories about St. Patrick. Another story of wild bulls drawing a saint’s body to its tomb will be found in the Life of St. Melorus of Cornwall, Acta Sanctorum (Boll.), Jan. 1, vol. i. p. 136.
[223] It is to be seen in the National Museum at Dublin. For the evidence as to the bell and the staff, see notes, [Appendix B]. For the copy of the gospels, which used falsely to be supposed to be his, see note, [Appendix B, on chap. viii. p. 162].
[224] This theory of Professor Zimmer is examined at length in [Appendix C, 21].
[225] Except in regard to Britain, and the British Church was similarly isolated.
[226] De Cons. Stil. Lib. iii. l. 151.
[227] Zimmer put forward the theory that the original Confession contained more biographical details than our texts (Celtic Church, p. 50). See my criticism showing that his argument has no basis (Eng. Hist. Review, xviii., July 1903, pp. 544-6).
[228] St. Patrick, p. 347.
[229] Councils, ii. p. 296, note a.
[230] Celtic Church, ib.
[231] Bury, ib.
[232] Huc usque uolumen quod Patricius manu conscripsit sua: septima decima Martii die translatus est Patricius ad caelos.
[233] Sixth century or not much later, because the writings of Muirchu and Tírechán attest its existence in the second half of the seventh century.
[234] The attempt of Pflugk-Harttung (Die Schriften S. Patricks, in Neue Heidelberger Jahrbücher, p. 71 sqq., 1893) to prove the Confession and Letter spurious is a piece of extraordinarily bad criticism. He designates the Liber Armachanus as “Irlands pseudoisidorische Fälschung.”
[235] Now fully admitted by Zimmer, who formerly doubted it.
[236] iteneris A.
[237] terreno A.
[238] requissistis A (with sign of query, Z, in margin).
[239] paradissum A.
[240] aeclessia A.
[241] Curie A.
[242] = ἐλέησον.
[243] It may be well to translate this sentence. “Church of the Scots, nay of the Romans, in order that ye may be Christians as well as Romans, it behoves that there should be chanted in your churches (uobiscum) at every hour of prayer the Kyrie eleison, Christe eleison.” Compare Mr. Jenkinson in the Academy, Aug. 11, 1888.
[244] aeclessia A.
[245] See Tírechán, p. 302.
[246] The assumption that all these details are taken from the book is confirmed by the one explicit exception. The sojourn in the insula Aralanensis is given on the oral authority of Bishop Ultan (302₂₄). This was evidently Ultan’s explanatory comment on the text in insolis, etc.
[247] In a paper on Muirchu in the Guardian, Nov. 27, 1901.
[248] It may be pointed out that the small number of the dicta—three, or more probably two—is in favour of their genuineness.
[249] Since writing this, I observe that the same thing struck Loofs (De ant. Brit. Scot.que eccl. p. 50). He held the Dicta to be genuine, admitting the possibility of later additions. So too B. Robert, Étude crit. sur la vie et l’œuvre de St-Patrick (1883), p. 74.
[250] This is also shown by the addition of Christe eleison, as Mr. Brightman has pointed out to me. Cp. Gregory the Great, Ep. ix. 12. Milan is also excluded; the Milanese only use Kyrie. I have had the advantage of communicating with Mr. Brightman on the subject; otherwise I should hardly have ventured to deal with it, as I have no liturgical knowledge.
[251] So the missionary Boniface insists on the necessity of synods and canonica iura in a letter to Pope Zacharias (Ep. 50, p. 299, ed. Duemmler in M.G.H. Epp. iii.).
[252] Bradshaw has clearly distinguished two recensions of the collection, which he designates as the A-text and the B-text. Theodore’s Penitential is the latest work quoted in the A-text, Adamnan’s Canons the latest in the B-text. See Bradshaw’s letter to Wasserschleben in Wasserschleben’s edition of the Canons, p. lxx.
[253] Spelman i. 59 sq., Haddan and Stubbs, ii. 333 sqq.
[254] The canons which are cited in the Valicellane only are marked by square brackets. The list of correspondences in Haddan and Stubbs, ii. 333, a, is incomplete.
[255] See Haddan and Stubbs, ii. 333, a.
[256] 1. 8. b; 5. 2; 6. 2. b (two MSS. give Sin. Rom., one Sin. Rom. siue Kartagin., the rest Sin. Kartagin.); 7. 3. a; 20. 3. b; 40. 13. a; 46. 35. c; 46. 38. a, b; 47. 12. b; 47. 12. c; 47. 20; 66. 19. a. There is another case of Syn. Rom. uel Kart. in one MS.; 9. 1. a. The quotation from Pope Symmachus, Ep. ad Caes. ep. Arel. c. 1, under the title Regula canonica Romana in 17. 8 may stand on a different footing.
[257] 14. 2. c; 17. 7. b; 17. 9. b; 18. 2. a; 20. 3. a; 20. 3. c; 20. 5. a; 21. 2; 33. 1. f; 35. 4. c; 41. 6. a and b; 42. 7; 42. 25. a; 45. 13; 45. 14; 46. 29; 52. 2; 52. 3; 52. 6; 56. 4. a; 66. 16. To these may be added three other items: 20. 6. a, institutio Romana; 28. 5. b and 33. 4, disputatio Romana. Also 42. 23 Sinodus Romana, but the chapter is found only in one MS.; and in 3. 4 one MS. has an additional quotation from Synodus Romanorum. I do not include 42. 24, because the heading eadem sinodus may be referred to the heading of c. 22 Sinodus Hibernensis, and not to the heading of 23 Sinodus Romana, which, as I have mentioned, is found in only one MS. (Sangallensis).
[258] Here are the two sections:—
e. Sinodus Romana: Omnis qui fraudat debitum fratris ritu gentilium excommunis sit donec reddiderit. f. Item: Qua fronte rogas a Deo debitum tibi dimitti cum debitum proximi tui non reddidisti?
[259] It may be observed that in the Valicellane MS. we find some instances of Hibernensis uel Romana; 33. 4, 6, and 9.
[260] 11. 1. b; 20. 5. b; 21. 12; 21. 6. b; 25. 3; 25. 4; 29. 7; 37. 27; 37. 29; 42. 26. b; 44. 9; 46. 32. b; 47. 11. b; 67. 2. d. Of these 37. 29 has the curious heading Sinodus totius mundi et Patricius decreuit (with the variants Sinodus Hibernensis et Pat. decr., and simply Sinodus Hibernensis).
[261] 21. 25 occurs only in one MS., 37. 6 in two.
[262] 25. 3 and 4.
[263] In Ware’s S. Patricio ... adscripta Opuscula (London, 1656, a rare little volume), pp. 85-7. See below, [p. 245].
[264] “Brit. ecc. ant.,” in Opera, vol. vi. p. 491. The same view was urged by Varin. But neither Ussher nor Varin gave positive proof.
[265] It is officially recognised in the 40th canon of the Fourth Council of Toledo, A.D. 633.
[266] Cp. the 15th canon of Nicaea, Mansi, ii. 200.
[267] So too in the Hibernensis, i. 22, a and c.
[268] Fastes épiscopaux de l’ancienne Gaule, vol. i. p. 41.
[269] Cp. also canon 27 of the Council of Hippo, A.D. 393 (Mansi, iii. 923): ut episcopi non proficiscantur trans mare nisi consulto primae sedis episcopo suae cuiusque prouinciae, ut ab eo praecipue possint formatas sumere.
[270] Printed by Pamelius in his edition of Cyprian; by Ware in his Opuscula of St. Patrick (1656); by Migne, P.L. 40, 649 sqq.
[271] For his alleged relationship see below, [p. 292].
[272] To this rule the MSS. present two exceptions, which should be corrected: v. 70, praeuidit, which has been corrected to praeuidet (cp. Atkinson, Lib. Hymn. ii. 13), and v. 66, qui ornatur uestimento nuptiale indūtus, where we ought evidently to read inclŭtus.
[273] 311₂₉, Rolls ed.
[274] Ann. Ult. s.a.
[275] 314₂₈; Ann. Ult. s.aa.
[276] See Bury, Tírechán’s Memoir of St. Patrick (Eng. Hist. Rev. April 1902), p. 255.
[277] Ib. pp. 237, 238, 260.
[278] 311₂₃₋₂₅. Cp. Bury, ib. 261.
[279] 311-312.
[280] Bury, ib. 258. “His whole book is a practical service to the cause of the claims of Armagh. It is virtually a list of the churches which claimed to have been founded by Patrick. If it had been completed, it would have exhibited the full extent of the paruchia Patricii.”
[281] 313₂₇, 307₇, 313₂₈, 323₂₉, 319₅, 318₂₅ × 301₉.
[282] 311₂₈.
[283] In libro apud Ultanum, 302₃.
[284] Bury, Tírechán’s Memoir, 248-250.
[285] Bury, Tírechán’s Memoir, 239.
[286] 319₄. Bury, “Supplementary Notes” (Eng. Hist. Rev. Oct. 1902), 702-703.
[287] It stops at p. 331, l. 9, in the Rolls ed. See my paper in E.H.R. ut cit. p. 237.
[288] Proc. of R.I.A. (xxiv. sect. C, 3), 1903, p. 164 sqq.
[289] This has been fully recognised by Dr. Gwynn, loc. cit.
[290] Machia (330₂₂) probably means Domnach Maigen, not Armagh (Gwynn, loc. cit.).
[291] 348₁₈, d.g. [= Duma Graid, Reeves, but this is far from certain]; Ailbe i Senchui altáre; and Machet Cetchen Rodán Mathona. Compare also 350₈ with 331₄.
[292] The credibility of the Genealogy, as an independent record, is particularly strong; the Ballymote scribe was acquainted with the Tripartite, and quotes from it à propos of the sons of Forat, notwithstanding the contradiction. The discrepancy with the Patrician tradition is, in fact, a guarantee that the record is trustworthy.
[293] P. 269₁₃ Rolls ed.: patris mei Coguitosi, the brilliant correction of Bishop Graves for the corrupt cognito si in A. On the passage, and on Cogitosus, see his paper in the Proceedings R.I.A. viii. 269 sqq.
[294] See Graves, ib. The conjecture is accepted by Dr. Stokes (Trip. Life, 269, note 2).
[295] Colgan, Acta SS. p. 465 and n. 31.
[296] Ann. Ult. s.a.
[297] See Reeves, Adamnan, pp. l. li. Professor Kuno Meyer has just published an old Irish treatise on the “Law of Adamnan” passed at this synod (“Cáin Adamnáin,” in Anecdota Oxoniensia, 1905). The document contains a list of the bishops, abbots, and kings present at the synod which was held at Birr. Muirchu appears (p. 18): Murchu maccúi Machthéine. Muirchu appears in the Martyrologies under June 8 (see Calendar of Oengus, ed. Stokes, p. xciii.).
[298] I suggested this in the Guardian, Nov. 20, 1901, p. 1615, c. 2.
[299] Muirchu does not name his father’s work, but his expression ingenioli mei (269₁₄) may be an echo of the rusticus sermo ingenioli mei in the prologue to the Vita Brigidae.
[300] 271₁₇.
[301] 269₁₉.
[302] This is suggested by the use of the third person. In the Preface Muirchu writes in the first person. The note is similar to the note which is prefixed to the memoir of Tírechán and is obviously due to a copyist.
[303] See 495₃ Rolls ed. (ad Britanias nauigauit), and 495₂₆₋ (the second captivity).
[304] Some mistakes have occurred in the course of compilation and transmission: see below, [p. 348].
[305] See Bury, Tírechán’s Memoir of St. Patrick, p. 16; but I did not see then that the source was probably Irish.
[306] Tírechán, 330₁₅₋₁₉: Muirchu, 276₁₁₋₁₄, and 300₁₀₋₁₃: Bury, ib. p. 14.
[307] “The Tradition of Muirchu’s Text,” in Hermathena, xxviii. pp. 199 sqq.
[308] On account of the notice of Auxilius (of Killossy) and Iserninus (of Kilcullen). It seems very probable that the notice of Iserninus in the Liber Arm. (f. 18) may have been derived from information furnished by Bishop Aed on the occasion of his visit to Armagh. See above [p. 253].
[309] In the Table of Contents to Book II. this is the title of the first and the last section alike; but the last item in the table was wrongly taken to be a heading of sect. 1 (though there are no other headings to the sections), until the true explanation was pointed out by Dr. Gwynn.
[310] Ann. Ult. s.a.
[311] This is the conjecture of Zimmer, Celtic Church, p. 81.
[312] These parts were first published by Rev. E. Hogan, Anal. Boll. vol. i. I have had the advantage of using a photograph of the MS., kindly given me by Dr. Gwynn.
[313] See also Todd, St. Patrick, 489; Stokes, Intr. to Tripartite, cxi. sq.; Bernard and Atkinson, Liber Hymnorum, ii. 175-6.
[314] Criticised by Thurneysen, Revue celtique, 6, 326 sqq., who rejects the theory of interpolation except in the case of stanza 17. So too Stokes and Strachan.
[315] The stanzas which are abnormal, or defective, in metre, assonance, etc., are—2, 7, 9, 12, 14, 15, 17, 24, 26, 27, 29, 30, 31, 33 (for criticisms on their subject-matter see Atkinson, ib. xliii. sqq.). Stanza 16 has a “glossatorial” character (ib. xlviii.). The ejection of 10 on ground of subject-matter may be confirmed by the abnormal endings (nua and tua, cp. Atkinson, xlii.). 18 (rejected by Zimmer and Atkinson) is clearly an imitation of 18, and this is indicated by the repetition of the rhymes. The rejection of 19 and 20 depends on the subject-matter, and 21 repeats 19. The irrelevance of 22 is obvious. I leave the second stanza as doubtful, for though there is a metrical anomaly (daec a disyllable), there is no objection on the ground of the subject-matter; but it could be dispensed with.
[316] Cp. Muirchu, 296₁₂.
[317] See Bury, Guardian, Nov. 27, 1901, p. 1647.
[318] There is no other edition.
[319] I have shown, from misunderstandings in V₄ that its author was ignorant of Irish, while the author of V₂ was an Irishman (op. cit. 197).
[320] Dr. W. Levison of Bonn kindly called my attention to a Vita preserved at St. Omer which proves to be a copy of the Vita Secunda different from that used by Colgan. It is contained in Cod. 716 (Legendarium beatae Mariae de Claromarisco), a book of the thirteenth century, vol. ii. ff. 155-9. For the text of Vita Quarta, the Stowe MS. 105A (Brit. Mus.) is important (see my Tradition, etc., p. 186 note).
[321] Except so far as to show that neither of the two existing MSS. was used by Colgan. The text is based on Rawlinson B. 512, but it is not explained why this was chosen as the basis in preference to Egerton 93 (which—I speak under correction—does not seem inferior).
[322] Ann. Ult. s.a.
[323] Ib.
[324] The Tripartite Life of St. Patrick, in Trans. of R.I.A., xxix. Pt. vi. 1889.
[325] A scribe of Armagh, ob. 725 (Ann. Ult.).
[326] Ann. Ult. s.a.
[327] The narrative here (c. 14) is very confused, and perhaps there is interpolation.
[328] I observe that Lanigan wished to derive Hermon from her, “great,” and maen, “rock.”—Todd, St. Patrick, 337 note.
[329] The literature which I have used in working through the Nennian problem is as follows:—Zimmer, Nennius Vindicatus, a brilliant and indispensable book, but too ingenious, and full of wiredrawn arguments; many of the conclusions have been upset by the Chartres text (Mommsen’s Z) which Zimmer left out of consideration. This text was published by Duchesne, Nennius retractatus, in Revue celtique, xv. 173 sqq.; and was used by Mommsen for his authoritative edition of the work in Chronica Minora, vol. iii. (it is much to be regretted that he did not devote a separate column to printing the text of Z in full). New light was then thrown on the problem by Thurneysen, Ztsch. f. deutsche Philologie, xxviii. 80 sqq. His interpretation of exberta in the title in the Chartres MS. as a mistake for excerpta (Incipiunt excerpta filii Urbagen) seems probable (Dr. Traube’s emendation experta has not convinced me); his identification of this son of Urbagen with Run map Urbgen, who baptized the Northumbrians in 627 (Hist. Britt. c. 63), though plausible, cannot be considered certain. Duchesne, in a judicious and instructive criticism with reference to Mommsen’s edition and Thurneysen’s article, has summed up the conclusions which may safely be drawn from the data: Revue celtique, xvii. 1 sqq. Mr. E. W. B. Nicholson, who had reached several of Professor Thurneysen’s conclusions independently, published his views in Ztsch. f. celtische Philologie, iii. 104 sqq. The most important point in this paper is that the true reading of the important words in the title of the Chartres MS. is: exberta fili vrba gen. See also L. Traube in Neues Archiv, xxiv. 721 sqq.
[330] Nennius, Preface, ed. Momms., p. 143; Elbodug died A.D. 809, Zimmer, Nenn. Vind. 51.
[331] (1) Noteworthy is the explanation of sed prohibuit illum Deus quia nemo etc. (Muirchu 272₂₀) by the insertion of per quasdam tempestates after Deus. In the context this is incongruous, and it can hardly have been originated by Nennius. Had he a MS. of Muirchu containing additions inserted from Muirchu’s source? [Deus is in the Bruxellensis, but omitted in the Armachanus.] (2) He changes Muirchu’s Victoricus into Victor angelus Dei. (3) He says that Patrick’s first name was Maun (Magonus, Tírechán, 302₅). (4) It is to be observed that while Muirchu mentions two views as to the duration of Patrick’s sojourn with Germanus, namely, forty or thirty years, Nennius gives a much smaller period, per annos septem. Thus Muirchu’s Life does not explain Nennius, c. 52; he had some additional material.
Nennius agrees with Brux, and V₂ V₄ in recording that Palladius died in terra Pictorum.
[332] Todd Lecture, Series iii. The Codex Palatino-Vaticanus, 830, p. 354 sqq., cp. 252 sqq.
[333] Ib. 247 sqq.
[334] Cp. Columbanus, Epist. (M.G.H., Epp. iii.) 157, and the notice in the Würzburg MS. of St. Matthew, quoted by Zimmer, Nenn. Vind. 252, note (Scheps, Die ältesten Evangelienhandschriften der Würzburger Bibliothek, 27).
[335] A genealogy of Brito is ascribed by Gilla Coemgin to senior nobilis Guanach, and Todd pointed out that the reference was to the Liber Cuanach (Zimmer, Nenn. Vind. 250-1). Calling attention to the notice in Ann. Ult. s.a. 616, usque hunc annum scripsit Isidorus cronicon suum, Zimmer observes that the old recension (up to 616) of Isidore’s chronicle was known in Ireland, and conjectures that its arrival may have been the stimulus which prompted the work of Cuana.
[336] An older authority, Maucteus, was quoted by Cuana (Ann. Ult. s.a. 471).
[337] Dr. MacCarthy quotes appropriately the 20th canon of the Council of Milevi, A.D. 416.
[338] See Migne, P.L. 87, 969.
[339] For such entries in the blank spaces of a Paschal Table, compare, e.g. the Paschale Campanum (Chron. Min., ed. Mommsen, i. 745 sqq.).
[340] Mr. Phillimore’s suggestion that cum is a misrendering of the Old-Welsh cant = by, seems improbable, as the notice is not likely to be a translation. I should say that cum is simply a dittogram of the last syllable of dominicum, and has ousted a.
[341] We are indeed enabled to infer that before the tenth century A.D. 457 had been maintained by some to be the date of Patrick’s death.
[342] An examination of the dates in the sixth century suggests that the entries of contemporary events did not begin before the seventh. Certainly the erroneous date of the battle of Mons Badonis was a late insertion.
[343] For references see Tillemont, Mémoires, xv. 769. Leo had taken the step of writing to the Emperor Marcian on the matter in 453.
[344] Vit. Hilarii. Arel. 16. See Levison, Neues Archiv, xxix. p. 99.
[345] Levison, loc. cit. pp. 125 sqq.
[346] Compare Zimmer’s criticism, Celtic Church, 64-5.
[347] Stokes (Urkeltischer Sprachschatz, 198) and Rhŷs seek a Celtic etymology for Magonus. Rhŷs treats it as a derivation from Goidelic magus (whence the Irish mug, “servant”), meaning perhaps originally a “boy.”
[348] His day was Nov. 27; Mart. of Donegal, p. 319.
[349] Dichu of Saul appears in the Martyrology of Donegal under April 29 (p. 114).
[350] Instances are collected by Professor Rhŷs in Proceedings of R.S.A.I. Pt. i. vol. xxxii. p. 5; to which add the Donard stone (ib. Pt. ii. vol. xxxiii. p. 114).
[351] This comes from Muirchu’s Irish source for the legend. See above, [App. A, ii. 3].
[352] For scriptum erat I would read scriptum quod scriptum erat.
[353] sine honore, supposed to mean “without recognition of my episcopal title.”
[354] male uidimus faciem designati nudato nomine (365₂₉). This gives much better sense than the ordinary rendering, which refers designati to Patrick, and nud. nom. to the suppression of the episcopal title. I observe that Mr. White, though he does not adopt it in his translation, gives it as an alternative interpretation in his note.
[355] Another petition (which in V. Trip., p. 116, appears in connexion with Mount Crochan) is added in V₃, c. 88. See Bury, Trans. of R.I.A. xxxii. C. Part iii. p. 223.
[356] I retract the date “c. A.D. 850” in my note †, op. cit. p. 218. I have abandoned a view of the relations of the Nennian MSS. which prompted me to assign this date.
[357] The Armagh tradition, connecting Columba with St. Patrick’s tomb, is referred to in the Additions to Tírechán (see [Appendix C, 19]).
[358] I have shown that this was possibly the original corruption, “Tradition of Muirchu’s Text,” p. 196.
[359] haut has been restored for -cha ut of the Brussels MS. The restoration, obviously right, is borne out by Probus (Colgan, Trias Thaum. 47), who here transcribes Muirchu. See Stokes, ad loc.
[360] Probus here, using another but related MS. of Muirchu, gives Nentriae prouinciae.
[361] Mr. Nicholson’s explanation that it is a corruption of Britanniae will hardly be accepted. Palaeographically it has no probability; it was hardly necessary, and we should rather expect Britanniarum.
[362] It is obvious how readily the corruption rose from bannauētabernie or -urnie.
[363] Stokes, Tripartite, Introduction, p. cxxxvii. He refers to Gregory of Tours, Hist. Franc. x. 28, in uico Nemptudoro. Skene (Celtic Scotland, ii. 436, n.) identifies Nemthur with Neutur in the Black Book of Caermarthen (Four Ancient Books of Wales, vol. ii. p. 3).
[364] It is perhaps hardly necessary to observe that Ammianus when he says that Theodosius instaurabat urbes does not refer to Valentia (which he has not yet mentioned) in particular, but to Britain in general.
[365] In A.D. 383 he was sent on an embassy to the Persians (whom Keller calls “Parthians,” p. 15), and married Serena soon after (384 or 385). In A.D. 386 he was engaged in the campaign with the Gruthungi.
[366] This seems to me a just remark of Mr. Hodgkin, Italy and her Invaders, vol. i. (2nd ed.), p. 716.
[367] “Tyrants of Britain, Gaul, and Spain,” Eng. Hist. Review, 1886, i. 55, note 3. This is the chief study on the subject (republished in Western Europe in the Fifth Century, 1905, chaps. ii., iii.). Cp. App. 20 to Bury’s edition of Gibbon, vol. iii.
[368] II. k. Jan. ed. Mommsen, p. 465.
[369] Prosper’s notice, sub ann. 407, agrees with the implication in Olympiodorus.
[370] Preface to edition of Gildas (Chron. Min. iii. 1), p. 7.
[371] The Picts are described as a gens transmarina (the Picts of Dalaradia?).
[372] Ann. Ult. sub a. 461.
[373] Ann. Inisf. ed. O’Conor sub a. (“488” =) 493: anno ccccxxxii a passione Domini.
[374] Ed. Mommsen, p. 158-9.
[375] Rolls ed. p. 365₁₅, nescio, Deus scit, si habebam tunc annos quindecim.
[376] Ib.₁₁.
[377] 366₁₀.
[378] 365₁₀.
[379] So it is interpreted by Todd, St. Patrick, p. 392; by Neander, Allg. Geschichte der christlichen Religion u. Kirche, iii. 185, note; by Zimmer, Celtic Church, p. 43.
[380] I adopt the admirable correction of Dr. N. J. D. White for occasionum—inuenerunt me (MSS.).
[381] The truth is that the length of time which elapsed since the wrongdoing is not pertinent. The point is the interval between the confession of it to his friend, who offered no obstacle to his ordination as deacon (nor later to his ordination as bishop), and the occasion on which it was used against him. It is this lapse of 30 years which makes his friend’s conduct so unaccountable.
[382] It is interesting to note that this name is found on three ogam stones, in the genitive forms Gosoctas, Gossucttias, and Gosocteas (see Rhŷs, Ogam-inscribed Stones, in reprint from Proc. of Royal Soc. of Antiquaries of Ireland, Part i. vol. xxxii. 1902, p. 24).
[383] The force of adhuc here (not synonymous with iterum) is exactly like its force in adhuc capturam dedi. See above, [Appendix B, note on p. 34].
[384] Muirchu’s et erat annorum triginta (496₁) must not be alleged; it is based on a misconception of the annos triginta of the Confession (365₁₀), and influenced by the Scriptural parallel to which Muirchu refers.
[385] Jerome, Ep. cxxiii. (ad Ageruchiam), Migne’s ed. vol. i. 1057-8.
[386] After A.D. 439.
[387] vii. § 50. Orosius, vii. 38 and 40, gives no details of the devastations.
[388] Edited by Brandes in the Corp. Script. Eccl. 1889.
[389] Compare the sketch of Professor Dill, based on these poems, in Roman Society, bk. iv. cap. 2 (p. 263, ed. 1).
[390] So I would amend the corrupt metuendis. Ellis reads tetricis, and suggests mediis. But there is greater point in nudis; it implies “without the crops, etc., which would naturally attract an enemy.”
[391] P. 18.
[392] Pp. 16-18, and Appendix B.
[393] Cp. Arrian’s Cynegeticus, esp. chaps. 1, 2, 3.
[394] The nature of the cargo is another argument against the view that Britain was the destination.
[395] Annis xxx. Tír. loc. cit. The numeral is less probably a mistake for iii. than the result of a mistaken attempt to account for the chronology of Patrick’s life on the hypothesis that he lived to the age of 120. Other schemes assigned 30 or 40 years to the Auxerre period (Muirchu, 271₂₂).
[396] For the traditions and legends connecting Palladius with Scotland see Skene, Celtic Scotland, ii. 29 sqq.
[397] Schoell, De ecclesiasticae Britonum Scotorumque historiae fontibus, 1851, p. 77; Loofs, De antiqua Britonum Scotorumque ecclesia, p. 51 (1882). Compare B. Robert’s criticisms on their arguments, Étude critique, etc., pp. 28 sqq.
[398] Professor Zimmer (Early Celtic Church, p. 38) regards Palladius as a Roman rendering of Patrick’s name Sucatus (warlike), following a suggestion of Mr. O’Brien (Irish. Eccl. Record, 1887, pp. 723 sqq.). This is quite unconvincing, in the absence of any evidence that Palladius was a Briton. Why should he not have belonged to the stirps Palladiorum of Bourges (Apoll. Sidon. Epp. vii. 9, 24)? Cp. Duchesne, Fastes épisc. ii. p. 26, note.
[399] P. cxxv. ed. Stokes (1871). This calendar, Mr. Stokes has shown, cannot be earlier than the end of the tenth century.
[400] The name of Palladius does not appear in any Irish calendar of saints. It appears under July 6 in the Breviary of Aberdeen. See Todd, St. Patrick, p. 299.
[401] Cp. Chron. Scot. pp. 24-25; Cormac’s Glossary sub Mogheime.
[402] M. d’Arbois de Jubainville has a note on Sen Patrick in Revue celtique, ix. p. 111 sqq. He thinks a second Patricius came over to Ireland as a mere name in a copy of the Hieronymian Martyrology towards end of sixth century; and that of him were made the two Patricks of August 24 in Mart. of Tallaght.
[403] See Bury, “Tradition of Muirchu’s Text,” p. 205.
[404] The name of this place, whether in the form Ebmoria (Lib. Arm.) or in the variant form Euboria (for the variants see Bury, “Tradition of Muirchu’s Text,” p. 185) is unknown. The context shows that it lay between Auxerre and the north coast of Gaul. Ebroica = Evreux would be my guess. (It probably became the seat of a bishop before the end of the fifth century, but probably not long before. Cp. Duchesne, Fastes ép. ii. 226).
[405] On the evidence for this date see note 15 in my “Sources of Early Patrician Documents” (E.H.R., July 1904), where I refer to the discussion of Dr. W. Levison in his monograph cited above, [Appendix A, i. 7].
[406] Nennius Vindicatus, p. 123, note. Later compilers divided Amatho rege. In Irish conditions a rex episcopus would not sound so strange as in Gaul, though I do not know of an instance before Cormac of Cashel at the beginning of the tenth century. In Tripartite Life (p. 34) we get a further step in the evolution; the bishop appears as Amatho rí Románach (King of the Romans); and the final stage is reached when Patrick is ordained coram Teodosio imperatore.
[407] I pointed out this inference in “Sources of Early Patrician Documents” (cit. sup.).
[408] Ann. Ult. s.a. 439. For the separate coming of Iserninus see account in Lib. Arm. f. 18 rᵒ a (342, Rolls ed.). It is there indeed supposed that they started at the same time from Gaul, but were severed by storms, and so arrived separately in Ireland. The motive for this tale is evidently the genuine record that they did not come together.
[409] There are three cases (Zimmer, ib. 24-26):
1. Long ō instead of long ā: e.g. trindōit (= trinitatem); altōir (= altāre); caindlōir (candelarius); notlaic (nātalicia); popa (papa). If the Latin forms had come directly to Ireland, the ā would have been preserved; ō for ā is characteristically British.
2. c for p: casc (pascha); crubthir (presbyter). Words of this kind must have been “interpreted to the Irish by British mouths,” for if they had been borrowed from Latin, p would have been preserved. The motive for the change of British p to c in the loan-words was the observed fact that in native words Gaelic c corresponded to British p (representing the velar q). The treatment of Patrick’s name is a significant instance. From its British form we get in Irish Coithrige, from its Latin form Patraicc. Caille, a veil (caillech, a nun), is supposed to be another case (= pallium). Mr. Nicholson suggests that it is Celtic, = capillia (Keltic Researches, p. 104).
3. sr for fr, sl for fl: e.g. slechtan (flectionem), srogell (flagellum). In case of a direct borrowing, sr, sl would have been kept; but coming through British they were treated on the analogy of Irish sruth = Br. frut.
[410] Tracia being an error for Frācia.
[411] The prose list in the Book of Ballymote describes both Duachs as Tenga Uma (and as slain by Muirchertach), but in the case of the first Duach Galach is written above.
[412] Dai Galach is mentioned as Brian’s youngest son, and destined to reign in Connaught, in the text printed, with translation, by Dr. W. Stokes, from the Yellow Book of Lecan (col. 898), concerning the sons of Eochaid Muigmedoin, in Rev. Celt. xxiv. (1903), p. 182.
[413] The notice is discussed by Todd, St. Patrick, pp. 469-70, but he does not attempt any explanation of probatus est, and by omitting the first part of the notice altogether he shows that he did not apprehend the significant association of the probatio with Leo.
[414] Nostra provincia is ecclesiastical Ireland, or north Ireland—not a particular district or kingdom.
[415] The Vit. Trip. (Part 3, p. 238) places the visit to Rome after the foundation of Armagh. This order seems to be simply an inference from the fact that the relics which Patrick got at Rome were brought to Armagh.
[416] The references are to Gundlach’s ed., Epp. Mer. et Kar. Aeui, vol. i.
[417] Mr. Warren rightly rejects the pregnant meaning found in this passage by Döllinger (Liturgy and Ritual, p. 39).
[418] difficiles is in three MSS., including the Coloniensis (eighth century): it is clearly wanted, and (if there was not some stronger and fuller phrase in the original canon) it has a very pregnant meaning.
[419] I believe that the silence of Cummian in his letter to Segéne (Migne, P.L. 87, 970) has been urged as an objection to the authenticity of the canon. But the argument from silence in such a case as this has no cogency. It is quite possible that he was not aware of the canon.
[420] See B. Krusch, Der 84jährige Ostercyclus und seine Quellen, 1880.
[421] Columbanus, Epp. ed. Gundlach, Ep. 4, p. 162.
[422] Ib. Ep. 1 (to Gregory I.), p. 157; Catal. Sanct. Hib., unum Pascha, quarta decima luna post aequinoctium vernale (H. and S., Councils, ii. 292, 293).
[423] Dr. MacCarthy’s explanation (Introd. to Annals of Ulster, iv. p. lxxix) of an entry in the Chronicle of Marius Aventicensis (ad ann. A.D. 560), as implying a survival of the old 84 cycle in Gaul, does not seem tenable (see A. Anscombe, Z. f. Celtische Philologie, iv. p. 333).
[424] I have omitted all reference to the abstruse technique of the computations, and the question as to the difference between the two cycles of 84 (differing in the number of the saltus), for which see MacCarthy, op. cit. pp. lxv. sqq.; Krusch, op. cit.
[425] For dating, see MacCarthy, op. cit. cxl. cxli.
[426] Migne, Patrol. 87, 969.
[427] Krusch, 302 sqq. For dating, see MacCarthy, op. cit. cxvii., where the proof of fabrication will be found.
[428] So MacCarthy, cxxxvii., note 2.
[429] Dr. MacCarthy shows that Cummian was uncritical (cxl.), but I cannot go quite so far as he. He accepts, as genuine tradition, the statement that Patrick brought a cycle with him (rightly observing that the addition of et fecit cannot be pressed), but holds that it was identical with the Celtic cycle of later times. It is with much diffidence that I venture to differ from him on this point; but I owe it to his investigations that I have been able to reach a definite conclusion.
[430] The learned Appendix A, pp. 123 sqq., in Reeves, Eccl. Ant., is valuable still.
[431] Ed. Gundlach, M.G.H., Epp. Mer. et Kar. Aeui, i. p. 163. See Jerome, Ep. 58 (Migne, 22, 583).
[432] 450 in Tírechán and one MS. of Catal. Sanctorum; 350 in other MSS. of Cat. Sanct.
[433] It is not, of course, certain that Bishop Muirethachus qui fuit super flumen Bratho, for whom Patrick and Bronus wrote an alphabet, is identical with the epscop Muiredaig, “an aged man of Patrick’s household,” who is said in Vit. Trip., p. 134, to have been left by Patrick in Cell Alaid. The foundation of Cell Alaid is not mentioned by Tírechán.
[434] The text of Tírechán leaves it doubtful whether the foundation of Cellola Tog was laid under Patrick’s auspices, and whether Patrick ordained Cainnech bishop. He is not included in the author’s catalogue of bishops ordained by Patrick (p. 304).
[435] For the monachi of Assicus, see 313₃₃ and 328₃₀.
[436] Cainnech was a monachus Patricii, 324₁₃. Another mon. P. is mentioned 329₉. The deacon Coimanus of Ardd Licce seems to have been another, 317₂₆. Gengen and Sannuch are described as mon. P. 305₁₇; and for the foreigners Conleng and Ercleng, see 313₁₂.
[437] Thus Slébte, the seat of Bishop Fíacc, would have been a civitas. It is called Slebtiensis civitas by Muirchu (271₁₉). See also Lib. Angeli, 355, omnis aeclessia libera et civitas <quae> ab episcopali gradu uidetur esse fundata. Cp. an Irish canon, ascribed to Patrick, in the Hibernensis, 29, c. 7 (p. 101 ed. Wasserschl.), aut a sancta ecclesia aut in civitate intus.
[438] 326₂₁, quia deus dixit illi ut legem relinquerent [?—et, as Stokes suggests] et episcopos ordinaret ibi, et prespiteros et diaconos in illa regione. This suggests, though it does not necessitate, the inference in the text.
[439] Senchus Mór, i. 40. See also the following passages: i. 54 (a false-judging king and a stumbling bishop are placed on a level); i. 78, the king’s testimony is valid against all except the man of learning, the bishop, and the pilgrim.
[440] In his treatment of the Muirchu narrative Todd does not go below the surface, but he recognises that the first part embodies a concession on the part of Armagh. The question is discussed in Reeves, Eccl. Antiquities, 223 sq.
[441] The simplest case is when an incident is reduplicated, as in the Cyclops story in the Odyssey (Book 9), where the second stone-casting of the Cyclops at the escaping ship is a later addition by an expander who sought to outdo the original incident but failed in his effect.
[442] I may note here that the river Cabcenne, where the Orior men discovered the deception, has not been identified, but ought naturally to be sought near their destination, Armagh. So Todd, p. 195.
[443] In his article “Keltische Kirche” in the Realencyklopädie für protestantische Theologie u. Kirche, 1901; translated by Miss Meyer (The Celtic Church in Britain and Ireland), 1902.
[444] In Bede’s Martyrology, under March 17, we find in Scotia S. Patricii Confessionis. Zimmer (p. 10) accepts this, without question, as Bedan. I should like to know how far we can distinguish in this document what is Bede’s from later additions.
[445] There is, however, another consideration which may be taken into account by those who wonder at the absence of any reference to Patrick in Bede’s Ecclesiastical History. The Latin literature concerning St. Patrick only began to appear in Bede’s time. Tírechán’s Memoir cannot have been written long before his birth; and he was nearly thirty years old when Muirchu’s Life was composed. The older Patrician literature, as we have seen reason to believe, was in Irish, and inaccessible to Bede. The Columban church in north Britain was not concerned to propagate the fame of Patrick. There was rivalry between the Columban and Patrician communities in Ireland (cp. Tírechán, 314₈).
[446] As I observed above ([p. 262]) if Muirchu’s work were anonymous and nothing were said of Aed, we should never suspect that the author belonged to the south of Ireland; we should certainly connect him with north Ireland.
[447] The particular passage on which Zimmer relies—the only positive evidence—is in the “Additions” to Tírechán in the Liber Armachanus (p. 332, Rolls ed.), where Palladius is said to have been called Patricius alio nomine, but is distinguished from the second Patrick. But this can be otherwise explained. The double date of Patrick’s death (see [Appendix C, 7]) led to a duplication—a first and a second Patrick, and one attempt to fix the personality of the earlier Patrick was to identify him with Palladius.