Coleman at Decatur, Ill.
Imposition in Northern “Quarters.”
Decatur has been mentioned elsewhere in this book. It is the third railway centre in the 3rd productive State in the U. S. Its population is 20,000. It is about 40 miles from Lincoln, where a log cabin, as a relic of the martyred President, Abraham Lincoln, remains. There are three Churches of color represented in Decatur. The first innocent blood was drawn from the neck of a colored man in 1893, and shed upon the city of Decatur by some of its “respectable” citizens, men and women. My introduction to Decatur was in June, 1894, during my visit to a “colored camp meeting.” I heard it noised around that a Mr. Jackson, waiter of St Nickels Hotel, had been arrested and placed in jail on a charge of attempted “rape.” The Lynch alarm had been sounded, which aroused the sympathy of the colored population to protect Jackson. Those who showed cowardice were invited to a speech delivered by the writer, urging the colored men to consolidate their forces and preclude the mob from the prisoner. Much enthusiasm was manifested while the speech was being made, and at the conclusion preparation was immediately begun to resist the murderers. Guns, revolvers, swords, knives and clubs of any dangerous description were collected and laid by for battle. The municipal authority showed no protection, pro et con, the movements. By 8 p.m. on the evening appointed by the mob gang, the colored men and boys were arranged in military form, being under command of general and captain, etc. The army received cheers for management, courage and promptness from the better classes of the white population.
The jail in which this prisoner was, was about four blocks from the main part of the city. The white boys who usually follow shows and excitement, had occupied the nearest seats to the jail at an early hour, anxiously waiting to see the end of Jackson’s life. As I advanced accompanied by my guard, one of the young spectators asked with a tone of delight, “Are they going to lynch the nigger to-night?” I could but give the answer, “No.” Having instructed all concerned to show no uncivility to any person, but at the rise of war, put forth every exertion to save the life of the prisoner. Orders were given to the band to surround the prison. Just now I began to experience some of the actual “turns” of the battle-field. 300 black faces at one signal dotted in separate groups on all sides of the jail and court-house. At 9 o’clock a man of low stature passed along the main street, smoking sumptuously, with a rope which had been presented specially for the lynching of Jackson. The rope-man was so completely absorbed in the occupation, he failed to see those who had come to see justice meted out to the prisoner, who so well deserved it. Some of his constituency within the court-rooms informed him of the danger in store; he then accepted of a hard bed in the building for the night. At this crisis absolute calmness seemed to prevail which continued until between 1 and 2 a.m., when the watchmen were disturbed by the yells of intoxicated men. Noises of teams, wagons, riders on horse-back, and some “foolers,” all winding their way from country villages and bush-towns into the “big town” to kill the old “nigger.” The night policemen who finally showed some degree of courtesy to the colored band, conveyed the information to the mob that “300 black men lie in wait for you; if the mob attempts to take Jackson to-night, no small number of lives will be lost”. With this intelligence the blood-thirsty gang received orders from their captain on a sub-way bridge to “retreat until the next night.” A reporter from the leading newspaper of the city, who had taken in the general outlook of the affair, asked permission to address the colored “boys.” Receiving permission from the proper source, he then rode amid the cool headed body of men. Lighting from his horse said, “Gentlemen, I understand that you have gathered to protect Mr. Jackson. Now I wish to inform you that you need not fear any thing like a mob from any person in Decatur.” “But they are coming from the country,” came a voice from some person in the rear of the crowd. “Mr. Jackson is known here as a gentleman,” continued the speaker. “The circumstances in connection with this case I am fully acquainted with. Mr. Jackson and this woman were intimate, and some business men in town can verify the fact that Mr. Jackson gave her money two days ago. The story that Mr. Jackson was found in her room on her bed with a revolver a few evenings ago, is true. He was not there to force, but because she asked him there, being afraid of a policeman just outside the door. She cried out to secure herself from the law.” These words were received by the company with profound respect. The Decatur papers verified the reporter’s statements.
This is not, however, the end of the struggle for life. The spirit of protection was intense, and grew parallel with the “lynch fever.” The following evening a greater representation of the colored population appeared on the scene. Those who failed to secure themselves with arms the previous evening, came better fortified; but no further attempt to enter the jail was made by the “outlawers.” The third night, the municipal power intervened, and chastised the tumultousness. This was begun by the arrest of one of the colored company, Mr. Artist, who had occupied a seat in the park, which faces the front street, and who had two shot guns, and was repeatedly told to leave. This he refused to do. On this ground he was imprisoned. A committee composed of Mr. J. Artist, Mr. Oliphant, and the writer called on the Mayor. His Honor cordially received the committee, and assured the committee that “nothing to hinder the colored citizens from standing for themselves will be done. Mr. Artist will be released to-morrow morning.”
From these proceedings the reader is not to conclude that such an act would stop the Southern lynchings. In a Northern city of so small a population of colored people as Decatur, it is reasonable to suppose that race war would not be tolerated, while such would be the case in the South. That the city officials were friendly to the action of the colored people is seen in the fact that there was no interference with them until the third night of the warfare, and the releasement of Mr. Artist. It should be remembered that the colored citizens were in every respect submissive to the law, only that the condition of their surroundings had grown to the doctrine, “Eye for eye, and tooth for tooth.”
With an outstretched hand to fallen humanity, and uplifted voice to God, accompanied by a painful heart, I must here appeal to Scripture facts. “All things work together for good to them that love God, to them who are the called according to His purpose.” Rev. Mr. Mudd, a distinguished divine, connected himself with the colored citizens of Decatur, striving to uphold the right in the case of Mr. Jackson, who through the instrumentality of his race was given a fair trial.
CHAPTER IV.
WAGES.
Scarcely any of the wealthy people of the North, and thinkers on vital questions of the day in European nations, properly consider the salary of colored laborers of the South, as a comparison to that of the white laborer. It is universally admitted that the colored race has made rapid progress—progress worthy of praise. But in the face of destitution, educational endeavorment, exertions put forth to erect church edifices, and imposition as described in the preceding chapter, thousands of good people stand and say: “The negroes are allowed to work in nearly all the branches of labor that are in the South, and why should we help them to build their schools and churches, since they have been freed long enough to look after themselves from a financial standpoint? and why should we try to assist them in getting their rights at law, when they don’t try to assist themselves when they are outraged by the lynchers, there being as many or more colored people in some States than white people?” If the negro was allowed the same chance or the same wages as his white brother, then we could to some extent join with the above in asking, why? But few of the many colleges and churches of the colored people are paid for. Could colored millionaires be expected within 35 years of freedom? No. There are some pursuing riches. In the State of Mississippi many colored persons owned “plantations.” Only owned until some “heir” arise to force them by “law” to disown their property. This course of defrauding the colored people out of their stringent and honest earnings has existed many years. In consideration of these things we must conclude that donations amounting to enough to pay off debts of colored institutions, such as that of Payne Theological Seminary should be given by those who have received abundantly from the hands of a Father, who is rich in houses and lands, and holdeth the wealth of the world in His hand.
In sustenance of what has been said as a proof of the Southern colored labor being discounted, in that a minority of those who are fitted for all departments of work are not employed, we give a clipping from the Detroit Evening News:
“Wages in the South.
“The Chattanooga Tradesmen has made a statistical examination of the white and colored labor of the Southern States. From the reports received from employers of nearly 100,000 hands, 58 per cent. of the employees are white and 42 are colored. One-third of the whole number are termed skilled laborers, only 10 per cent. of whom are colored.
“A remarkable fact brought out by this investigation is, that over 90 per cent. of these workmen are native born; 61 per cent. of the employers said all their help were natives of the south, and only 19 per cent. reported that they employed as many as half natives and half of northern or foreign birth.
“The Tradesman says the reports show wages paid to skilled workmen average $2.51 to whites and $1.58 to colored. Unskilled whites average $1.14, and colored $1.02 per day. The highest rate per day reported was $4, paid to expert brickmakers. Foundrymen average $2.87 to whites and $1.62 to colored skilled workers. Carriage makers average $3.37; no skilled colored carriage makers are reported. In lumber making, white men average $2.78, and colored $1.62. Coal miners average $2.33 for whites and $1.62 for colored. Stone workers average $2.87 for whites and $1.42 for colored. Returns from a large number of miscellaneous occupations show that skilled white workers average $2.43, and skilled colored men $1.70 per day.
“As compared with northern or foreign labor, 72 per cent. of the employers say their southern labor is as good; and 5 per cent. are in doubt.
“As to the comparative value of white and colored skilled labor, 46 per cent. of the employers say that it is about equal, 43 per cent. say that negro labor is inferior, and 11 per cent. are in doubt. As to common labor, 54 per cent. say the white and black are equal in efficiency, 29 per cent. that the colored labor is the better, and 17 per cent. that the colored men are inferior to whites.
“As to whether white and colored common laborers are improving in skill, 35 per cent. of the employers say that they are, 18 per cent. that they are not, 17 per cent. that the whites are improving more than the colored, and 2 per cent. that the colored are improving more than the whites. Twelve per cent. think that colored laborers are improving, 4 per cent. that the whites are retrograding, and 12 per cent. no improvement in the colored laborers.
“That the white and colored laborers work together harmoniously is asserted by 58 per cent. of the employers, while 9 per cent. declare to the contrary. Twenty-one per cent. reply affirmatively, with qualifications, and 12 per cent. say that harmony exists because whites overrule the colored workers.”
Mr. Booker T. Washington advocates the cause of the race from an industrial point of view. His idea is valuable, and a condition to which many must concede, if high attainments in laborious circles are sought for. While Mr. Washington opens this channel, his labors must be preceded by a successful surveyor, so that the grounded implements may be put in action. “Why stand ye here all the day idle?” will not then be asked. Give positions suitable to the accomplishment of the colored men and women, boys and girls, and do away with Discrimination and Imposition of Injustice upon them. And then “let them alone.”
Bishop Benjamin F. Lee stands foremost in the educational career, but always connects “work” with his platform. He is not satisfied with having filled the souls of men with the glorious tidings of the truth, but may very appropriately be called the “surveyor” for the physical wants of the people.
As to colored school teachers, etc., wages have been arranged to a low price. Some second grade teachers receiving from 25 dollars to 30 dollars per month; while some 3rd grade teachers receive a stipulated salary of from 10 to 15 dollars per month. Such a reduction in these cases can only be attributed to the unfair basis upon which the Boards of Education conduct the matters to favor their people and impede the progress of the colored race.
CHAPTER V.
“THE JIM CROW CAR.”
The titles—Porters—Baggage-men—Coleman on the “G. P.” 1892—Mississippi Delta.
Thus far we have seen that mal-treatment, deception in court, murdering, etc., are associated with the “Jim Crow Car,” for the title itself means fraud—and all debauchery and injustice meted out to the colored race are material in the “Jim Crow Car.” If we are to see the state of things as they are in various parts of the world, we are generally conveyed by “the train,” as a preference when it is serviceable. In countries where there is no R. R. locomotives, the stages of higher civilization have not yet been reached. The first thing therefore, right or wrong, coming under our notice by the way, is on the “front.”
The car in which the colored people are forced to ride is not marked “Jim Crow Car.” Most every R. R. line has a different mark. As a rule “Colored” just over the entrance is marked on the cars designed for the colored people on the majority of roads. Other marks are: “For Colored People,” “For Africans,” (L. R. & M. R. R.) “Negroes,” etc. Regular colored passengers are so well acquainted with the style and inferiority of their car, it is hardly necessary to read the sign. Carthage, Miss., is the county seat of Leake County, and 31 miles from the railroad lines. Many of its inhabitants have never seen a train. Nevertheless, most of the colored citizens have heard that the train is a pretty thing, but the colored folks must pay as much to ride as white passengers, and yet occupy an awful “Jim Crow Car.”
Two colored men having decided to go off, came to Goodman to “take” the train. When the train arrived that they desired, the smoke prevented them from seeing the “colored” car near the engine. The colored passengers stood quite a distance from the site, refusing to board it, from the very reason that they feared the smoke. They admired the cars for white passengers. Although they had purchased their tickets, they decided to wait for the colored car to come along. After the train made its departure from the station, the two passengers went in hiding, being afraid that they would be arrested for not going up to the engine to get the car. Shortly a freight run in, and the two passengers fully concluded “that must be that ‘Jim Crow Car’ for the colored folks that we have heard so much talk about.” With this idea they aimed to board it, when they were considered intruders, and were driven back to their homes.