CHAPTER XVII.
CATHOLICISM AT GENEVA.—MARRIAGE OF CALVIN AT STRASBURG.
(End of 1539–1540.)
RESULTS OF CALVIN’S LETTER.
The results of Calvin’s letter to Cardinal Sadoleto, and perhaps to some extent of his relations with Caroli, were not slow to appear. Henceforward the Catholics had little hope of regaining the ascendency at Geneva. Some of them had previously dreamed of this. ‘At this time,’ says the chronicler Rozet, ‘the priests lifted up the horn, talking about the mass.’[806] It was believed that some priests who had retired to the convents of Savoy had received orders to return into the territory of the republic, for the purpose of re-establishing the Romish worship. It may have been so; but all that appears from the statement of Rozet is that certain priests, who had dwelt either in the town or in the country, began at this time to defy the prohibitions of the council and to say mass. The magistrate resolved to oppose this recrudescence of Catholicism, and it is probable that this was partly in consequence of Calvin’s letter. The priests who were really taking active steps were doubtless few in number; but the council adopted a general measure, and ordered that all the Catholic ecclesiastics who were on their territory should appear before them on December 23 (1539). It was further ordered that all those who alleged that the mass is good, and should not be able to maintain this assertion after conference with the pastors, should be sent away to the place where mass is sung (là où on la chante). ‘The tranquillity and security of the state,’ says an historian, ‘did not permit them to tolerate any other religion than that which had been established by the evangelical Reformation.’[807] Thirty-three priests made their appearance, in great alarm, at the Hôtel de Ville, and they did little honor to their doctrine. The thought that if they declared that the mass was good they would be banished, doubtless contributed to disincline them to it. Each of them was interrogated, and the following are their answers. ‘Thomas Genoud!’ cried the secretary. The priest replied, ‘The mass is wicked.’ Eight of his associates made the same answer pure and simple. Others declared themselves likewise against this act of worship, but added a few words. Ami Messier being called, said, ‘I wish to live and die with Messieurs’ (members of the council); ‘I have not studied, but I believe the mass to be wicked.’ Jean Cottand: ‘It is of no value.’ Guillaume Vellès: ‘I never believed in it.’ Don Propositi (Prevost): ‘It is good if Messieurs think it good; bad if Messieurs think it bad. For the rest I am not a clerk, and finally ... it is wicked.’ Higher respect for the magistrate it was not possible to show. Don Amici and his brother: ‘At the good pleasure of Messieurs.’ The spirit of accommodation could go no further. The priest Ramel: ‘It is wicked; otherwise I should not have married.’ Claude de Lolme: ‘Wicked.’ Jean Hugonier: ‘I should not have married if I believed it good.’ Guillaume Marchand and Maurice de la Rue: ‘The mass is nothing worth, nor those who wish to uphold it.’ Louis Bernard and Th. Collier: ‘Wicked.’ Some of them emphasized their condemnation more strongly. Jacques l’Hoste: ‘The devil take it, for that’s all it’s fit for.’ Jean Louis Nicolas: ‘It is abominable.’ Jean Sorel: ‘It is the abhorrence of all the world, and wicked.’
THE PRIESTS BEFORE THE COUNCIL.
Others were not so flippant, nor so ready to denounce their former faith without embarrassment or constraint. Guillaume Maniglier said, ‘Neither good nor bad.’ Rodet Villanel said, ‘On my conscience, I could not swear; but I esteem it as Messieurs do.’ Jean Volland: ‘I am an inexperienced person, and ignorant of the matter. Since the learned are at variance about it, I can not judge.’ Thomas Vandel: ‘I do not know.’ Pierre Bothy: ‘Alas! I could not say whether it is good or wicked; but I have not said mass since it was prohibited.’ Antoine Alliod made his reservations, and they were not bad: ‘I renounce it, saving the Pater and the Credo, the Epistle and the Gospel.’ Etienne de la Maisonneuve alone uttered a Christian sentiment: ‘The mass must be wicked, for Jesus Christ has made the true redemption.’ Only one of them entirely declined to condemn the mass, and still he did it prudently. Pierre Papaz said, ‘I never called it wicked.’[808]
These were strange declarations, and the council, who expected to find the clerks refractory, were extraordinarily surprised to hear them. It was a complete breakdown. Compare all these priests, without faith and without principle, with the reformers, men so noble and so courageous, and it is easy to see to which side victory ought to belong. There was barely one of the clerks, Papaz, who could be suspected of having a wish to re-establish Catholicism. It is true that ten of those who had been summoned did not present themselves; probably those who had been the cause of the summons by the council. These men doubtless quitted the territory without delay, and without waiting for an order to do so.
There was, however, one man who exhibited a character rather more honorable, but he was a layman. On the very benches of the council, of which he was a member, sat at that time ‘a papist of great influence and reputation,’ says Rozet. This was the former syndic Balard. The president, wishing to show no respect of persons, invited him likewise to declare whether the mass was good or bad. ‘If I, Balard,’ replied he, ‘knew certainly that the mass was good or bad, I should need no pressing to say so, but as I do not know with certainty I ought not to judge rashly, and you ought not to advise me to do so. I am resolved heartily to believe all the articles of our faith, just as the town believes them. I wish my body to be united with the body of the city,[809] as becomes a loyal citizen. You ask me whether the mass is good or bad; I reply that I believe in the Holy Spirit, in the holy universal Church, and as they believe it I believe it.’
EX-SYNDIC BALARD.
This answer, which Balard gave in writing, did not satisfy the council, which requested him again to say if the mass was bad, yes or no. ‘I mean to live according to the gospel,’ replied he, ‘and to believe in the Holy Spirit and the Church universal, and I cannot answer as to what I do not know.’ This reply caused a great commotion. The councillors were shocked and indignant that one of their members should obstinately refuse to make the declaration which some priests themselves had made, and should doubt of that which the council asserted. It was resolved that Balard should be expelled the council, and that he and his family should be compelled to leave the town and its territories in ten days. The usher carried this decree to him. Balard appeared the next day before the Council of the Two Hundred, the decree needing confirmation by this body. The sentence had produced some effect on him. He said, ‘Since it is the wish of the two councils that I should say that the mass is bad, I say that the mass is bad.’ Then, as if to satisfy his conscience, he added, ‘And as for me, I am worse still to judge rashly of that which I do not know. So I cry to God for mercy, and I renounce Satan and all his works.’ At bottom the second speech of Balard was a retractation of the first, since he added that he did not know what he had just asserted. The reply was somewhat ambiguous. But who could hear without emotion the cry ‘God have mercy on me!’ which the honest syndic immediately uttered?
The next day (December 26) Balard had to appear once more. He now laid down his arms, and said simply and categorically that the mass was bad. After this he resumed his seat in the council. He did therefore as the priests had done, only after having several times repeated previously that he could not assert what he did now assert. The excuse offered for him is doubtless that political interests demanded this declaration. But the truth is too precious to be made a sacrifice to political interests.
If the cause of Catholicism was declining, that of the reformer was rising. In the course of March 1540 his friends wrote to him that he might now return to Geneva. But he trembled at the thought of again embarking on that troubled sea. ‘I had rather die a hundred times elsewhere,’ he wrote to Farel, ‘than place myself on that cross on which I should have to bear death a thousand times a day.[810] Oppose with all your power the projects of those who will strive to get me back to Geneva.’ Two months later, Viret, who ardently desired to see Calvin resume a task of which he felt the importance, put forward a pretext to draw him back to Geneva, and, expressing anxiety about the health of his friend, who was really suffering from severe pains in the head, conjured him to come to Geneva, as the air of the place would be likely to strengthen him. ‘I could not refrain from smiling,’ Calvin replied to him, ‘on reading that passage of thy letter. Thou wishest me to go to Geneva for the sake of being in good health; why not rather say, Hang thyself on the gallows? Better perish once for all than be again in that place where I should be put to the torture without ceasing.[811] If thou wishest well to me, my dear Viret, pray do not make this proposal again.’
CALVIN’S HOUSEHOLD TROUBLES.
It must be told that at this period Calvin was taken up with a quite different matter. He was now nine-and-twenty, and was thinking of marriage. His home left much to be wished for. His servant was a foolish, hotheaded woman, quick to utter insults, and sparing neither her master nor those who came to see him. One day she spoke to Calvin’s brother with so much impertinence that Anthony, unable to endure it, went quietly out of the house, without anger; but declared that he would not enter it again so long as that woman was in it. Calvin was much grieved about it, and the servant-mistress, observing him, said, ‘Well, I’m going too,’ and quitted him.[812] It has been supposed that Calvin’s nature drew him rather towards relations of friendship with the brethren, the learned, and colleagues such as Farel, Viret, Grynæus, Beza, and others, than to married life. If he had contended against celibacy, he had not been in a hurry to escape from it; nay, he even made a boast of it, saying, ‘People will not charge me with having assailed Rome, as the Greeks besieged Troy, for the sake of a woman.’ Doubtless, in wishing to marry he had above all before him these words of the first pages of the Bible: It is not good for the man to be alone; I will make him an help meet for him. He wished, as he said himself, to be freed from the petty worries of life, to the end that he might be able the better to apply himself to the service of the Lord.[813] His friends seem to have been at this time busying themselves more than he did about finding him a partner, and their object seems to have been to rid him thus of the irksomeness of housekeeping, for which he had little relish. But all that we know of Calvin’s sentiments, and of his life with his wife, makes it plain that he saw in marriage something far higher than the management of a household. ‘It is a thing against nature,’ he said, ‘that anyone should not love his wife, for God has ordained marriage in order that of two there may be made one, one person; a result which, certainly, no other alliance can bring about. When Moses says that a man shall leave father and mother and cleave unto his wife, he shows that a man ought to prefer marriage to every other union, as being the holiest of all.’[814] It has been said that Calvin made a mariage de raison. This seems to me doubtful, and every thing indicates at least that when once married he had a genuine affection for his wife. There was in him a lofty intellect, a sublime genius, but also that love of kindred, those affections of the heart, which complete the great man.
As early as February 1539, Calvin’s friends at Strasburg wished him to marry. He wrote himself to Farel that the lady would arrive shortly after Easter, and expressed a wish to see him present to bless the union. This marriage did not take place. Could it be because Calvin did not find in that unknown lady the qualities which he sought for? This appears probable from the circumstance that two or three months later the ardent and energetic Farel, still unmarried though much older than his friend, having made him another overture, the young doctor stated to him what virtues he wished to find in a wife. ‘I am not,’ said he, ‘one of that mad kind of lovers who, when once they are smitten with the beauty of a woman, are ready at the same time to dote foolishly on her faults.[815] The only beauty which charms me in a woman is chastity, modesty, submission, economy, patience, and the inclination to be careful for the health of her husband. If then thou thinkest that she of whom thou speakest possesses these qualities, follow up the matter; but if thou dost not think so, say no more of it.’ In fact, nothing more was said of it. Farel had not been fortunate.
MARRIAGE PROJECTS.
Among the connections of Calvin at Strasburg there was a German patrician or noble, a very pious man, who felt the warmest affection for Calvin and recognized him as a great man. The thought occurred to him of marrying Calvin to his sister; and his wife, who likewise had the highest opinion of the reformer, supported her husband with all her influence. The young lady, Calvin said himself, was above him in rank, and few men would have rejected so flattering a proposal. But the rich dower did not allure the reformer, poor as he was. It was indeed the very brilliancy of the match that made him hesitate. The young maiden, who was probably not pious like her brother, was more struck with Calvin’s mean appearance than with his high qualities, and was by no means eager to yield to her brother’s wishes. Calvin perceived this. He was afraid that the noble maiden would not easily forget her rank and her education. He was also very sensitive on another point. The wealthy young lady did not understand French. In this circumstance he saw a way of escape without offence to the brother and sister-in-law, and he told her brother, who appeared inclined to press him unduly in the matter, that he required above all that the young lady should undertake to learn the French language. She asked for time to consider of it. The scheme failed, and Calvin, anxious to put an end to the solicitations of the brother, thought of another person who was highly spoken of, but whose qualifications seem not to have answered to her high reputation. Calvin certainly wished to marry, but it must be with a Christian woman. He thought of it frequently. During one of the journeys which he made into Germany on religious affairs, sitting one day at table with a few friends, one of whom was Melanchthon, the young French doctor was dreamy and absent. ‘Our theologian,’ said the friend of Luther, ‘is evidently thinking of marrying.’[816] The difficulty that he experienced in finding such a wife as he wished for speaks in his favor, and shows how much he thought of moral qualities. He was, however, saddened and distressed about it. He questioned with himself whether it would not be better to give up all thought of marrying. This man, to whom it is the fashion to attribute a heart so dry, so hard, shows us by his very sufferings, which were soon succeeded by great joy, what wealth of true feeling and of tender affection lay in his heart. But it was precisely at the time when he nearly despaired that he found what he was longing for.
IDELETTE DE BURE.
There was at that time at Strasburg a pious, grave, and virtuous woman, living in retirement, esteemed by all who knew her, and particularly by Bucer; a most choice woman, says Theodore Beza.[817] She came from Liége and her name was Idelette de Bure. Lambert de Bure, probably one of her kinsfolk, had been banished from Liége in 1533, with six other citizens, because they professed the Gospel.[818] It is known that Liége was among those cities of the Netherlands in which the awakening had been most remarkable. Idelette was a widow. Her husband, Jean Storder, had been amongst the number of those who called themselves Spirituals. Bucer, it appears, had introduced Calvin to the family, in the hope, doubtless, of enlightening Storder. Calvin had held private conversations with him, and the Belgian had been converted to the true Gospel by the ministry of the reformer. Idelette had probably also been converted at the same period. The like change was wrought in many of their fellow-religionists. ‘He had the happiness of bringing to the faith a very large number who were directed to him from all quarters,’[819] and amongst others an ex-abbé named Paul Volse, to whom Erasmus had dedicated, in 1518, his Chevalier Chrétien, and who was a minister at Strasburg. Idelette paid to her children all the attention of the tenderest mother, and at the same time administered consolation to those who were in affliction. Calvin had observed in her a deep-seated faith, an affection full of devotedness, and a Christian courage which enabled her to face all the perils to which the confession of Jesus Christ at that time exposed her. This distinguished woman, as Theodore Beza calls her, was exactly such a one as Calvin wanted. Unfortunately there was one thing which was wanting to her, as also to Calvin—good health. But the soul of Idelette was prospering; and the reformer asked for her hand.
The nuptials were celebrated about the end of August 1540, with a certain solemnity. Calvin’s friends, and they were many, testified their sympathy with him. Some deputies even came from Neuchâtel to attend the marriage. The friends of the bridegroom in France likewise took part on the occasion. ‘The tidings of thy marriage,’ wrote one of his old fellow students at the university of Bourges, ‘was very pleasant to us. As thou hast found according to thy wish an upright and faithful wife, endowed with the virtues to which thou attachest so much value, we hope that this union will be a source of happiness to thee.’ It was so. From the beginning of his married life Calvin felt happy in having a faithful companion who served the Lord with him, who loved her husband, and sought to make life peaceful and sweet to him. The happiness which Calvin enjoyed at this time Idelette gave him to the last. He prized ever more and more highly the treasure which God had intrusted to him. He called Idelette ‘the excellent companion of my life,[820] the ever-faithful assistant of my ministry.’ ‘Never,’ adds he, ‘did she throw the least hindrance in my way.’ Her greatness of soul filled him with admiration.[821] He understood well that saying of the Bible, that a wise woman is a crown to her husband, and that whoso findeth a wife findeth a good thing and obtaineth favor of the Lord.
Catherine von Bora and Idelette de Bure, the wives of the two great reformers, eminent women, whose surnames are nearly alike, were not alike in person or in character. There was also a marked difference in the way in which their husbands spoke of them. Catherine is frequently mentioned in Luther’s letters to his friends, often, it is true, with a touch of archness. Sometimes he calls her Herr Kathe. Calvin, on the contrary, seldom speaks of Idelette. We may say indeed that Calvin in his letters, as in his life, was always swayed by one sovereign thought, to which all others had to yield: the work of God, the glory of Jesus Christ, this was the aim of his life. All that concerned his mere personal existence and his domestic circumstances was eclipsed by Jesus Christ, that sun of righteousness which he delighted to contemplate and exalt. There is however another explanation of the fact. What Calvin most highly prized in Idelette was ‘the hidden man of the heart, the incorruptibility of a meek and quiet spirit,’ her modesty. ‘Nothing is more becoming to women than a meek and peaceful spirit,’ he said; ‘we know what kind of creature a bold and obstinate woman is, who, from pride, vanity, and wantonness, is fond of showing herself off. Happy is the woman whose style of dress is modest, who does not go gadding about the streets, but keeps the house because of her love to her husband and her children.’ Calvin being happy, and feeling respect for the modesty and humility that he found in Idelette, no more thought of speaking of her in his letters than of seeing her gadding about the streets.
ASSEMBLY AT HAGENAU.
Happy both in this Christian union and in the sphere of action which opened before him at Strasburg and in Germany, Calvin thought less than ever of returning to Geneva. In fact his intercourse with Germany became more frequent. In June 1540, in accordance with the decision come to at Frankfort, a new assembly was held at Hagenau in Alsace, at which the doctors of the two parties were to seek a good basis of agreement. The Protestant princes, summoned too late, were not present, but their envoys and theologians came. Calvin went, ‘by way of rest,’ he says, as if for relaxation. He was rejoiced to see the Protestant doctors ‘thoroughly united together.’ They held several consultations among themselves on the way to establish discipline in the Church. This was doubtless at Calvin’s instigation. ‘This will be,’ said he, ‘the most weighty subject for our consideration.’ As Luther, Melanchthon, and other doctors were absent as well as the princes, nothing was done; ‘but each one promised to exert himself to the end that at some meeting attention should be paid to it.’ Cruciger, a colleague of Luther and Melanchthon, who was present at Hagenau, was astonished at the knowledge and activity of Calvin. In fact, nothing that concerned the evangelical cause escaped him. He perceived distinctly the contrivances of politicians. ‘Our adversaries,’ he said, ‘wish to extend their league and to weaken ours, but God will avert that misfortune. Our friends seek the enlargement of the kingdom of Christ, and will not give way. Some Catholics desire nothing but war, and the pope has caused 300,000 ducats to be offered to begin it. The emperor,’ he thinks, ‘would like nothing better than to crush the forces of Germany, in order to subdue it with greater ease. But on the one side the emperor is so involved that he dare not undertake a war, and on the other all the electors wish to have things quietly settled.’ If Calvin were not particularly pleased with the pope, he was pleased with the archbishops. The following passage is striking enough for quotation: ‘The Archbishops of Mayence and Treves love peace and the liberties of the country, and they think that they would be lost if the emperor had subdued us.’ This shows in Calvin a fair temper, a man free from prejudice.[822] ‘The Archbishop of Cologne is not among the worst,’ says he, ‘for he knows that the Church ought to be reformed, and sees clearly that we are superior in respect of truth.’
CHAPTER XVIII.
GENEVA.—DISSENSION AND SEVERITY.
(1540.)
At the same time that Calvin’s reputation was rising in other countries, the judgment formed at Geneva of the men who had compelled him to quit the town was daily becoming more unfavorable, and ere long opinion was altogether opposed to them. ‘The time was come,’ says Theodore Beza, ‘when the Lord had determined to have pity on the Church of Geneva.’[823]
BERNE AND GENEVA.
When, in 1536, the Bernese had repulsed the troops of Savoy and insured the independence of Geneva, an arrangement was effected between these two states respecting five or six villages belonging to the priory of St. Victor, of which Bonivard had been the last prior. Geneva had claimed the sovereignty, and had conceded to Berne the rights of ancient custom which had belonged to Savoy. The treaty not being sufficiently clear, the Bernese claimed prerogatives which the Genevese disputed with them. Consequently, on March 6, 1539, the council of Geneva sent to Berne Ami de Chapeaurouge, Jean Lullin and Monathon, all three of them opponents of Calvin. The first two had indeed been syndics in 1538, and as such had taken the lead in the banishment of the reformers. They were to settle the matters in dispute, but ‘without infringing on the franchises of the town or on the treaty of 1536.’ These delegates signed at Berne, on March 30, a treaty comprising twenty-one articles, ‘the most part of which,’ says the syndic Gautier, who is moderate in his account, ‘were humiliating to the Genevese, and deprived them of their rights over those territories.’ The first article of the treaty said in fact, ‘To us of Berne the chief lordship, that is to say, the sovereignty over men and goods, is entirely to belong.’ The three Genevese were far less clever as politicians than the Bernese, and we prefer to attribute their error to their inferior diplomatic skill rather than to treason. On their return to Geneva they merely reported to the council ‘that they had done their work well (avaient bien besogné), and that the contract entered into would shortly be brought to Berne.’ It was strange that these plenipotentiaries not only should not present the treaty, but still more should not state viva voce what it contained. ‘As they had trifled with the orders which they had received,’ says Gautier, ‘they were afraid of being completely ruined if they gave an exact account of their management, and they hoped by delaying the matter to obliterate the recollections of what might be criminal in their proceedings.’[824] They reckoned among the members of the council many of their kinsfolk and friends. Their word was taken. These three councillors, the signatories of the articles, were consequently called the Articulants; and the people, adopting a word almost the same in sound and more familiar to them, called them the Artichauts (Artichokes). This designation was extended to the whole party opposed to Calvin, which was at this time in the ascendency.[825]
About two months later a Bernese bailli (De Thiez) having caused a man belonging to the estates of St. Victor to be put to the torture, the council of Geneva complained of it, and the bailli immediately justified himself by appealing from them to the treaty concluded at Berne. The Genevese magistrates, who were not acquainted with it, sent Monathon to procure it. He brought it back, but it was in German! The document was returned, in order to be translated into French; and when the articles were at last read in the council many murmured, and said that most of those points were contrary to the rights and the prerogatives of the town. The three deputies justified themselves by asserting that this document was not the one which they had signed. This statement was credited. The council declared that it did not accept the paper, and decreed that the three articulants should return to Berne to demand explanations. But in vain did the two councils implore and even command Lullin to go; he declared that he would sooner quit the town than consent to be a delegate to Berne. He had private reasons for not having a mind to this mission. Three other notables were associated with De Chapeaurouge and Monathon. The two articulants represented to the Bernese that they had not heard the articles couched in such terms. But the Bernese replied that it was the genuine treaty, and that they would have the council of Geneva cited before judges charged to investigate the difficulties existing between the two towns, in order to get it condemned to sign and seal the treaty. Lambert, one of the deputies who had accompanied Monathon and De Chapeaurouge to Berne, heard, in a conversation with some people of the town, that at the time of drawing them up, Jean Lullin had consented to the articles in German, and had got them passed by his colleagues without telling them in French what they contained. From this one must infer that Jean Lullin, the only one of the three who knew German, remained responsible. The other two, however, still lay under the imputation, it must be confessed, of incredible thoughtlessness. On April 6 the deputies made their report to the council.
QUARREL ABOUT THE TREATY.
The Bernese, sure of their case, continued to enforce their rights of sovereignty, and took pleasure in annoying the Genevese in various ways. They even carried their ill-will to the length of cruelty. Two murderers, subjects of St. Victor, having been condemned by the Genevese magistrates to be beheaded, the Bernese bailli substituted the rack, and sent to Geneva the executioner’s bill to be paid. Discontent with the government party was increasing from day to day. People said that the treaty made at Berne was an act of treason. Was it possible that after having ruined religion by expelling Farel and Calvin, the same party should ruin the state as well, by sacrificing its most precious rights? Some went farther still. Bonnet, a member of the Two Hundred, exclaimed, ‘The council mean to deliver up the town to the lords of Berne.’ For this rash speech he was put in prison.[826] But it served to increase the prevailing irritation. Many members of the Two Hundred, among whom was Claude Bonna, declared to that council that they would never allow the articles drawn up at Berne to receive the seal of the republic. The matter at stake was the maintenance of the honor of Geneva, her pre-eminence and the justice of her cause, perhaps of her very existence. The friends of Calvin declared that the powerful town of Berne should not trample their country under foot. The opposition to the government had become so strong that, in the sitting of August 25, all the members of the Two Hundred cried unanimously, ‘We will not submit to these articles, considering that they are opposed to our liberties, our franchises, and our good customs.’[827]
The Bernese, annoyed and irritated by the constant refusals of Geneva, announced at the beginning of January 1540 that, having an authentic document, they summoned their allies of Geneva to Lausanne, for the 29th of the month, in order that the cause might be decided by judges, two from each town. Geneva, on the 21st, named De la Rive and Gerbel to go to Lausanne with five assistants. On the 25th the general council rejected the treaty, prohibited the deputies from accepting a judicial decision, and ordered them to say to the Bernese that the people would set fire to the city rather than accept the articles. Matters got worse and worse. Berne was inflexible. On the 26th, at nine o’clock in the evening, a Genevese, Béguin, arrived at full speed from Lausanne with important despatches. The general council, assembled on the following day, was greatly excited by them. They caused the three articulants to be arrested, and Béguin was instructed to inform the Bernese. But the latter commanded their judges to proceed, and the Genevese were condemned for contumacy to seal the treaty and to pay the costs. The gravity of the situation was at length understood at Geneva. The very day, January 27, on which the judgment was delivered at Lausanne, the general council, suddenly convoked by the tones of the great bell at one o’clock in the morning, had decreed that the deputies should sit as judges. But when this news arrived sentence was already given. They had dispensed with the Genevese.
INDIGNATION AT GENEVA.
Great was the consternation at Geneva. On Sunday, February 1, it was resolved to close all dissension at home by a general reconciliation, in token of which the citizens took each other by the hand. Chapeaurouge, Lullin, and Monathon were set at liberty on giving bail, and Jean Philippe was named captain-general. This internal peace, brought about by the war with which they were menaced from without, was solemnized by a procession of the people to the sound of the drum through the whole town. The ministers urged the appointment of a day of prayer to celebrate and confirm the reconciliation. But this peace was not rooted in the depth of their hearts. ‘Nevertheless,’ says Rozet, ‘people still heard talk of several fights in the town,’ and the son of the captain-general killed a citizen. The more violent men, when they saw the dangers to which the treason or the thoughtlessness of the articulants exposed them, exclaimed, ‘Cut off their heads, pack them all three in one trunk, and send them to Berne.’[828]
‘Meanwhile,’ says a contemporary biographer, ‘the Lord was about to execute his judgments at Geneva in expressly punishing those who while they were syndics had been the cause of driving away Farel and Calvin.’[829] The councillor De Watteville, De Diesbach, and De Graffenried, deputies of Berne, on April 16, declared to the Two Hundred that the Bernese wished nothing so much as to give pleasure to Geneva, and that, without taking advantage of the sentence pronounced at Lausanne, they offered to discuss the affair anew. The general council having been convoked on April 25 to decide the matter, no way was found of coming to an understanding. These interminable disputes with Berne (it took years to settle the question) had aroused the anger of the Genevese against the articulants who were the cause of them. They believed these men to be more culpable than they really were. The assembly was in violent agitation. Groups were formed, and transports of wrath burst forth. ‘Justice! justice on the traitors!’ they cried. They demanded that, before any deliberation, these deputies should be again committed to prison. The three culprits were themselves present in the council. The captain-general, Jean Philippe, going up to them advised them in a whisper to go out instantly and make their escape. The Little Council ordered their immediate incarceration. They had signed the undertaking to appear when called for; but overcome with fright, they disguised themselves and quitted the town in great haste, thus violating the pledge which they had given. When the lieutenant went to their homes to arrest them, they had disappeared. The tidings were at once carried to the general council. ‘Let them be summoned to appear by sound of trumpet,’ said a citizen, ‘and let seals be affixed on their houses.’ ‘Yes! yes!’ cried the people; ‘so be it!’ The assembly of the people being dissolved, a great concourse of citizens surrounded the town hall and demanded justice with loud voices. The public crier, traversing the streets, summoned the three deputies to appear in three hours, in default of which they would be immediately brought to trial. The Bernese having expressed to the council their astonishment that this citation had been made without a word said to them about it; ‘Ah!’ was the reply, ‘if we are slow to execute the decision of the general council, the people will fall on us!’ The general irritation extended at the same time to the pastors who had taken the place of Farel and Calvin. These men were alarmed at it, and, on April 30, presenting themselves before the council, they made a statement of the reproaches which were heaped on them, and requested their discharge. After turning away from the reformers, people were now turning to them again. ‘At this time,’ says Rozet, a poor woman, a foreigner, went about the town crying, What God keeps is well kept.’[830]
The three fugitives having been summoned with sound of trumpet, for three days in succession, and failing to appear, the solicitor-general presented their indictment in seventy-four counts. Thirty-two witnesses made their depositions; and on June 5 De Chapeaurouge, Lullin, and Monathon, were condemned by default to be beheaded, as forgers and rebels, who had been the cause and might again be the cause of great evils to the state. Capital punishment was readily inflicted in the sixteenth century; but the accused had fled, and it was a long way from the sentence to the execution.
JEAN PHILIPPE.
The party which was favorable to the three articulants and hostile to the reformers continued to exist in Geneva, and had for its chief a capable man, the captain-general Jean Philippe, who was syndic in 1538, with Jean Lullin and Ami de Chapeaurouge. These three men, with the violent Richardet, had, as we have seen, got Farel and Calvin banished, and after having done much harm to the Church, had not hesitated to involve the state in the most cruel perplexities. Jean Philippe, by his violence, was on the point of still further increasing the troubles of the city. ‘A rich man, and not niggardly,’ says Bonivard, ‘he was very liberal to his comrades, especially those of the sword; and this made him beloved of all. A man of courage for action, he was not prudent in his projects, and he no more hesitated to risk his person than his purse. Imprudent and impudent, hasty to believe, slow to disbelieve, as soon as any hectoring fellow, among those whom he thought fit for the battle, made a report to him, he believed it. And he was hard to be undeceived because he had not capacity for appreciating a sound reason; and this caused him to do many rash things.’ Such was the man who had at his beck the party which, after having been supreme in Geneva, had just received so severe a check. Jean Philippe could not, without annoyance, see the sentence carried out against his colleagues; and he understood that the result of it must be the ruin of his whole party, unless he succeeded in arresting the course of the popular torrent which was now rushing in a direction opposed to them. Discontented and murmuring against those who had obliged Lullin and De Chapeaurouge to take flight, he was a prey to the bitterest apprehensions. After the sentence, Philippe and his adherents ‘banded themselves together,’ says Bonivard, ‘and waited for an opportunity of vengeance and of reinstating the three in their former honors. Their party, in defiance of their opponents, held banquets in the public places. After all this thunder there must needs be rain, hail, and fall of thunderbolts, to clear the sky.’ The storm indeed did not fail to burst forth.
A RIOT.
A phenomenon was at this time visible at Geneva which has been produced in almost all nations; the conquerors were divided amongst themselves. The party which in 1538 had banished the reformers was divided into two. The more fiery minds were for pushing their victory to an extreme, the more discreet, on the other hand, slackened their pace and restrained their passions. The impetuous young men of Geneva were irritated at seeing the leaders under whom they had fought condemned to death and fugitives. On the day after their condemnation, Sunday, June 16, many Genevese, according to custom, were assembled on the plain of Plainpalais, situated at the gates of the town, and were practising archery. Some of them meeting Jean Philippe and his friends, shouted at them, ‘Artichokes!’ It will not be forgotten that this was the popular nickname given to the articulants. This little word did a great deal of mischief. ‘The tongue,’ says Calvin, ‘carries a man away and sweeps him along like a flood, just as wild unbroken horses whirl along a chariot with such force and swiftness that nothing can stop it.’ This is what now occurred at Geneva. The nickname greatly annoyed the captain-general, and he swore to take vengeance. ‘There are three hundred of us who will one day arise and hamstring so many of these evangelists and Lutherans that it shall be a thing never to be forgotten.’ This saying was attributed to him, but he afterwards denied it. The captain-general, on returning from Plainpalais, went to sup with some of his friends at the hotel de l’Ange; while other adherents of his were eating and drinking at his expense at the hotel du Brochet. Some of them, after leaving the table, met some citizens of the opposite party on the bridge over the Rhone. ‘Nothing more than hard words passed between them,’ says Bonivard, ‘with the exception of Jean Philippe, who seized a halberd, and, as though he were out of his mind, without distinguishing friend from foe, struck blows right and left, and wounded two or three persons.’ Then this fierce partisan crossed the Rhone to go to St. Gervais, where most of his familiar associates lived. He summoned and got them together, a grave proceeding for a captain-general, and passing the bridge with them, reached the square of La Fusterie. There he found a large body of his adversaries. A conflict began. Jean Philippe struck other blows. ‘With the point of his halberd he wounded one Jean d’Abères in the breast,’ says Bonivard, ‘so seriously that he had to be carried to his house.’ One Jean de Lesclefs gave with his partisan a blow on the head to Ami Perrin, ‘a citizen,’ says Bonivard, ‘who was fond of being splendidly attired and of good living, and who at this time belonged to the party of honest men.’ Claude of Geneva, a friend of Perrin, discharged a pistol at Lesclefs, and the shot entering near the heart killed him. The captain-general, repulsed, withdrew to his own house with his adherents, who kept firing their arquebuses from within. The syndic Philippin, wishing to allay the disturbance, was wounded by these men, and a servant of one of their own number, putting his head out at the window, was also struck. It was very generally believed that the captain-general had formed a conspiracy to upset the government which had just condemned his friends. It is difficult to decide. We may, however, suppose that it was a riot rather than a conspiracy.[831]
At nine o’clock in the evening of the same day the council convoked the Two Hundred, and gave orders to guard the town-gates to prevent the flight of the culprits. The next day, at five in the morning, the Council of the Two Hundred held a sitting, gave orders that the citizens should assemble in arms before the town-house to support their decisions, and commanded the officers of justice to go to the house of the captain-general to arrest him and all who should be with him. But Jean Philippe, well aware that the position of a commander-in-chief of the Genevese militia, who placed himself in open and armed revolt against the government, was a very grave one, had quitted his house, escaped by the roofs, and thus reached the hostelry of the Tour Perce, which belonged to a brother of Lullin. As the agents of the council did not find him either at home or elsewhere, proclamation was made in the town with sound of trumpet, that whosoever might know where he was, was to disclose it. The magistrate was informed, it is not known by whom, that the captain-general was concealed in the Tour Perce. ‘At once everybody was off thither,’ says Bonivard; ‘then they searched for Philippe from cellar to garret, and he was at last found lying in the stable under the hay.’ They led him immediately to the syndics, who were waiting for him at the door. They had him seized by the guards and taken to the Evêché (a prison). But it was effected with great difficulty, for it was all that the guards with their halberds and the syndics with their bâtons could do to prevent the people from killing him in their hands. ‘Here we may see an instance,’ adds the prisoner of Chillon, ‘of the trust we should place in a people.’[832]
TRIAL OF JEAN PHILIPPE.
The witnesses were heard, and Jean Philippe underwent an examination on the criminal acts with which he stood charged. These acts were proved and he confessed them. The whole town was stirred. The people cried aloud for justice and said ‘that they would do execution on the murderers if the tribunals failed to do it. The preachers themselves exhorted to pray and to execute justice.’[833] A scene at once pathetic and terrible occurred to raise still higher the general excitement. Jean d’Abères having sunk under his wounds, ‘his wife caused the body of her husband to be carried on a bench to the front of the town-house, and accompanied it crying incessantly, Justice! justice! justice! weeping and smiting herself.’[834] Her children were round her, weeping and crying out as she did. A dead body, and especially the body of a husband and father, surrounded by those who loved him, has always great power to touch the heart. The solicitor-general presented his bill of indictment. It set forth that Jean Philippe ‘had always been esteemed a seditious man, who had been accustomed to gather round him all the restless spirits; that he had assembled them on the previous Sunday, taking up arms against the city of Geneva; that in order to accomplish his murderous intentions he had placed armed men in his house; that he was a murderer and voluntary homicide, his hands dyed with blood; that out of the fulness of his heart he had uttered these words or the like of them, ‘I will kill so many people that I shall be surfeited.’ The solicitor-general moved in conclusion that the council should execute justice immediately, ‘as shameless and tumultuous proceedings and horrid enterprises, and in the same manner as in cases of high treason.’ Sentence was pronounced by the syndic Etienne de Chapeaurouge, nephew of one of the fugitives. Philippe was condemned ‘to have his head severed from shoulders till the soul was separated from the body.’ The execution took place the same day. De Chapeaurouge, after having pronounced sentence, absented himself from the council, and one or two others likewise withdrew.
Thus, of the four syndics who had decreed the banishment of Farel and Calvin, two had been condemned as forgers and rebels, and a third had just been executed as a mover of sedition and a homicide. There remained the fourth of them, Richardet. He had united force with ridicule, and had said ironically to Calvin when expelling him, ‘The gates of the town are wide enough for you to go out.’ As he had taken part in the sedition of Jean Philippe, he took fright and wished to make his escape. Unwilling to go out by the gates of the town, however wide they were, for fear of being recognized and arrested, ‘he let himself down through a window in the town walls,’ says Rozet, ‘burst (se creva) because he was heavy, and did not live long after.’ ‘As he was very fat,’ says Gautier, ‘the rope broke, and the fall caused him a contusion of which he shortly after died.’[835]
It is hardly possible to avoid being struck with the fate of these four men. The Greeks conceived the idea of a goddess, Nemesis, charged with the duty of overthrowing an insolent prosperity and of avenging crimes, who winged her way through the air, encompassed by serpents, provided with torches and inflicting terrible vengeance. ‘We cannot pass over,’ says Rozet, ‘the remarkable judgment of God on the four syndics of the year 1538, who being elected by the people as adversaries of the religion of the reformation sworn to, had banished the ministers and routed their friends. Two years later, in one and the same year, in the month of June, all four of them, at the instigation of the people themselves, came to confusion and ruin by their crimes.’[836] History can hardly furnish a more striking illustration of the truth proclaimed by the great poet, ‘Punishment, though lame, seldom fails to overtake the guilty.’
THE WAYS OF GOD.
However, in our opinion, the articulants, though chargeable with carelessness and incompetency, were not guilty of treachery. On the other hand, it is not fair to attribute to the friends of Farel and Calvin some odious acts of which they were completely innocent. It has been alleged that on the third day after the execution of Jean Philippe, the most religious persons ‘publicly celebrated their victory by a feast at the town hall.’ Strong evidence would be necessary to establish a fact so adapted to arouse in honorable men aversion and indignation; but not a single document is known in which it is mentioned.[837] We are bound to say, however, that the verdict of contemporaries was more severe than our own. ‘These men,’ says Theodore Beza, ‘having been cast away like vile dregs, the city began to ask again for its Calvin and Farel.’[838] All was in course of preparation for their return to it. Some vacancies having been made in the council by the blows which had just been struck, men were appointed who were friendly to the Reformation, and from that time their party formed the majority. The far-seeing intelligence of Calvin had foretold that the ascendency of his adversaries would be of short duration; and his word was fulfilled.
The ways of God are deep and mysterious. Two years previously the work of the reformer appeared to be brought to a stand in Geneva. His victorious enemies held up their heads in the general council; their power seemed invincible; and the few citizens who dared to declare themselves on the side of the banished ministers found themselves threatened and prosecuted, and were compelled to retire into silence or to flee their country. The reformers were wandering about as exiles in the cantons of Switzerland, not knowing where to seek refuge. But time passed on, and the state of things was altered. The authors of the proscription sank beneath the weight of their faults, and were proscribed in their turn. Geneva was weary of leaders without intelligence, and rejected them. No longer able to face the perils gathering around it, the city will soon recall and receive as liberators the men whom she has driven away as enemies of her freedom. Calvin, on his part, had found in exile not weakness but strength. God had removed him to a vaster scene, where his horizon was widened. His thought had been elevated, his soul strengthened and purified. He had seen Germany, and had played a part, not one of the least, in her great assemblies; he had held communication with Melanchthon, and established a connection between the German Reformation and that of the Swiss cantons and of France. The differences between the two great movements had grown less; the communion of spirit had been strengthened. On both sides a reciprocal influence had been felt. In the next volume we shall see Calvin return to his post a greater and stronger man, more master of himself, no less firm and no less determined, once more to undertake his task and to conduct it to a happy end.
END OF THE SIXTH VOLUME.
530 BROADWAY, NEW YORK,
November, 1876.
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