FOOTNOTES:
[598] Burckhardt (as cited, p. 94) agrees with Ranke that, if Italy had escaped subjugation by the Spaniards, she would have fallen into the hands of the Turks.
[599] Burckhardt, p. 82. Freeman, from whom one looks for details (History of Federal Government in Greece and Italy, ed. 1893, pp. 558, 615), gives none.
[600] Purgatorio, canto vi, 91-93.
[601] Machiavelli, however, had special schemes of constitutional compromise (see Burckhardt, p. 85, and Roscoe, Life of Leo X, ed. 1846, ii, 204, 205); and there were many framers of paper constitutions for Florence (Burckhardt, p. 83).
[602] See Gibbon, ch. 70. Bohn ed. vii, 398, 404.
[603] Cp. Burckhardt, pp. 6, 7.
[604] Lea, Historical Sketch of Sacerdotal Celibacy, 2nd ed. pp. 145-47, 212-20, 224-36, 242-43.
[605] Sismondi, Short History, p. 20.
[606] Trollope notes (History of the Commonwealth of Florence, i, 31) how Dante and Villani caught at the theory of an intermixture of alien blood as an explanation of the strifes which in Florence, as elsewhere, grew out of the primordial and universal passions of men in an expanding society. Villari (Two First Centuries, p. 73) endorses the old theory without asking how civil strifes came about in the cities of early Greece and in those of the Netherlands.
[607] Which, however, was probably already being weakened by the silting up of the Pisan harbour. This seems to have begun through the action of the Genoese in blocking it with huge masses of stone in 1290. Bent, Genoa, pp. 86-87. Sismondi notes that, after the great defeat of 1284, "all the fishermen of the coast quitted the Pisan galleys for those of Genoa." Short History, p. 111. As to the Pisan harbour, whose very site is now uncertain, see Pignotti, Hist. of Tuscany, Eng. tr. iii, 258, note.
[608] After destroying Ugolino, the Pisans chose as leader Guido de Montefeltro, who made their militia a formidable power.
[609] Pignotti, as cited, iii, 283-84.
[610] Heeren, as cited, pp. 69, 120, etc.
[611] Cp. Trollope, History of Florence, i, 105; Villari, Two First Centuries, pp. 95, 100.
[612] Cp. Sismondi, Short History, pp. 88-90.
[613] Podestà, as we have seen, was an old imperialist title. In Florence it became communal, and in 1200 it was first held by a foreigner, chosen, it would seem, as likely to be more impartial than a native. Cp., however, the comments of Villari, First Two Centuries, p. 157, and Trollope, i, 84, 94; and the mention by Plutarch, De amore prolis, § 1, as to the same development among the Greeks. In the memoirs of Fra Salimbene (1221-90) there is mention that in 1233 the Parmesans "made a friar their podestà, who put an end to all feuds" (trans. by T.K. L. Oliphant, in The Duke and the Scholar, 1875, p. 90). The Florentine institution of the priori delle arti, mentioned below, is traced back as far as 1204 (Cantù, as cited, viii, 465, note). The anziani, during their term of office, slept at the public palace, and could not go out save together.
[614] Thus Dante and Lorenzo de' Medici belonged to the craft of apothecaries.
[615] See Trollope, ii, 179, as to the endless Florentine devices to check special power and to vary the balance of the constitution.
[616] Two years before a feebler attempt had been made to set up a military tool, named Gabrielli.
[617] Machiavelli, Istorie, end of 1. ii and beginning of 1. iii.
[618] According to Giovanni Villani, in the fourteenth century there were schools only for 8,000 children, and only 1,200 were taught arithmetic.
[619] Details in Perrens' Histoire de Florence, Eng. trans. of vol. viii, pp. 268, 284-88, 291, 307, 310.
[620] Cp. Perrens, trans. cited, pp. 276-80.
[621] M. Perrens indeed pronounces the two Councils set up by Savonarola's party to be much superior to the former bodies (La civilisation florentine, p. 61); but he admits that "at bottom and from the start the system was vitiated by the theocracy which presided over it."
[622] Cp. Armstrong, in Cambridge Modern History, 1902, i, 171.
[623] The constancy of Pisa in resisting the yoke of Florence, and the repeated self-expatriation of masses of the inhabitants, is hardly intelligible in view of the submission of so many other cities to worse tyrannies. It would seem that the sting lay in the idea that the rule of the rival city was more galling to pride than any one-man tyranny, foreign or other.
[624] Sismondi, Républiques, xvi, 71-76, 158, 159, 170, 217; Short History, p. 336.
[625] As to the misery of Florence after the siege, see Napier, Florentine History, iv, 533, 534.
[626] Smith, Wealth of Nations, bk. iii, ch. iii. citing Sandi.
[627] Review of Mitford, Miscellaneous Writings, ed. 1868, p. 74.
[628] Macaulay doubtless proceeded on the history of Daru, now known to be seriously erroneous. Compare that of W.C. Hazlitt, above cited, pref.
[629] Cp. Brown, in Cambridge Modern History, 1902, vol. i, The Renaissance, p. 285.
[630] Cp. Armstrong, in Cambridge History, i, 150-51.