SONGS

Not only have the Lhotas a number of traditional songs, but they are also experts at making up topical songs about any events of local interest. The singing is unaccompanied either by instrumental music or dancing. The following is given as an example of a traditional song. It is sung by men lopping the branches off trees when clearing jungle for new jhums. The Lhota version with a free prose translation is given, as no verse translation would give any idea of the swing of the song. It runs as follows:—

Ana echangcho locho

Sena hambong eshonile.

Ana echangcho locho

Reching hambong eshonile.

Ana echangcho locho

Yizem hambong eshonile.

Ana echangcho locho

Süng chomani yingkale.

Zükitacho yakpowo echilato,

Zükitacho yakwoina elhyu.

The interpretation of this song is as follows:—

On the tree that I am cutting

May a cock minivet perch.

On the tree that I am cutting

May a cock hornbill perch.

On the tree that I am cutting

May a cock king-crow perch.

[[201]]

On the tree that I am cutting

May taro and vegetables grow.

The “madhu” is his who climbs to the top,

The “madhu” grows at the top of the tree.

The music of this song will serve as a specimen of Lhota harmony. I am indebted to Mrs. Hutton for the notation.

[[audio/mpeg]] | [MuseScore]]

The introductory and final chants precede and follow each verse and are sung on the syllable a.

Another traditional song is the following lullaby sung by a widow to her child:—

Ole iyi le he-e,

O iyi e he-e,

O kakao ntitscona chitata chonchiato?

O iyi e he-e, [[202]]

O zükitacho niyuhungcho chonchiato?

O iyi e he-e,

O zükitacho khencheng soko niyutokoka.

Chitata tichonchia,

O kakao.

Ole iyi le he-e,

O iyi e he-e,

O ango o-o,

O ntitscona chitata chonchiato o?

O iyi e he-e,

O ntena chitata chonchiaka a.

O iyi e he-e,

O kiyonipo etchhi tyengro ekamochina.

O iyi e he-e,

O elaniki shiato nichamkao maka.

O chitata tichonchia a,

O iyi e he-e.

This may be translated as follows, omitting the meaningless chant of Ole iyi le he-e, etc.:—

“My little one, why are you crying so much?

Is it because you want a drink of ‘madhu’ that you are crying?

I will give you well-kept ‘madhu’ to drink.

Do not cry so much.

O my little one,

O my child,

Why are you crying so much?

Even if you cry like this

Your father, who has become a young brave among the dead,

Cannot come back and call you and take you in his arms.

O do not cry so much.”

Songs composed to celebrate some particular event are meaningless to anyone who does not know the full details of the circumstances to which they relate. An interlined [[203]]and much expanded translation will help to explain the following specimen. It tells of the various people who were concerned in the founding of the new village of Japfu from Mekula, a migration which greatly annoyed those who remained in the old village.

Ho holo iye hele,

Ho holo iye hele,

Ho yanthan yanra Pithango.

(Ho for Pithango plotting to found the new village of Japfu.)

Ho holo iye hele,

Ho holo iye hele,

Ho yangen yanra Renowo.

(Ho for Renowo of the old village plotting to stop them going.)

Ho holo iye hele,

Ho holo iye hele,

Ho chapha Tsirenthang.

(Ho for Tsirenthang as fat as a carrying basket.)

Ho holo iye hele,

Ho holo iye hele,

Ho oyam phanka Zaremo.

(Ho for Zaremo, who went because he could never say No.)

Ho holo iye hele,

Ho holo iye hele,

Ho maorale Konchiyo ho esonlanicho.

(Ho for Konchiyo, the old man, burrowing into the scheme like a beetle in straw.)

Ho hati lishomo kamiki.

(He has become as fond of heavy jungle as a giant tortoise.[32])

[[204]]

Ho holo iye hele,

Ho holo iye hele,

Ho Japfu lantyulo ho epyu kalamo?

(Will you creep on all-fours up to Japfu on the height?)

Ho holo iye hele,

Ho holo iye hele,

Ho nthang tera Rishamo.

(Ho for Rishamo as handsome in the eyes of Rensali as a red flower for the ear.)

Ho holo iye hele,

Ho holo iye hele,

Ho panka tera ’Nseno.

(Ho for ’Nseno, no longer young, like a withered flower for the ear that looks best at a distance.)

Ho holo iye hele,

Ho holo iye hele,

Ho okap echü Rensali.

(Ho for Rensali who keeps her love for Rishamo so carefully hidden.)

Ho holo iye hele,

Ho holo iye hele,

Ho woro kurri Yanchano.

(Ho for Yanchano as bald as a chicken.)

Ho holo iye hele,

Ho holo iye hele,

Ho juzü kurri ’Nrio, penching chenpen ’Nrio.

(Ho for ’Nrio with ugly curled hair like a buffalo’s forehead, ’Nrio as black as pounded oil-seed.)

Ho holo iye hele,

Ho holo iye hele,

Ho Kikung loroe Tsensolo.

(Ho for Tsensolo, fair woman of the Kikung clan.)

[[205]]

Ho holo iye hele,

Ho holo iye hele,

Ho Kithang tyengro Mangsamo.

(Ho for Mangsamo, buck of the Kithang clan, who stole Tsensolo from her husband.)

Ho holo iye hele,

Ho holo iye hele,

Ho yantsowotsenle ho woro nungratoksi.

(What did it matter if you paid a fine? The money, not Tsensolo, had the pain of parting from you.)

Ho senka tehrru nikhioalo, sithesiyu nikhioato?

(You are barren and useless as a wife. Did he take you to make of you a post for his house or rafters perhaps?)

Ho holo iye hele,

Ho holo iye hele,

Ho ntithana nirhanchoato ho yanaloio?

(Why did he marry you, woman?)

Ho holo iye hele,

Ho holo iye hele.

The recruiting of the Lhotas for the Naga Labour Corps, and their service in France and return have been celebrated in song at Pangti. A free translation of the song runs as follows.

O Hutton Sahib, young man of a foreign race,

What is that letter which has come for you from abroad?

O Hutton Sahib, young man of a foreign race,

The letter you got so quickly

Is it to call us to go to the German War?

Look how in every village

The bucks plan each with his friend to go.

Oh, we will go to the German War.

Let not a word of the letter fall fruitless.

We men of the Mountains, we the bucks [[206]]

Have routed the enemies of the Sahib.

Let us return quickly, us the braves of the Mountains.

Let our women-folk at home hear the news,

Let them hear that we have routed the enemies of the Sahib.

We braves of the Mountains are coming back.

Let our women-folk at home hear the news.

Let them meet us with drinks of “madhu.”

Bid them come and meet us on the road.

Tell our two[33] Sahibs to send word to them.

They have given us money as countless as the grains of ash on the hearth

But he who gives thought to it,

Only he will keep his money.

[[207]]

[1] Naga folk-lore in general has much in common with that of other races of Mongolian affinities. Thus the Naga (Angami) and Kachari story of the origin of the domestication of certain animals as opposed to the rest is akin to the Lapp story given by Mr. Andrew Lang under the title of “The Elf Maiden,” in his Brown Fairy Book. The Angami story is to be found in The Angami Nagas, Part IV., the Terhengi Genna, and the Kachari version in Soppitt, Historical and Descriptive Account of the Kachari Tribes of the North Cachar Hills, p. 56. Much closer, however, is the resemblance between an incident in the story of “The Fox and the Lapp” (same volume of Mr. Lang’s Fairy Tales), and the almost verbally identical incident in the Sema story of Iki and the Tiger (The Sema Nagas, p. 319). In the latter Iki escapes from the tiger by pointing to a hornbill flying over and saying, “I made that.” The tiger asks if Iki can make him like it, and on Iki’s consenting agrees to let himself be tied up, and to undergo an operation entailing his destruction. In the Lapp story the fox escapes from the bear by precisely the same ruse, a woodpecker taking the place of the hornbill. In the same volume of Mr. Lang’s is a story called “The Husband of the Rat’s Daughter,” quoted as from Contes Populaires, but apparently coming from Japan, which is identical with the Angami story of “The Rat Maiden” (The Angami Nagas, Part V.).—J. H. H. [↑]

[2] This and all other stories given are literal translations from the Lhota. My method has been to have the stories dictated and written down in Lhota, and then tested for verbal accuracy before translating them. [↑]

[3] All Nagas believe that a severe wound in the tongue causes instant death. [↑]

[4] Certain families of the Shetri clan in Pangti claim to be his direct descendants. [↑]

[5] The “Thimzing” of the Thados and other Kukis; vide Col. J. Shakespear, The Lushai-Kuki Clans.—J. H. H. [↑]

[6] And to the Angami Matseo, the orphan, pretty closely.—J. H. H. [↑]

[7] The play upon the words cannot be reproduced in English. Apfuho really said “emitacholam” (“What a fool of an old woman!”), and then got out of his difficulty by pretending he had only uttered the middle syllable “acho,” which is an exclamation like the English “Oh!” [↑]

[8] This incident in a very similar form occurs in the Sema story of Iki and the Tiger (The Sema Nagas, Part VI.).—J. H. H. [↑]

[9] The vat was very heavy, being hollowed out of a solid log of wood, and would soon be swamped if put rim upwards in the water. [↑]

[10] This incident in a slightly different setting is found in the Assamese story of the Monkey and the Jackal, the Kachari story of the Monkey and the Hare, in an Angami story and also in an Ao story. In the latter version it is the bear who is thus victimized. For the Kachari story see J. D. Anderson, Kachari Folk-tales and Rhymes, p. 27 (Shillong, 1895); for the Assamese story see J. Borooah, Folk-tales of Assam, p. 8 [shial = “jackal” not “fox”] (Howrah, 1915), and for the Angami story, The Angami Nagas, Part IV.—J. H. H.

The Shans, too, relate a similar story in which the Hare induces the Tiger to believe that a swarm of bees is a gong. Milne and Cochrane, The Shans at Home, p. 244. An almost verbally identical episode occurs in the Sea Dyak story of the Mouse-deer and the Deer. Gomes, Seventeen Years among the Sea Dyaks of Borneo, p. 260. [↑]

[11] Cf. the old fairy tale of Big and Little Klaus.—J. H. H. [↑]

[12] In the Angami version the man sends a messenger to the wild dog who had run away. The messenger, instead of asking for a leg of every head of game the dog ran down, asked for the whole body. At this the wild dog, quite prepared to give a leg, lost his temper and said, “Bah! I’ll give him the hair and leave it on the path for him to find.” Hence the dung of wild dogs containing large quantities of hair is found everywhere on paths.—J. H. H. [↑]

[13] A very old village, once big, but now shrunk to eight houses. [↑]

[14] Such is said to be the meaning of the obsolete Lhota word tiloran. [↑]

[15] Rhizomys prunosus, the flesh of which Nagas regard as a great delicacy. [↑]

[16] Stones are ordinarily put up by Lhotas to commemorate a sacrifice, but forked wooden posts are occasionally substituted if a suitable stone is not available. One kindred in Yekhum always puts up posts instead of stones. [↑]

[17] I.e. “Man, man!” [↑]

[18] One version of this story states definitely that Kimongthang was of the Othui clan, and formerly men of that clan were forbidden to eat gibbon. The Changs tell the same story to account for the origin of the Kudā́mji clan, which is regarded as a gibbon clan.

The Semas have a story of men of the Wotsami clan having been turned into gibbons, and despise that clan as the Changs do the Kudā́mji, which suggests that it is the Othui clan of Lhotas which ought really to be associated with the Semi Wotsami instead of the Shetri (or, according to Mr. Mills, the Nguli) as is the case.—J. H. H. [↑]

[19] “Tale of the Tiger and the Crab” in Folk-tales of Assam, by J. Borooah (Howrah, 1915), pp. 54, 55.—J. H. H. [↑]

[20] The incident of the long hair of a girl that caused a king to send men to find her occurs in an ancient Egyptian tale “written down in the reign of Rameses II, about 1300 B.C.” Vide Sir J. G. Frazer, The Golden Bough, vol. xi. pp. 135, 136.—J. H. H. [↑]

[21] Broad, shiny leaves, only too common in the jungles of the Naga Hills. The writer has suffered from them more than once. The slightest touch causes intense irritation, which often does not totally subside for ten days. [↑]

[22] In an Ao folk-tale a man is chased with dogs and escapes in a similar way. [↑]

[23] Nagas regard an oath sworn on broken iron as binding. [↑]

[24] Up to this point the story opens in the same terms as the Sema version of the story of Hunchibili, the maiden who is transformed into an orange, a bamboo shoot, etc. (vide The Angami Nagas, Part V., and The Sema Nagas, Part VI). The motif of the transformation of the heroine to and from some form of fruit or vegetable is a favourite one in Assamese folk-lore. Vide J. Borooah, Folk-tales of Assam. There are also Khasi stories of the same kind.—J. H. H. [↑]

[25] Probably the hero must be regarded by now as working off the marriage price by service in his father-in-law’s house according to Lhota custom.—J. H. H. [↑]

[26] As the woman would probably take the opportunity of bathing and washing her own clothes, it would have been contrary to Lhota etiquette for her husband to have gone with her. [↑]

[27] Cf. Perry, Megalithic Culture of Indonesia, chap. xii. The Vuite clan of Kukis are also sprung from Dongel and his sister, and the Kukis, like the Lhotas, have a legend of a period of great darkness and floods over the earth and fires (The Thimzing), during which the greater part of mankind was drowned.—J. H. H. [↑]

[28] The version of the story given here is that current among the Northern Lhotas. In the Southern Lhota account Lankongrhoni escapes into a porcupine’s hole, from which she is afterwards dug out and killed. [↑]

[29] In the Sema version a man throws cow-dung at the sun and turns it into the moon. In another Assam version ashes are thrown. In a Mexican version a hare or rabbit is thrown. In all the effect is the same. The hotter orb is turned into the cooler one. I have not met the story among Angamis, who describe the marks on the moon’s face as a tree or as nettles.—J. H. H. [↑]

[30] In one version the sun-bird is substituted for the wagtail. [↑]

[31] The Kabuis have a similar story of a cure for leprosy being revealed by a snake; cf. T. C. Hodson, Naga Tribes of Manipur, p. 129. [↑]

[32] One is reminded of the reported use of “tortoise” by the Chinese as a term of mild opprobrium.—J. H. H. [↑]

[33] I.e. the Deputy Commissioner of the Naga Hills and the Subdivisional Officer of Mokokchung. [↑]

[[Contents]]

PART VI

LANGUAGE

Sir George Grierson, in his Linguistic Survey of India, places[1] the Lhota language in the central sub-group of Naga languages, together with Ao, Tangsa,[2] Thukumi[3] and Yachumi. The Lhotas have no script of their own, though they have a tradition that they once possessed skins with writing on them. Being hungry they ate the skins and have been illiterate savages ever since.[4]

The grammar of the language has been described by Dr. W. G. Witter of the American Baptist Foreign Mission Society in his Outline Grammar of the Lhota Naga Language. I propose to confine myself, therefore, to a brief note founded on that work.

There are two dialects, the Liye and Ndrung, spoken north and south of the Doyang respectively, which differ but little save in the pronunciation of certain consonants. For example, Liye tiing (seven) becomes kiing in Ndrung; similarly otyak (basket) becomes okyak; otyam (needle) becomes opyam, and so on.

[[Contents]]

Vowels.

Alphabet.

A long as in “father.”
A short as u in “but.”
E long as a in “pay.”
E short as e in “then.”[[208]]
I long as in “machine.”
I short, a little longer than the i in “sin.”
O long as in “bone.”
O short as in French “dot.”
U long as in oo in “fool.”
U short as in “pull.”
Ü as in “turn.”

Only syllables which are strongly long or short have been so marked.

[[Contents]]

Diphthongs.

There are no true diphthongs. The separate sounds of vowels which occur together can just be distinguished, though often very faintly.

[[Contents]]

Consonants.

B as in English.
C never used alone.
Ch as in “church.”
Chh as ch, but with more aspiration. Sometimes approaching “ts” in sound.
D as in English.
F as in English.
G never used alone. When it follows n it is pronounced as the g in “singer,” not as the g in “finger.”
H as in English “hen.” Aspirates the consonant with which it is combined.
J not used.
K as in English.
Kh as in “funk-hole.”
L usually as in English, but sometimes pronounced almost like n.
M as in English.
Mm like m, but with the sound held longer.
N as in English. A final n often only gives a nasal sound to the vowel it follows.
Nn like n, but with the sound held longer.
P as in English.
Ph as in “tap-house,” not as f.[[209]]
Q not used.
R as in English, but rather more rolled.
Rr as r, but much rolled.
T as in English.
Th as in “hot-house.”
V as in English.
W as in English.
X not used.
Y as in “year.”
Z as in “zebra.”

[[Contents]]

Grammar.

Article. For the indefinite article mătsanga is used both with persons and things, and nchyua with persons only. The article is, however, usually omitted unless there is some special emphasis on the singleness of the person or thing spoken of. The place of the definite article is taken by demonstrative pronouns.

Gender. There is no distinction of gender except in the case of animate objects. For human beings epue, “male,” and elue, “female,” are added when the sex is not otherwise indicated; e.g. ngāro, “infant,” ngaro epue, “little boy,” ngaro elue, “little girl.” In the case of animals, ōpong, “male,” and ōkhu, “female,” are used; e.g. wōkō, “pig,” wokopong, “boar,” wokokhu, “sow.”

Number. The plural termination is “ang,” affixed to the demonstrative pronoun chi or shi. “The men have gone”: “Kyonchiang yichaka.” The word “ōni” is used as a form of dual. “We two,” eni (i.e. e-oni). “My father and your brother came yesterday”: “Āpo nā nīta oni nchü roa.”

Case. The subject of a transitive verb takes the suffix nā, which is also that of the instrument. In the case of two or more subjects the suffix is attached to the one nearest [[210]]the verb. When the subject is followed by an adjective qualifying it, the suffix is attached to the adjective.

Etsi-na The Sahib sōko “madhu” yūchaka. has drunk.

The object immediately precedes the transitive verb governing it and is not inflected.

E-na We soko “madhu” yuka. will drink.

The direct object precedes the indirect.

Ōtsi Rice to Chongsĕmo Chongsemo pia. give.

The noun is not inflected for the genitive. The possessor precedes the thing possessed.

Yănăsao Yanasao’s ’tsi rice Chongsemo to Chongsemo pia. give.

Place and time are rendered by postpositions such as i, “to,” “in”; na, “from,” “with”; lo, “to”; theni, “with,” “from,” and many others.

Shi-na He the ora-i jungle-to wo. will go. Ā-ki-lo My-house-to woa. go. Eng-iya-thang-na. Sun-coming-time-from (i.e. “from dawn”).

Adjectives. Adjectives follow the nouns they qualify and take the suffixes instead of the noun.

Ōtūng Tree săpo-lo. tall-on.

When a noun is used as an adjective it precedes the noun it qualifies.

Ora kyon. Jungle-man. [[211]]

To form the comparative an adjective takes the suffix “wo” or sometimes for euphony “mo.”

Yanasao Yanasao Asao (than) Asao sapowo. (is) taller.

In interrogative sentences the adjective plus the comparative suffix wo is repeated first with the interrogative suffix alo, and then with the interrogative suffix ela.

Yanasao Yanasao sapow’alo taller Asao Asao sapow’ela? taller? (i.e. Which is taller, Yanasao or Asao?)

The superlative is formed by adding the suffix “wo” to the adjective as in the comparative, and putting some word meaning “all” before the noun representing the things among which comparison is being made.

Lănga All ’tung trees shi this sapowo. taller (i.e. This is the tallest tree).

Numerals. The cardinals are as follows:—

1. Ēkha (only used in counting, otherwise matsanga or nchyua is used).
2. Ēni.
3. Ēthăm.
4. Mēzü.
5. Mungo.
6. Tĭrok.
7. Tiing.
8. Tīza.
9. Tŏkū.
10. Tāro.
11. Tarosi ekha (lit. “ten-with one”).
12. Tarosi eni.
13. Tarosi etham.
14. Tarosi mezü.
15. Tarosi mungo.
16. Tarosi tirok or mezüna mekwi mpen (lit. “by four twenty not making”).[[212]]
17. Tarosi tiing or ethamna mekwi mpen.
18. Tarosi tiza or enina mekwi mpen.
19. Tarosi toku or ekhana mekwi mpen.
20. Mekwi.
21. Mekwisi ekha.
30. Thămdro (i.e. etham taro).
40. Zūro (i.e. mezu taro).
50. Tiingya.
60. Rokro (i.e. tirok taro).
70. Ekha tiing (i.e. “seven times once the sum of fingers”).
80. Ekha tiza (Liye), Zaro (Ndrung).
90. Ekha toku.
100. Ekha taro.
1000. Thanga.

Fractions:—

½ = poko.
1½ = matsanga-si poko.
⅓ = Echu etham chuche matsanga (i.e. “One part of three parts”).

Counting is done on the fingers, and reckoning is kept by little bundles of sticks. It is a common sight to see, say, five little bits of bamboo stuck up in a prominent place in a wayside granary, or five notches cut in a log. This means that the owner will claim Rs. 5 from whoever damages the granary or misappropriates the log.

There are no true ordinals.

First = ōvūngōchī (the one in front).
Second = ovungochi sīlāmo (the one behind the one in front).
Third = ovungochi chito oni silamo (the one behind both that one and the one in front).

Ordinal adverbs are formed by the prefix echo or echung.

Once = echoa or echunga.
Twice = echoni or echungeni, etc.

[[213]]

Pronouns. The personal pronouns are as follows:—

First person Singular A, ai, aiyo, akha.
Plural E, eten, eyo.
Second person Singular Nna, nno, ni, yi, i.
Plural Ni, nino, nte, yi.
Third person Singular Mbo, and the demonstrative pronouns hi, shi, chi.
Plural Oten, and the demonstrative pronouns hiang, shiang, chiang.

Personal pronouns take the same suffix as nouns.

A I mokthata. am tired.

A-na I pīka. will give.

As in nouns, the possessive is formed by placing the possessor before the thing possessed.

My house = Āki (= A-oki).

The demonstrative pronouns are as follow:—Hi or shi, “this,” chi, “that,” hiang or shiang, “these,” oten or chiang, “those.” They follow the noun they qualify and take suffixes as do adjectives.

A-na I oki-shi-lo house-this-in otsi rice tsōka. will eat.

The interrogative pronouns are as follow:—

Who? = ochi, ocho.
Which? = ocho, kuwe, ko.
What? = ochi or ocho (referring to persons); ntio, nyu, nyuwo (referring to things).

Nno You ntio what chonala? are wanting?

A relative clause in English is usually rendered in Lhota [[214]]by the verb followed by wochi (lit. “go that”), often pronounced mochi for euphony.

A-na I echo-mō-chi wanted-one-the a-pia me-give

(i.e. give me the one I wanted).

The interrogative pronouns are, however, sometimes used as relatives.

A-na I kuwe what chonana wanted chi that a-pia. me-give.

The Verb. The verb is not conjugated for person and number. Certain suffixes are used to express tense. They are as follow:—

-a = perfect or future, the context giving the sense. It is also the termination of the imperative. Thus, from the verbal root tso = eat—

Ana tsoa = I will eat.
I have eaten.
Tsoa = eat.

-ka is the ordinary termination of the future—

Ana tsoka = I will eat.

-cho is the ordinary termination of the preterite—

Ana tsocho = I ate, I have eaten.

-ala is the ordinary termination used to express continual action, and is apparently a form of the verb lia, “is”—

Ana tsoala = I am eating.
I was eating.

To express habitual action the verbal root without any termination is used.

Ana otsi tso = I eat rice.

The verbal root followed by a faint v sound expresses future action.

Ana tsov = I will eat. [[215]]

Further shades of meaning are expressed by a large number of verbal modifiers which are added sometimes to the verbal root, and sometimes to the verbal root plus the termination -a. These modifiers are followed by the suffixes already mentioned. The commonest are as follow:—

(1) vān indicates continuance. Alone it means “stay,” “remain,” “live.”

Ana tsoavancho = I continued eating.
Ana ochi vana = I live there.

(2) kam also indicates continuance.

Ana otsi tsoakāma = I am eating rice.

(3) chak implies completion.

Ana atsi tsochaka = I have eaten up my rice.

A reduplicated form of chak is also sometimes used to express the English pluperfect.

Ana atsi tsochakchaka = I had eaten up my rice.

(4) sāla implies immediate future.

Ana tsosala = I am just about to eat.

(5) tok has a causative, or permissive sense.

Ana shi tsotokala = I am making him eat.
Shi tsotoka = Let him eat.

(6) hng is a verbal root meaning “wish.”

Ana tsohnga = I wish to eat.

(7) pvu is added to the reduplicated verbal root to express frequency.

Shina tsopvu tsopvu vanala = He is always eating.

(8) lan or lam expresses repetition.

Shina rolancho = He came back again.

(9) ten or tem indicates the first doing of an act.

Ana tsotencho = I ate first.

(10) ta indicates that several people are acting together.

Otena tsotala = They are eating together. [[216]]

(11) khān signifies absolute completeness.

Ana atsi tsokhancho = I have eaten up all my rice.

(12) nhyu indicates incompleteness.

Ana otsi tsonhyua = I have eaten part of the rice.

(13) s = “more.”

Otsi apisa = Give me more rice (pi = “give”).

(14) hrak = “got.”

Ana otsi tsohraka = I got some rice to eat.

(15) kok = ability.

Ana oso tsokoka = I can eat meat.

(16) che or cheyu also = ability.

Ana otsi ntsoche = I cannot eat rice.

Imperative Mood. The following examples show the shades of meaning of the terminations in use.

tsoa = eat.
tsosa = eat more.
tsoalo = go on eating.

Participial Clauses. The sense of English participles and participial clauses is given by postpositions and adverbs added to the verbal stem or the verbal stem plus a. Examples are as follow:—

(1) -na “from,” “by,” the instrumental postposition.

Ana otsi tsona… = I, if I eat rice.
I, by eating rice.

(2) -i = “at.”

Shina amhungi atapcho = He at seeing me struck me.
He struck me as soon as he saw me.

(3) thang = “at the time of.”

Ana tsoathang shina atapcho = He struck me when I was eating. [[217]]

(4) -le = “at the time of”—usually added to verbal modifier van.

Ana tsoavanle shina atapcho = He struck me when I was eating.

(5) sanati = “immediately after.”

tsosanati woa = Go as soon as you have eaten.

(6) si or sa = “after.”

tsosi woa = Go when you have eaten.

(7) leha or chakla denote concession.

Ana otsi ntsoleha woka = Though I have not eaten I will go.

Directional Prefixes. Certain prefixes are added to verbs of motion to indicate direction.

(1) chung = “up”; chungwoka = I will go up.

(2) cho = “down”; chowoka = I will go down.

(3) thre or thro = “in”; threyia = come in. throwoa = go in.

(4) chi = “out”; chiyia = go out.

Conditional Clauses. A conditional clause is usually expressed participially by means of the postposition -na added to the verbal stem. Another method is to add -wo to the verbal root of the protasis and -katola to the verbal root of the apodosis.

Otsi hello liwo ana tsokatola[5] = If rice were here I would eat.

Purpose. Purpose is usually expressed by adding the postposition -lo, “to,” to the verbal root. It may also be expressed by the prefix e-, either with or without the postposition -lo, or by the suffix kiatto.

Ana tsolo rōcho. I came to eat.
Ana etsolo rocho.
Ana etso rocho.
Ana tsokiatto rocho.

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Negative. With the imperative the prohibitive prefix tī- is used.

Titsoa = Do not eat.

In the other tenses n (or sometimes for euphony m) is prefixed to the verb.

Ana ntso = I do not eat.

Interrogatives. The following suffixes are added to the verbal root plus the termination -a.

(1) -ke.

Nno tsoake = Do you eat?

(2) -nūng.

Nno tsoanung = Do you eat?

(3) -la, with a reduplicated verbal root.

Nna tsotsoala = Do you eat?

(4) -ela, with a reduplicated verbal root. This form is only used when speaking of past time. The termination -a of the verbal root is elided and disappears.

Nno tsotsoela = Did you eat?

(5) For double questions -lo is suffixed to the affirmative verb and -la (or -ela) to the negative verb.

Nno tsoalo ntsoala = Do you eat or not?

(6) -ne is used in asking permission.

Ana tsoane = May I eat?

Voice. There is no passive form of the verb.

I have eaten up my rice = ana atsi tsochaka.

My rice has been eaten up = atsi tsochaka.

The latter appears to be really a case in which the subject is understood.

Verbal Synonyms. As in other Naga languages, different verbs are used for variations of the same act. Dr. Witter gives the following list as an example. [[219]]

Ephyopala = to wash in general.
Etsiala = to,, wash,, clothes.
Süala = to,, wash,, dishes.
Myuala = to,, wash,, face.
Phiala = to,, wash,, feet.
Ntsakala = to,, wash,, hands.

Adverbs. The following are typical examples. Many are composite words formed from a noun or pronoun and a postposition.

Always = echung.Perhaps = kanyu.
Formerly = nkolo.Probably = kache.
By day = engilo.In this way = heto.
Last night = nsamo.In that way = chito.
To-night = osamo.On the right = amymwe.
To-day = nching.On the left = aiyiwe.
To-morrow = ochü.Ahead = ovungwe.
Yesterday = nchü.Behind = silamwe.
Now = nthanga.There = ochi.
Suddenly = ekhiapa.Here = hello.

Postpositions. Several have been noted in connection with the verb. Examples of others are as follow:—

Among = onungo.Towards = we.
Below = okapi.With = pana.
Between = yite.Near = nthango.
From, with = theni.In front of = mhatungi.

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Syntax.

In a simple sentence the subject comes first and the verb last, with the object between them.

Ana I otsi rice tsoka. will eat.

Adverbs usually come first.

Ochü To-morrow ana I otsi rice tsoka. will eat. [[220]]

Interrogative adverbs, however, often follow the subject.

Chongsemo Chongsemo kothang when rov? will come?

Possessive nouns and pronouns precede the thing possessed, but adjectives follow the noun they qualify.

Ana I Chongsemo Chongsemo’s ’tsi rice mhōna good tsoka. will eat.

In compound sentences the principal clause stands last.

Ochi There nyanya a goat vāna is ana I ntsiala. know.

In reporting the words of a third person the actual words spoken are placed with the particle to immediately in front of the principal verb.

Thus “Chongsemo said he would go” would be in Lhota—

Chongsemona Chongsemo ana I wov will go to thus ezocho. said.

If the actual words of the speaker are not used the indirect discourse is placed after the principal clause and its verb takes the affix -lato.

Chongsemona Chongsemo ezocho said omona he wolato. would go.

Specimens. The following specimens of the language with literal translations will serve to illustrate the grammar and syntax.

I.—The Story of the Cuckoo and the Crow.

Păngpăng-to cuckoo nā and kāshāk-to crow ōni they-two ōkămo friends tscōtācho. became. Ole Then pangpang-chi-na cuckoo-that kashak-chi (to) crow-that ēzōchō said “Ā-kăm, “my-friend, [[221]] nnā-hā you-too ōnyu-shi-ki gum-this-with mhōna well ā-rānīke me-ornamenting ana-ha I-too onyu-shi-ki gum-this-with mhona well i-ranika.” you-will ornament.” to thus ezoa having said mhona well eranitokcho. made him ornament. Chi-silōcho That-after kashak-chi-na crow-that pangpang-chi (to) cuckoo-that ezocho said “A-kam, my-friend, nna-ha you-too mhona well a-ranike me-ornamenting ana-ha I-too mhona well i-ranichoka.” you-will ornament.” to thus ezoa having said onyu-chi gum-that picho. gave. Ole Then pangpang-chi-na cuckoo-that “A-kam, “my-friend a-pfu-na my-mother a-tsāla, me-is calling, a-pfu-na my-mother a-tsala,” me-is calling,” to thus ezoa having said onyu-chi-na gum-that-with kashak-chi cuckoo-that kŭrri-lo head-on tyankaisi having poured out tsancho. ran away. Chī-tsōkō-nā That-reason-from nhūnga-cha now-till kashak-cho crow-the nyĭkā-lā. black-is. Hochi-na That-from pangpang-cho cuckoo-the kashak crow khȳua fearing engo (by) day n-sāmphina not-wandering zāmo-thăng-tai darkness-time-only “pangpang “cuckoo pangpang.” cuckoo.” to thus khua crying samphiala. wanders.

Translated into ordinary English the story runs as follows:—

The cuckoo and the crow became sworn friends. One day the cuckoo said to the crow, “My friend, you ornament me prettily with this gum and I will do the same to you,” and got the crow to do as he was asked. The crow [[222]]then made the same request to the cuckoo and gave him the gum. But the cuckoo cried, “My mother is calling me, my mother is calling me,” and poured the gum all over the crow’s head and ran away. That is why the crow is black and the cuckoo is so frightened of the crow that he only wanders about at night, calling, “Cuckoo, cuckoo.”[6]

II.—How Children were turned into Monkeys.

Onpoi-na man and wife otsoi children epue male ’ts child ekha one elue female ’ts ekha to child one too pōki having got vāsi having been elue-chi wife-the tchhīcho. died. Tole Then epue-chi-na husband-the elue-chi wife-the tchhicho died silo after elue wife ethăn new soa took vāncho. remained. Ole Then elue wife ethan-chi-na new-the elue wife etchhio-chi dead-the ’tsoi children t’-oni-chi two-the n-nzām not-pitying elăm much kangshi trouble ntsonshicho. gave. Osi But nchōkāchō one day mbo-na she nūngri-t’-oni (to the) children-two “li-nhyako “field-to watch wota, go otsi-cho food a-na I eng-aku day-every ni-’ni (for) you two hāntokmūngka; will have taken down; oki home ti-yitake.” do not come.” to Thus ezoa having said wotokcho. made to go. Chi-silo That-after mbo-na she otsi food kīlāto calling-it zīro-chü rat-dung hōno-chü chicken-dung māku-to husks-too tai only [[223]] nkapnkapi having tied up in leaves nungri-t-’oni (to) the children-two hantokmungcho. had carried down. Tole Then nungri-t-’oni-na children-two eng-aku day-every mbo-na she otsi food kilato calling it ziro-chü rat-dung hono-chü chicken-dung na and maku-to husks-too nkapnkapi having tied up in leaves hantokmung-chi having had taken down-that which lānphelānphei having opened zesi sicho. saw. Chi-silo-cho That-after nungri-t-’oni-na children-the two kyon man’s etsoyu food and drink n-chămcheo not-remembering ora-i jungle-in tsangti-longpen-tai nuts berries-only hlotso-hloyuta picking eating-picking drinking vancho. stayed. Ole Then nchokacho one day opo-na (their) father otsi food hānsi carrying wo going “oyi, “come, otsi food tsota.” eat.” to Thus ezoa having said tsale calling nungri-t-’oni-na children-the two “A-po, “my-father, eyo we nhungo now kyon man’s etsoyu food and drink n-chamche not-remembering kama having become yākso monkeys kamayiala.” are becoming.” to Thus ezoa saying “wu-wu” “wu-wu” to thus khuta calling yakso monkeys kamayicho. became. Chi-silo-cho That-after opo-na (the) father “Toka “Then ni-ni-na you-two yakso monkeys kama having become yi-na being-from oyan village mung-thang-mungri emung-time-keeping eli is chepya seeing ’yam-li village-fields penchü-muchü seeds-roots [[224]] shotso scratching up shoiya digging up yitake,” will go,” to thus ezoa having spoken yitokcho. let (them) go. Hochi-na This-from nhunga-liya now-till yakso-na monkeys oyan village mung-thang-mungri emung-time-keeping eli is chepya seeing ’yam-li village-fields penchü-muchü seeds-roots shotso scratching up shoiyala digging up are to thus rutala. (men) say.

The interpretation of the tale is as follows:—

A man and his wife had one son and one daughter. The wife died and the man married again. But the new wife did not love her step-children and ill-used them. One day she said to them, “Go down and watch the fields. I will send food down for you every day. Do not come back to the house.” But instead of food she only sent down rat-dung and chicken-dung and rice husks tied up in leaves. When the children opened the leaves they saw that their step-mother had sent them down filth instead of food. Then they forgot what human food was like and took to picking and eating berries in the jungle. One day their father brought down some food and called them to come and eat it, but they said, “We have forgotten what human food is like, father. We are turning into monkeys.” With these words they called out “wu-wu” and turned into monkeys. Then their father said, “You have turned into monkeys, and now you will watch for the days when the villagers are keeping emung and cannot go to the fields, and will scratch up the roots and seeds they have sown.” That is why to this day monkeys scratch up the roots and seeds in the fields when they see that the village is keeping emung.

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Abuse and Nicknames.

The figurative expressions used by Lhotas in jest or for purposes of abuse are so apt and to the point that they deserve brief notice. A dwarfish person is called either [[225]]hampochütang (fowl’s-dung) or zitsenaro (mouse). A woman of loose morals is called nyanyavu (she-goat) or ntsingo (a small fish with the reputation of taking any bait thrown to it). The expression wokomhi (pig’s tail) is applied to a fussy man who is always running backwards and forwards. Nangkinangka (chrysalis) denotes a sulky man. Shamakok (wasp) is a man with a very small waist. Potak (duck) is a man who waggles his posterior as he walks. In a quarrel a man will sometimes address his opponent as sakaptso (“born under the verandah of the house,” i.e. bastard), and will be called songkoptso (“born under the granary”) in return. A man with no teeth is nicknamed okingkham (open door), and so on.

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Baby Language.

An English mother who says to her baby, “Didums wantum’s bottleums denums?” uses language sufficiently like that in ordinary use to be intelligible to a mere bachelor, but the Lhotas have a curious custom, when addressing small children, of using words which are in no way connected with the speech of every-day life. For instance, “boiled rice” is called mama, “madhu” is koko, “rain” is tsetse, “eat” is hamto, “go to sleep” is shoboto, “get up” is hoksi, “sit down” is phato, “go along” is tsatsato, “I will smack you” is khakto, and so on.

The origin of this baby dialect is unknown, but it is noticeable that the Aos use almost identical words in addressing their children. [[226]]

[1] Linguistic Survey of India, Vol. III., Part II., pp. 284 sqq. [↑]

[2] The name of an Ao-Konyak village. [↑]

[3] A Sema name for the Sangtams. [↑]

[4] A similar tradition is to be found in many Naga tribes as well as among the Padam Abors and possibly other tribes on the north bank of the Brahmaputra.—J. H. H. [↑]

[5] Dr. Witter gives -katola as the suffix of the apodosis. I am myself inclined to think that the word tsokatola is the ordinary future form tsoka, plus a suffix -tola. [↑]

[6] The Kayans of Borneo tell a similar story in which the argus pheasant and the coucal take the place of the cuckoo and crow (The Pagan Tribes of Borneo, Hose and McDougal, Vol. I., p. 247). The Greenland Eskimo give a similar account of how the raven became black. Cf. “The Raven and the Goose,” in Eskimo Folk-tales, by Knud Rasmussen and W. Worster, p. 66 (Gyldendale, 1921). [↑]

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PART VII

APPENDICES

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APPENDIX A

THE LHOTA CALENDAR

The Lhota divides the year into twelve lunar months,[1] which are named as follows:—

In order to correct the calendar an extra month or part of a month called Chotantsu is put in after Echon whenever [[227]]necessary. The months being periods of the agricultural year the whole Lhota country is not in the same month at the same time. The inhabitants of a cold village where the crops are late may be struggling through Chikanika while those of a warm village are enjoying the peace and plenty of Ndrangtso. [[228]]

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APPENDIX B

MENSURATION

There is no standard of weight in use throughout the tribe, but in every village there is kept a stone (ephwa) which is used in apportioning the shares of meat at feasts. The weight is generally nine to ten pounds. For trade a balance of the bismar type is used, notched to weigh in Indian seers and fractions of seers.

The standard measure for rice is chukoluk, which is regarded as one man’s wage for a day and usually weighs about six pounds. The table would be as follows:—

2 chukolukruso = 1 chukoluk.
3 chukoluk = 1 sitsi.
1½ sitsi = 1 enokyak.

Two baskets (etek) are regarded as going to one enokyak. The size of the baskets varies from village to village, and the buyer must accept the standard of the village from which he buys.

Though nowadays Lhotas occasionally try to state distance in English miles, the real measure is by echen, the distance between one temporary granary and that at the next stage on the path up from the fields. It varies from village to village. On an easy slope it may be a mile and a half, on a steep slope it will be a mile or even less.

The depth of water is either measured in echam (the height of a man) or eshi (kicks). That is to say, if a man having dived to the bottom of a pool has to kick his legs three times before he reaches the top, the pool is reckoned as three “kicks” deep. A tree is spoken of as so many phunchap (ladder-steps) high.

Just as fingers and toes are the usual counting apparatus, [[229]]so the Lhota uses the distance between the various parts of his body as standards of measurement. The distance between the tips of the fingers of the outstretched arms is called ntiya, and that from the middle of the chest to outstretched finger-tips monyak. A cubit is kecha. The spans of the thumb and first finger and thumb and middle finger are ekohundro and ekosüpo respectively. The breadth of a finger is yingro. These measurements are used for all conceivable purposes. The size of a mithan, for instance, is not stated in terms of its height at the withers, but in terms of the length of its horn in ekosüpo and yingro. Similarly, to measure a pig you pass a long slip of bamboo round its chest and measure the bamboo. Thread is never measured by length or weight. If it is in a skein, the thickness round the skein is taken, the circles formed by thumb and first finger and thumb and middle finger being called etsokhundro and etsoksüpo respectively. If it is in a ball, the ball is reckoned as a keraksüpo (big handful) or keraktero (little handful). [[230]]

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APPENDIX C

HUMAN SACRIFICE

Major Butler gives the following account[2] of a human sacrifice: “About the 27th July, 1850, Lieutenant Vincent succeeded in effecting, for thirty-seven rupees, the ransom of Tooleram, a Cacharee boy, who had been carried off from the village of Loongee-jair on the 18th February by a marauding party of Angahmee Nagahs. Two other children were at the same time carried off, but had been sold to other villages; a little girl was sold to some Nagahs at Beereh-mah, but could not be traced. The fate of the third boy was horrible; he was purchased by the adjoining tribe of Lotah Nagahs, and a man of the village having died immediately after the purchase, it was considered a bad omen, and that ill luck had befallen them on account of this captive child. They therefore flayed the poor boy alive, cutting off his flesh bit by bit until he died. These cruel and superstitious savages then divided the body, giving a piece of the flesh to each man in the village to put into his dolu, a large corn-basket. By this they suppose all evil will be averted, their good fortune will return, and plentiful crops of grain will be ensured.”

Nagas are always ready to give garbled, not to say scandalous, accounts of the customs of their neighbours, and there can be little doubt that Major Butler was misled by his Angami informants. Lhotas, in common with other tribes, believe in a vague sort of way that the taking of a head brings prosperity to the taker’s village, and the boy was probably killed and his body cut up and distributed, as was done more recently in the case of the Nankam slave [[231]]bought by Akuk. But there is no tradition that it was ever the custom to torture victims before death, and I think the Lhotas must be acquitted of this charge. It would, further, be clean contrary to their customs to put pieces of human flesh in their rice, which would thereby become polluted rather than blessed.[3]

The story goes that long, long ago a rich Lhota was very ill. In vain pigs, cattle and mithan were slaughtered. Finally he had one of his slaves sacrificed in cold blood, in the hope that the slave’s life would be accepted in place of his own. The man died, however, in spite of this last sacrifice, and Lhotas, seeing that it was unavailing, have never imitated his example. This tradition and the practice of spearing the opya at the oyantsoa “genna” point to a time when human sacrifice was practised to avert evil fortune, but it would be safe to say that within historical times no such custom has been followed by them. [[232]]

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