INDEX

Oxford: Horace Hart M.A., Printer to the University

[1]. Englische Handelspolitik gegen Ende des Mittelalters.

[2]. Extended and made permanent in 1489.

[3]. Foedera, xii, pp. 578–91, 654, 713–20; Cotton MSS., Galba C ii. 249: ‘A Brief of so much of the Intercourse of 1499 as concerns Merchant Adventurers, with their opinions touching the same.’

[4]. Hall’s Chronicle, 1809 ed., p. 500.

[5]. Spanish Cal. vi, part i, pp. 59–60.

[6]. Spanish Cal. i, p. 21.

[7]. Ibid. i, p. 144.

[8]. Spanish Cal. i, p. 337.

[9]. Venetian Cal. i, pp. 185, 186, 188.

[10]. Foedera, xii, p. 553.

[11]. Venetian Cal. i, passim.

[12]. Venetian Cal. i, p. 213.

[13]. Spanish Cal. i, pp. 366, 367, 374.

[14]. Venetian Cal. i, Preface, lxviii.

[15]. Venetian Cal. i, p. 278.

[16]. For detailed figures as to customs payments see Schanz, Englische Handelspolitik gegen Ende des Mittelalters, ii. 37–156.

[17]. Harl. MSS., 597, f. 211.

[18]. Thomas Gresham, writing to Northumberland in 1553, speaks of sending a copy of their privileges dated 1296, but the document does not now exist (Cal. S. P. Dom. 1547–80, p. 51).

[19]. Cotton MSS., Tib. D viii, f. 37. Printed by Schanz.

[20]. Harl. MSS., 597, f. 211.

[21]. Ancient histories of the Merchant Adventurers: Harl. MSS., 597, ff. 211–15, a general sketch written in the reign of Elizabeth; Stowe MSS., 303, ff. 99–107, written in the time of Charles II, of very slight value; A Treatise of Commerce (printed), by John Wheeler, 1601, much fuller and better informed than the other two.

[22]. Some additions were made by Mary.

[23]. Staple articles: in their case ‘Englishmen’ means members of the Staple, and ‘Aliens’ includes such Englishmen as exported cargoes of wool, &c., to the Mediterranean.

[24]. A sack of wool contained 14 tods, each of 28 lb. weight, or 392 lb. in all (Lansd. MSS., 152, f. 239).

[25]. Excluding cloth. Cloth duties are given separately below.

[26]. 1811 ed., pp. 193–6.

[27]. On internal evidence it is probably slightly before the time of Henry VII.

[28]. Rolls of Parliament, vi. 269, 270.

[29]. Live animals.

[30]. Foedera, xi. 793–803.

[31]. Arnold’s Chronicle, pp. 193–6. But compare the details of Hanse privileges in 1552 (inf. p. 167). There is no evidence that any alteration was made in the duties, and Arnold’s figures must therefore be received with caution.

[32]. Harl. MSS., 306, f. 82.

[33]. Foedera, xii, pp. 374 and 381.

[34]. The merchants of the Hansa were commonly called Easterlings in England, and their London dépôt was known as the Steelyard.

[35]. Cologne Archives, printed in Schanz, ii. 397.

[36]. Hall’s Chronicle, 1809 ed., pp. 467–8.

[37]. Cologne Archives, Acta Anglicana, 1434–1521, ff. 166, 188–9; printed by Schanz, ii. 409, 419.

[38]. Spanish Cal. i, pp. 161–7.

[39]. Foedera, xii. 335.

[40]. Venetian Cal. i, p. 206.

[41]. Venetian Cal. i, p. 253–4.

[42]. For details on this subject see Venetian Calendar, vol. i and Preface.

[43]. An exception must be made of a short extract in Hakluyt.

[44]. Spanish Cal. i, p. 128.

[45]. Venetian Cal. i, p. 262.

[46]. Ibid., p. 260.

[47]. Spanish Cal. i, pp. 176–7.

[48]. Add. MSS., 7099, f. 41.

[49]. R. O., Privy Seals, Dec. 13, 13 Hen. VII, No. 40.

[50]. R. O., Warrants for Issues, 13 Hen. VII.

[51]. Add. MSS., 7099, f. 45.

[52]. Chapter Muniments, 12243. Printed in facsimile as The Cabot Roll, Bristol, 1897, edited by A. E. Hudd.

[53]. Cotton MSS., Vitell. A. xvi.

[54]. See Chap. I, pp. [29–30].

[55]. See Harrisse’s John and Sebastian Cabot (1896) for an account of Sebastian’s intrigues with Venice, and other discreditable affairs.

[56]. Evidently Japan. 'Zipangu is an island in the eastern ocean, situated at the distance of about 1500 miles from the mainland or coast of Manji. It is of considerable size; its inhabitants have fair complexions, are well made, and are civilized in their manners.... They have gold in the greatest abundance, its sources being inexhaustible, but as the king does not allow of its being exported, few merchants visit the country, nor is it frequented by much shipping from other parts. To this circumstance we are to attribute the extraordinary richness of the sovereign’s palace, according to what we are told by those who have access to the place. The entire roof is covered by a plating of gold, in the same manner as we cover houses, or more properly churches, with lead. The ceilings of the halls are of the same precious metal; many of the apartments have small tables of pure gold, of considerable thickness; and the windows also have golden ornaments. So vast indeed are the riches of the palace, that it is impossible to convey any idea of them. In this island there are pearls also, of a pink colour, round in shape, and of great size, equal in value to, or even exceeding in value, the white pearls.' The Travels of Marco Polo, Everyman’s Library, pp. 323–4.

[57]. Hakluyt, vii. 150. All references to Hakluyt, unless otherwise stated, are to the edition in twelve volumes printed by Messrs. Maclehose for the Hakluyt Society in 1903. The above passage was taken by Hakluyt from Richard Eden’s translation.

[58]. Hakluyt, vii. 153.

[59]. Hakluyt, vii. 147.

[60]. Hakluyt, vii. 149.

[61]. No French copy of Ribault’s work is known to exist. It was published in English in 1563, with the title ‘The Whole and true discoverie of Terra Florida’. Reprinted by Hakluyt in Divers Voyages (Hakluyt Society’s edition, 1850, pp. 91–115).

[62]. By ‘Antonio’ Cabot Santa Cruz evidently meant John, as the context shows. His mistake in the name arose from his copying Ziegler’s version of Peter Martyr. Jacobus Ziegler (Strasburg, 1532) reproduced Martyr’s account of the northern voyage, attributing it to ‘Antonio’ Cabot. Apparently Ziegler did not know there were two Cabots.

[63]. The date of this manuscript is generally given as 1560, but, from internal evidence, it must be earlier. F. R. von Wieser, in his preface to the Innsbruck edition (1908), comes to the conclusion that it was completed in 1541.

[64]. Isabella died in 1504 and Ferdinand in 1516. Cabot sailed for the River Plate in 1526.

[65]. Navarette, Coleccion de los Viajes, Madrid, 1825–37; (original patent printed in full).

[66]. Navarette, iii. 41: ‘Lo cierto es que Hojeda en su primer viaje halló á ciertos ingleses por las immediaciones de Coquibacoa.’

[67]. On this point see Harrisse: Discovery of North America (1892), pp. 102–24.

[68]. The principal modern works on the Cabots are: S. E. Dawson, Voyages of the Cabots, 1894; H. Harrisse, Jean et Sébastien Cabot, 1882, and John and Sebastian Cabot, 1896; G. E. Weare, Cabot’s Discovery of North America, 1897; C. R. Beazley, John and Sebastian Cabot, 1898; G. P. Winship, Cabot Bibliography, 1900; H. P. Biggar, Voyages of the Cabots and Corte Reals, 1903. Of these authors Mr. Winship is the only one who takes the view that there were three voyages, and he inclines to the belief that Sebastian’s voyage took place in 1508–9.

[69]. One of these three Portuguese is in all probability the ‘labrador’ mentioned by Santa Cruz as having taken intelligence of discoveries to Henry VII.

[70]. Patent printed in full in introduction to Hakluyt Society’s Divers Voyages, ed. by J. W. Jones.

[71]. H. Harrisse, Évolution Cartographique de Terre-Neuve, p. 41.

[72]. Harrisse, Discovery of North America, p. 174.

[73]. Add. MSS., 7099, a manuscript copy of the original accounts, which are not now available.

[74]. First printed by Harrisse in John and Sebastian Cabot (1896). The actual document is an appropriation for the pension and bears date December 6, 1503, but contains a reference to the first grant on the date given above.

[75]. Foedera, xiii. 37.

[76]. See New English Dictionary.

[77]. Encyclopaedia Britannica, 11th ed., art. ‘Parrots’.

[78]. R. O., T. R. Misc. Book 214.

[79]. Reprinted by the Percy Society, 1848, ed. J. O. Halliwell.

[80]. The evidence that the voyage in question really took place is extremely doubtful. See Chap. [X].

[81]. M. Oppenheim, Administration of the Royal Navy, p. 38.

[82]. The inscription alone is insufficient to identify the country with modern Labrador, for it is certain that some early cartographers applied the name to Greenland.

[83]. Robert Thorne the elder did not die until some time between 1519 and 1526, so that his son, writing in 1527, had had every opportunity of hearing his story from his own lips.

[84]. A fine facsimile of the Cantino map is exhibited in the British Museum.

[85]. Stanford’s Compendium, 1897: ‘Labrador’, by S. E. Dawson.

[86]. 26 Hen. VIII, c. 10.

[87]. Letters and Papers, xiv, part i, No. 373.

[88]. Cromwell has been credited with the intention of ‘stapling’ the cloth trade in London, i.e. with deliberately supplanting the Merchant Adventurers’ mart at Antwerp by an emporium in London. It is hardly likely that he would have adopted such a suicidal policy otherwise than on compulsion. The more probable explanation seems to be as here stated. Chapuys’s letter quoted below (p. [130]) appears conclusive.

[89]. 32 Hen. VIII, c. 14.

[90]. Some particulars here given are taken from other sources than the Act of 1540. See Hakluyt, v. 62; Letters and Papers, xvi, No. 1126.

[91]. Iron in pigs and bars ready for manufacture.

[92]. Letters and Papers, xvi, No. 13.

[93]. Ibid., No. 90.

[94]. Letters and Papers, xvii, No. 440.

[95]. Letters and Papers, iii, No. 2483.

[96]. Cotton MSS., Galba B x, ff. 246, 251.

[97]. Acts of the Privy Council, iv. 279, 280. This affair, obviously relating to the Merchant Adventurers, is referred to in the preface as concerning the Steelyard owing to a mistaken interpretation of the word ‘Hanze’, here used in its generic sense of a corporation or union of merchants.

[98]. Venetian Cal. vi, p. 1045.

[99]. Letters and Papers, iv, No. 1962.

[100]. Cal. Dom. S. P., Addenda, 1547–65, p. 420.

[101]. Venetian Cal. iii, Nos. 440, 441, 608, 877.

[102]. Venetian Cal. iv, No. 751.

[103]. Lansdowne MSS., 170, f. 131 et seq.

[104]. Of 7 Ed. IV and 3 Hen. VII.

[105]. A mark = 13s. 4d.

[106]. Letters and Papers, ii, No. 3435.

[107]. Letters and Papers, iii, No. 1082.

[108]. Foedera, xiii, p. 722; Letters and Papers, iii, part i, Nos. 974, 979.

[109]. Spanish Cal. v, pp. 550, 563, &c.

[110]. Letters and Papers, xvi, No. 392.

[111]. Letters and Papers, xvi, No. 12.

[112]. Proceedings of the Privy Council, vii, 301, 308–9.

[113]. Letters and Papers, xvii, No. 736.

[114]. Letters and Papers, xviii, part i, No. 376.

[115]. Cal. Cecil MSS., i. 44.

[116]. Letters and Papers, xx, part i, No. 164.

[117]. Acts of the Privy Council, ii. 61.

[118]. In June 1548, and June and September 1551.

[119]. Dict. Nat. Biog.

[120]. Acts of the Privy Council, iii. 441.

[121]. Ibid. 453.

[122]. R. O., State Papers Dom., Ed. VI, vol. xiv, No. 10, and other R. O. MSS.

[123]. Journal of Edward VI, pp. 59, 61; A. P. C., iii. 460, 475.

[124]. This document is assigned in the Calendar to the year 1553, but it obviously belongs to the sequence of events of 1551–2. At the end of the original (R. O., S. P. For. Ed. VI, vol. xi, ff. 147–9) occur the words: ‘This decree was made and given at Westmr. the xxiiii of February in the sixt year of the reign.’ The sixth year of Edward VI extended from January 29, 1552, to January 28, 1553. See also the Journal of Edward VI and A. P. C., iii. 487–9.

[125]. R. O., S. P. Dom., Mary, vol. iv, No. 36.

[126]. Edward VI’s Journal, p. 61.

[127]. For this embassy see Edward VI’s Journal, pp. 61, 62, 66, 73; and Acts of the Privy Council, iv. 32, 43, 93, 98, 141.

[128]. Cal. For. S. P., Ed. VI, p. 220.

[129]. Dict. Nat. Biog.

[130]. R. O., S. P. Dom., Mary, vol. v, No. 5.

[131]. Foedera, xv. 364.

[132]. R. O., S. P. Dom., Mary, vol. iv, No. 36.

[133]. Ibid., vol. v, No. 5.

[134]. Other evidence points to a total prohibition of the export of white cloth (see p. [176]). The point is doubtful.

[135]. Lansdowne MSS., 170, f. 155.

[136]. R. O., S. P. For., Mary, vol. viii, No. 481.

[137]. Cotton MSS., Titus B ii. 129b. Letter from Philip to Mary in support of a Hanse petition (Dec. 1555).

[138]. R. O., S. P. For., Mary, vol. viii, No. 491; Lansdowne MSS., 170, f. 156.

[139]. Report of Paget and Petre to King Philip, R. O., S. P. For., Mary, vol. viii, No. 492; and A. P. C., vi. 33, 34.

[140]. A. P. C., v. 252–7.

[141]. Ibid., vi. 33, 34.

[142]. A. P. C., vi. 73.

[143]. Lansdowne MSS., 170, f. 156 b.

[144]. Ibid., ff. 200, 217 b.

[145]. Kervyn de Lettenhove, Relations Politiques des Pays-Bas et de l’Angleterre, Brussels, 1882, i. 128, 144, 161, 184, &c.

[146]. Foreign Cal., 1553–8, pp. 393–4.

[147]. Ibid., p. 396.

[148]. Cal. of Cecil MSS., i, 164.

[149]. Foreign Cal., 1558–9, No. 922.

[150]. Cotton MSS., Claud E vii. 240, f. 250.

[151]. The Portuguese shipped a considerable quantity of their East Indian merchandise to Antwerp, which formed the distributing centre for northern Europe.

[152]. Letters and Papers, i, p. 464.

[153]. Letters and Papers, ii, Nos. 540, 649, 723, 724, 2738, 3647, 3649, 4210; Cotton MSS., Galba B ix. 69; Foedera, xiii. 714.

[154]. Letters and Papers, iv, No. 3262.

[155]. Ibid., No. 4044.

[156]. Letters and Papers, xii, part i, No. 415.

[157]. Letters and Papers, xvii, No. 1055, also Nos. 990 and 1062.

[158]. Letters and Papers, xviii, part i, Nos. 196, 259, 331, 773; Cal. of Cecil MSS., i, No. 38.

[159]. Letters and Papers, xx, part i, No. 32.

[160]. Cotton MSS., Galba B x. 82.

[161]. Letters and Papers, xx, part i, No. 65.

[162]. A. P. C., ii. 545, 556.

[163]. Cotton MSS., Galba B xii, f. 28.

[164]. See Transactions of the Royal Historical Society, vol. xvi (1902), pp. 19–67. In an article by W. E. Lingelbach on the organization of the Merchant Adventurers the suggestion is put forward that the Old Hanze and the New Hanze were two separate grades of merchants with differing privileges. Certain not very precise indications point to such an arrangement, but, on the other hand, there is no hint of any such thing in the Charter of Incorporation of 1505 or in any other document of the same type.

[165]. In the previous autumn the Council, on receiving a loan of £30,000 from the Company, had promised to suppress disorders (R. O., S. P. Dom., Edw. VI, vol. xv, No. 13).

[166]. A. P. C., iv. 279, 280.

[167]. Foreign Cal., 1547–53, No. 655.

[168]. Dict. Nat. Biog.

[169]. John Wheeler, however, in his Treatise of Commerce (1601), states that the Emperor refrained from establishing the Inquisition at Antwerp in 1550, for fear it should drive the English out of the city.

[170]. Domestic Cal., 1547–80, p. 87.

[171]. Cal. Cecil MSS., i. 44.

[172]. A. P. C., v. 236.

[173]. Letters and Papers, v, Nos. 1417 and 1633.

[174]. English translation, 1658, p. 127.

[175]. Letters and Papers, viii, No. 1153.

[176]. Ibid. xvii, No. 893.

[177]. Letters and Papers, iv, No. 5101.

[178]. Ibid., vi, No. 1380.

[179]. R. O., S. P. Dom., Mary, vol. xi, No. 38.

[180]. Domestic Cal., Addenda, 1547–65, p. 426.

[181]. Royal MSS., 20 E ix.

[182]. R. O., S. P., Henry VIII, § 195, f. 176; digest in Letters and Papers, xix, part i, No. 85.

[183]. The Spaniards established a wool dépôt at Bruges: Kervyn de Lettenhove, i, p. 152.

[184]. R. O., S. P. Dom., Edw. VI, vol. xiii, No. 81.

[185]. Under Henry VIII the wool export decreased by 50 per cent. as estimated on the average number of sacks exported in the first five and last five years of the reign.

[186]. Add. MSS., 11716 (Letters and Papers, ii, No. 3521) contains a contrast between the treatment of merchants in France and in England, embodying many of the above details.

[187]. Various references in Letters and Papers, ix and x.

[188]. Letters and Papers, xvii, No. 555.

[189]. Ibid., xviii, part i, No. 33.

[190]. Letters and Papers, xviii, part i, No. 416.

[191]. Foedera, xiii. 520.

[192]. Letters and Papers, iv, part iii, No. 6686.

[193]. Venetian Cal. vi, App. 78.

[194]. Letters and Papers, iv, part iii, No. 6654.

[195]. Ibid., No. 6686.

[196]. Letters and Papers, xvi, No. 1126.

[197]. Harl. MSS., 297, f. 249. There is in the Record Office (S. P. Misc., No. 107) a manuscript volume containing transcripts of the proceedings on April 24, 1539, the Letters Patent of Henry VIII in 1530, the privileges granted by the Duke of Medina Sidonia, the complaint of the merchants on March 15, 1548, and of certain negotiations with Spain at the end of Elizabeth’s reign.

[198]. Letters and Papers, xiv, part i, No. 466.

[199]. G. F. Nott, Works of Howard and Wyatt, ii, p. xxxiv.

[200]. Letters and Papers, xiv, part i, No. 487.

[201]. Ibid, xv, No. 38.

[202]. Letters and Papers, xv, No. 281.

[203]. R. O., S. P. Hen. VIII, § 161, ff. 76–82.

[204]. Letters and Papers, xx, part i, Nos. 459, 494, 981, 1003; part ii, No. 874; xxi, part ii, Nos. 371, 509.

[205]. Cotton MSS., Vesp. C viii, f. 56.

[206]. A. P. C., iv, p. 138.

[207]. In the Parliament of 1514–15 an amendment was passed to an Act of Richard III which rendered it obligatory on all merchants bringing goods from the Mediterranean to import therewith a proportionate number of bowstaves. Certain Englishmen had been proceeded against for failing to comply with this law, and the amendment made it plain that it was henceforth only to apply to aliens. This seems to indicate that in the time of Richard III there were few or no Englishmen engaged in the Mediterranean trade, since no discrimination was thought necessary in the original Act. If Richard III’s Act had been intended to apply to both Englishmen and aliens it would most probably have been expressly so stated.

[208]. Hakluyt, vol. v, p. 62.

[209]. In Hakluyt’s pages some of these factors are mentioned by name: William Heith, factor of John Gresham at Candia; John Ratcliffe, factor of the same in Portugal; William Eyms, factor of Sir William Bowyer, the Duke of Norfolk and others at Chios; Robert Bye and Oliver Lesson, also factors at Chios.

[210]. Various references to this trade: Letters and Papers, i, pp. 46 and 120; xiv, part i, No. 538, &c.

[211]. Foedera, xiii, 353; xiv. 424, 703.

[212]. Letters and Papers, i, p. 186.

[213]. Journal of Edward VI, p. 61. The tonnage is given as there stated, but is probably exaggerated.

[214]. Letters and Papers, ii, Nos. 738, 811.

[215]. Hakluyt, v. 67–8.

[216]. Hakluyt, v. 71.

[217]. Reprinted, 1885, by Dr. E. Arber, p. 6.

[218]. To make Ramusio, iii, Preface, apply to 1516, it is further necessary to assume a misprint in his work, as he distinctly says that the voyage he describes took place under Henry VII.

[219]. For Sebastian Cabot’s career in Spain see Harrisse, John and Sebastian Cabot (1896), which contains a syllabus of documents relating to him.

[220]. R. O., Book of King’s Payments (T. R. Misc., Bk. 214): ‘Ann. 21 Hen. VII Aug. 7th. Item to Thoms Perte maryner in rewarde that come from the king of Castill, x sh.’

[221]. Letters and Papers, ii, No. 1462, and p. 875.

[222]. Ibid., No. 3459.

[223]. Exchequer T. R. Misc. Bks., vol. x. The entries relating to Spert all resemble the following: ‘The herry gce diew. Delyv’de the xxvij daye of September anno dicto [7th year of Henry VIII] to thoms spte for the herry gce diew iiij cabulls....’

‘The herry gce diew, the katryn fortune and the gabryell riall. Delyv’de to thoms spte [and the other two masters] the vijth. daye of ap’ll anno dicto [7th year of the reign] vj barells tarre.’ In no case is any other person but Spert designated as the master of the Henry Grace à Dieu.

[224]. His knighthood has been disputed, but two official documents speak of him as Sir Thomas Spert (Letters and Papers, vi, No. 196. xvii, No. 1258).

[225]. Letters and Papers, many references.

[226]. Wardens’ Manuscript Accounts of the Drapers’ Company, vol. vii, 86–7. Printed in extenso in Harrisse, Discovery of North America, iii. 747.

[227]. This passage has been regarded as fatal to the connexion of Sebastian Cabot with a voyage in 1516, and even to his claims to have made discoveries under Henry VII. As regards the former, it is quite compatible with an expedition which returned without discovering land, which is precisely what Eden hints at. On the latter point it is to be remarked that the third Cabot voyage (that of Sebastian in search of the North-West Passage) ended in failure and obscurity and was overshadowed by the expeditions of the Bristol syndicates; thus it is not surprising that the London Drapers were able to profess a very convenient ignorance of it. They could hardly do the same about John Cabot in view of the notoriety of his discovery in 1497, and the brilliance of his reception in London in that year.

[228]. Letters and Papers, iv, part i, p. 154.

[229]. Venetian Cal., iii, No. 607.

[230]. Agostino Giustiniani, Castigatissimi Annali, Genova, 1537, lib. vi, f. cclxxviii. Quoted by Harrisse in John and Sebastian Cabot (1896), pp. 337–8.

[231]. Hakluyt, ii. 159–63.

[232]. The Book made by Master Robert Thorne, Hakluyt, ii. 164–81.

[233]. This was Sebastian Cabot’s expedition, which never passed the Straits of Magellan, but turned instead into the River Plate. The two Englishmen were Roger Barlow and Henry Latimer. There is no record of their personal adventures, although the details of the voyage are well known. See Harrisse, John and Sebastian Cabot (1896).

[234]. Maclehose edition, 1905, xiv. 304.

[235]. Historia General, Madrid, 1601, Dec. II, lib. v, cap. iii, pp. 144–5.

[236]. 1852 ed., Bk. 19, chap. xiii, p. 611.

[237]. Letters and Papers, iv, No. 5082.

[238]. The author of an article in the English Historical Review (vol. xx, p. 115) suggests that it was the Samson and not the Mary Gilford which visited the West Indies, but there seems to be no satisfactory proof of this. The balance of evidence certainly points to the loss of the Samson in the North-West.

[239]. Letters and Papers, iv, No. 3213 (20).

[240]. Letters and Papers, i, No. 1050.

[241]. See his epitaph and Barrett, Antiquities of Bristol (1789), p. 683.

[242]. Archives of Bristol, quoted by Fox Bourne, English Merchant (London, 1866), i. 155.

[243]. Hakluyt, ii. 181.

[244]. See his epitaph, p. [261].

[245]. Barrett, p. 483.

[246]. Hakluyt, vi. 124.

[247]. Letters and Papers, i, No. 5026; vii, No. 938.

[248]. Ibid., iv, No. 2814.

[249]. Robert Thorne’s will is copied in an Elizabethan hand on the back of folio 209 of Cotton MS., Vitellius A xvi, a city chronicle which was printed by C. L. Kingsford in 1905. The will is not included in the printed edition.

[250]. The Dictionary of National Biography states: (1) that Nicholas Thorne was the father of Robert, and the participator in Hugh Elyot’s voyage; and (2) that Robert Thorne junior died in 1527 at Seville. The latter statement is evidently due to the fact that the inventory of Thorne’s goods, drawn up by his brother, is calendared in the Letters and Papers under the date 1527. There is nothing in the document itself (R. O., S. P. Hen. VIII, § 40, f. 219) to indicate its date. On the other hand, the will (Vitellius A xvi, f. 209b) distinctly says, ‘Anno 1532 on whitsonday dyed Robart Thorn’. The grant in connexion with the Grammar School on March 2, 1532 (Letters and Papers, v, No. 909), shows that Robert Thorne junior was living at that date, and also speaks of Robert Thorne deceased. The possibility that the Robert Thorne of Seville and the Robert Thorne who died in 1532 were two different men is negatived by a comparison of the inventory with a signed letter (R. O., S. P. Hen. VIII, § 81, f. 151) by Nicholas Thorne. The handwriting of both is identical, showing that the inventory was written by Nicholas, and therefore that it referred to the goods of his brother who, as the will shows, died in 1532.

[251]. Letters and Papers, vi, No. 1696; xii, No. 233; xiv, part ii, No. 172.

[252]. Ibid., xiv, part i, No. 184.

[253]. Ibid., xx, part ii, No. 874.

[254]. Barrett, p. 483.

[255]. Hakluyt, viii. 3.

[256]. Spanish Cal. vi, No. 163.

[257]. Hakluyt, xi. 23.

[258]. See the English Historical Review, xxiv. 96, article by R. G. Marsden.

[259]. R. O., S. P. Hen. VIII, § 113, f. 180.

[260]. Spanish Cal. vi, part i, No. 148.

[261]. The above notes on Hawkins and Reneger are drawn from numerous references in the later volumes of Letters and Papers, and from the Acts of the Privy Council.

[262]. Hakluyt, vi. 136.

[263]. vi. 138.

[264]. Reprinted in Hakluyt, vi. 141–52.

[265]. Strype, Memorials, ii. 504. Strype says the two ships were lent to Wyndham and his associates in 1552, and were intended for the voyage in search of the North-East Passage.

[266]. Stanford’s Compendium (1907) says that the ‘grains’ of this coast were pepper. Eden, although he describes them as ‘a very hot fruit’, speaks of pepper as a distinct article further on.

[267]. Probably the Niger.

[268]. Eden speaks of having seen the Primrose after her return, hence it must have been the Lion which was abandoned.

[269]. Reprinted by Hakluyt, vi. 154–77.

[270]. See Towerson’s first voyage, and marginal note to Eden’s account of the present voyage.

[271]. Acts of the Privy Council, v. 162.

[272]. Venetian Cal. vi, No. 251.

[273]. R. O., S. P. Dom., Mary, vol. xiv, Nos. 4 and 5 (erroneously calendared under date 1558).

[274]. R. O., S. P. For., Mary, vol. vii, No. 448.

[275]. This evidently refers to John Locke’s voyage, and tallies with Eden’s account, except that the latter does not mention the offer of land for a settlement.

[276]. This would seem to relate to Wyndham’s visit to Benin. No other place-name is mentioned in any of the voyages which bears any resemblance to ‘Bynne’. If such is the case, it throws a fresh complexion on Eden’s story of the abandonment of the merchants.

[277]. R. O., S. P. For., Mary, vii, No. 449.

[278]. Cal. For. S. P., Mary, p. 198.

[279]. R. O., S. P. Dom., Mary, vi, No. 83.

[280]. A. P. C., v, p. 214.

[281]. R. O., S. P. For., Mary, vii, No. 450.

[282]. Venetian Cal. vi, No. 327.

[283]. Hakluyt, vi. 177–211.

[284]. A. P. C., v. 305, 315, 322, 358, 384.

[285]. Hakluyt, vi. 212–31.

[286]. The date of this voyage is given, by a misprint, in the 1598–9 editions of Hakluyt as 1577. Modern reprints have perpetuated the mistake. The date is correctly given in the 1589 Hakluyt as 1557, that is 1558 by our present style of beginning the year on January 1.

[287]. Kervyn de Lettenhove, Les Pays-Bas et l’Angleterre, i. 152: ‘Los navios ... eran dos de la Reyna y los mejores que Su Majestad tenian.’

[288]. Acts of the Privy Council, ii. 137.

[289]. Hakluyt, vii. 156–7. Some confusion has arisen as to the year of this patent, but it is perfectly clear. ‘The sixt day of Januarie, in the second yeere of his raigne. The yeere of our Lord 1548’ is January 6, 1549, by the present style. Edward VI succeeded to the throne on January 28, 1547.

[290]. Navarette, Colección de Documentos inéditos para la historia de la España, iii. 512. The letter is here dated November 15, 1554, but was probably written at least two years earlier. Northumberland was executed on August 22, 1553.

[291]. Charter of Philip and Mary, February 6, 1555, and Cal. S. P. Dom. Addenda, Mary, p. 439. The latter is a list of the members in May 1555. It includes the names of three women among the adventurers.

[292]. The authorities for these voyages are to be found, unless otherwise indicated, in Hakluyt (Maclehose ed., 1903), vol. ii.

[293]. Purchas, xiii. 6, thinks that Spitzbergen was the land found. The lowest point of Spitzbergen is in 76½°. It is impossible that Willoughby could have committed such a serious error in latitude.[latitude.] Moreover, Spitzbergen is due north of Senjen.

[294]. Hakluyt, iii. 74, 331.

[295]. The Venetian agent (Venetian Cal. vi, No. 89) says three. The error arose from the name of the Philip and Mary, which the Italian doubtless took to be two vessels. The instructions for the voyage leave no doubt that only two ships were sent. See also Henry Lane’s letter (Hakluyt, iii. 332).

[296]. The Venetian envoy wrongly states that they were brought home in 1555.

[297]. Venetian Cal. vi, No. 269.

[298]. These details are scattered here and there in Borough’s account of the voyage.

[299]. Venetian Cal. vi, No. 852.

[300]. Cal. Cecil MSS., i, p. 146.

[301]. Brussels Archives, Kervyn de Lettenhove, i, p. 61.

[302]. Cotton MSS., Nero, B viii, 3.

[303]. See Ancient and Modern Ships, by Sir G. C. V. Holmes, for an account of this model.

[304]. Cotton MSS., Jul., E iv. 6.

[305]. Oppenheim, Administration of the Navy, p. 30.

[306]. Ibid., Naval Accounts and Inventories, Introd., p. xxvii.

[307]. R. O., Warrants for Issues, 1 Hen. VIII, No. 121.

[308]. Oppenheim, Administration of Royal Navy, p. 53.

[309]. Harl. MSS., 6205.

[310]. Royal MSS., 20 E ix.

[311]. Inventory of the Sovereign: Oppenheim, Naval Accounts and Inventories, p. 210.

[312]. Robert Thorne’s drawing, 1527, shows a bonnet on main-topsail.

[313]. For information on this subject see Laird Clowes, History of the Navy, i, chap. xiii.

[314]. For detailed description of method of making and using an astrolabe, see Cortes, Breve Compendio de la Sphera y de la Arte de Navegar, chap. viii.

[315]. Naval Accounts and Inventories, Introductions, p. xxi.

[316]. Letters and Papers, i, No. 3591.

[317]. In Laird Clowes’s History of the Navy, i. 413, there is an illustration of a Genoese carrack from a drawing said to have been made in 1452; but it has every appearance of being at least a century later in date.

[318]. Cal. of Le Fleming MSS., p. 8.

[319]. See Oppenheim’s Naval Accounts and Inventories of Henry VII; inventory of the Henry Grace à Dieu in the same author’s Administration of the Navy; drawings of warships in Add. MSS., 22047; Archaeologia, vi. 208; Volpe’s picture at Hampton Court, &c.

[320]. Naval Accounts and Inventories, pp. 216–17. The armament here given is that mounted in 1497 when the ship was chartered for a voyage to the Levant by some merchants of London.

[321]. Administration of the Royal Navy, p. 35.

[322]. A. Spont, Letters and Papers relating to the French War, 1512–13, pp. 51, 52, 133, 140, 146. This work is a collection from all sources of original documents concerning the war.

As far as can be traced, this is the first occasion on which a ship is recorded to have been sunk by gun fire.

[323]. Chapter House Book xiii, printed in Administration of the Royal Navy, pp. 372–81.

[324]. Letters and Papers, i, No. 5108.

[325]. Ibid., No. 4968.

[326]. Pepysian MS. printed in Archaeologia, vi. 216.

[327]. From Add. MSS., 22047.

[328]. Spanish Cal. vi, part i, p. 342. July 1541.

[329]. Letters and Papers, iv, No. 1714.

[330]. Inventory.

[331]. A careful reading of the available inventories supports the idea that square sails were not at this period carried on the mizen-masts. The sails on fore and main are described as fitted with two sheets, while those on the mizen had but one.

[332]. Letters and Papers, iii, Nos. 2302, 2308, 2320, 2355. &c.

[333]. Ibid., iv, No. 2635.

[334]. Laird Clowes, Royal Navy, i. 421.

[335]. Letters and Papers, ii. 1472.

[336]. Letters and Papers, i, p. 464.

[337]. Ibid., p. 716.

[338]. Venetian Cal. vi, App. No. 171.

[339]. Spont, p. 179.

[340]. Letters and Papers, i, p. 344.

[341]. Letters and Papers, i, p. 362.

[342]. Ibid., ii, No. 3520.

[343]. R. G. Marsden, Select Pleas in Court of Admiralty, Introd., p. lvi. The Admiralty Court had other duties: ‘All contracts made abroad, bills of exchange (which at this period were for the most part drawn or payable abroad), commercial agencies abroad, charter parties, insurance, average, freight, non-delivery of or damage to cargo, negligent navigation by masters, mariners or pilots, breach of warranty of seaworthiness, and other provisions contained in charter parties; in short, every kind of shipping business was dealt with by the Admiralty Court’ (Ibid., p. lxvii).

[344]. 2 and 3 Ed. VI, c. 18.

[345]. The free trade policy of 1539–46, the troubles with the Hansa under Edward VI and Mary, and the rapid rise of prices during the same two reigns.

[346]. The customs returns for the period are given in extenso in Schanz, Englische Handelspolitik, ii. 37–156.

[347]. 22 Hen. VIII, c. 20.

[348]. Acts of the Privy Council, vi. 39 and 325; Venetian Cal. vi, No. 554.

[349]. 34 & 35 Hen. VIII, c. 9.

[350]. J. Latimer, History of the Merchant Venturers’ Society of Bristol, p. 15.

[351]. Bristol Charters (1909), by the same author, pp. 142–7.

[352]. Lansdowne MSS., 170, f. 281.

[353]. For full details of naval administration under Henry VII, see M. Oppenheim, History of the Administration of the Royal Navy, and Naval Accounts and Inventories.

[354]. 1809 edition, p. 525.

[355]. Letters and Papers, i, p. 344.

[356]. Hall, p. 534.

[357]. Another account says that a gunner of the Cordelière, desperate at the approaching surrender, fired the magazine. If the figures as to survivors are correct they give support to the idea that the French ship blew up while the Regent burned.

[358]. Letters and Papers, i, p. 409.

[359]. Hall, p. 536.

[360]. Letters and Papers, i, p. 538.

[361]. Echyngham’s account. Prégent’s own description of the fight tallies with the above. The English loss was about 120 killed, number of wounded unknown.

[362]. Cotton MSS., Aug. I. i. 18.

[363]. Vol. xx, Preface.

[364]. The Great Elizabeth, 900 tons, bought 1514; the Katherine Pleasance, 100, built 1518; the Mary Gloria, 300, bought 1517; the Mary and John, bought 1521; the Mary Imperial, 120, built 1515; the Trinity Henry, 250, built 1519.

[365]. Letters and Papers, iii, Preface, p. ccxvi.

[366]. Ibid., p. ccxix.

[367]. Political History of England, vol. v, pp. 250–1.

[368]. Froude, History of England, iv. 419.

[369]. Letters and Papers, xx, part i, Nos. 987, 1023, 1101.

[370]. Martin du Bellay, Mémoires, ed. Michaud et Poujoulat, 1838, p. 553.

[371]. Letters and Papers, xx, part i, No. 543.

[372]. Du Bellay says the English had only sixty ships on July 18.

[373]. Brit. Mus. Maps, 3, Tab. 24, No. 2. The original painting was at Cowdray House, Midhurst, and was burnt with that building at the end of the eighteenth century.

[374]. Froude, iv. 425–6; Van der Delft to Charles V, Spanish Cal. viii, No. 101; Du Bellay, p. 554. Froude’s account is based mainly on Du Bellay; Van der Delft’s letter was unknown at the time he wrote.

[375]. A. P. C., i. 212.

[376]. Ibid., p. 215.

[377]. Du Bellay, pp. 555–6.

[378]. Letters and Papers, xx, part i, No. 1237.

[379]. Letters and Papers, xx, App. No. 27.

[380]. See J. S. Corbett, Drake and the Tudor Navy, for tactical formations employed in the sixteenth century.

[381]. Froude, iv. 435–6; Du Bellay, p. 559.

[382]. Archaeologia, vi. 218.

[383]. Journal of Edward VI, p. 61.

[384]. Strype, Memorials, ii. 504.

[385]. Oppenheim, Administration of the Royal Navy, p. 101.

[386]. The Lord Hertford who had commanded the land forces at Leith and Edinburgh in 1544.

[387]. R. O., S. P. Dom., Ed. VI, vol. vii, Nos. 9 and 12.

[388]. Fox, Acts and Monuments (ed. G. Townsend, 1846), v. 741; Holinshed, iii. 1055.

[389]. R. O., S. P. Dom., Ed. VI, vol. v, No. 3.

[390]. Oppenheim, p. 109.

[391]. R. O., S. P. Dom., Mary, vol. x, No. 67. This paper is small and mutilated, but does not look as if any large portion were missing. It may or may not represent a complete list of the ships employed.

[392]. Ibid., vol. xi, No. 65.

[393]. Ibid.

[394]. Ibid., vol. xii, No. 12.

[396]. Froude, vi. 500.

Transcriber’s Note

Errors deemed most likely to be the printer’s have been corrected, and are noted here. The references are to the page and line in the original.

[136.23]the right to ship 6000[,] broadclothsRemoved.
[319.32]such a serious error in latitude[.]Added.