CHAPTER V.
EVENTS LEADING TO THE FORMATION OF THE UNION.
Colonial Relations.—Why was union so long delayed? How was it finally accomplished? These are always questions of great interest to the student of American government. We note the general indifference toward union among the colonies before the Revolutionary War. This may be partially accounted for by the fact that each colony had its own separate government, and was jealous of all outside interference. Lack of good roads and methods of travel made extensive communication between the scattered settlements difficult. Prejudice against strangers, and especially those of a different religious belief, was common. Bonds of sympathy, however, between the citizens of different colonies were not wholly lacking. Their language and customs were mainly English. Their chief desire was to develop a government according to their own plans. Common interests were at times created because of the necessity for providing protection against their Indian, French, and Dutch foes. In general, we may say, confederation was early brought about through need for defense, but union has been the result of two centuries and a half of growth.
Union of the New England Colonies, 1643.—A notable attempt was made to form a confederation among the colonies in 1643. It is known as the New England Confederation, and included Massachusetts Bay, New Plymouth, Connecticut, and New Haven colonies. Their united energies were necessary to furnish protection against dangers from the Indians. The Dutch and French also tended constantly to encroach upon their rights. The governing body of this confederation was a board of commissioners. In the annual meetings of the commissioners, two being sent from each colony, questions of war, relations with the Indians, and other matters of mutual interest were discussed. But this central government possessed advisory powers only. The colonies were to provide for their own local government. The confederation became constantly weaker, and was finally dissolved in 1684. Seventy years were to elapse before the call was sent out for a meeting of delegates from all the colonies at Albany, but the influence of the New England Confederacy was felt, no doubt, during that period.
The Albany Congress, 1754.—Open hostilities with their enemies became more and more frequent. From the outbreak of King William's War, in 1689, to 1754, the date of the Albany Congress, there were at least a dozen intercolonial conferences called to consider means for the common defense. Plans for union were also prepared. The most interesting is that of William Penn. In it the word "Congress" is used for the first time in connection with American affairs. As the final struggle with France for the possession of America was about to begin, a "Congress" of twenty-five of the leading men from seven different colonies met at Albany. They were called, primarily, for the purpose of making a treaty with the Iroquois Indians. This object secured, the resolution was then unanimously adopted that "A union of all the colonies is at present absolutely necessary for security and defense." Franklin's famous plan providing for a permanent federation of all the colonies was also adopted. When submitted to the colonies, it failed to receive the ratification of a single one. Nor was it acceptable to the English government. Said Franklin, "The assemblies all thought there was too much prerogative, and in England it was thought to have too much of the democratic."
The Stamp Act Congress, 1765.—After the passing of the stamp act by the English government, the Massachusetts house of representatives invited the other colonial assemblies to send delegations to a general congress. Nine colonies responded by sending twenty-eight men to the congress in New York City, October 7, 1765.[[6]] During the session of two weeks, these delegates drafted petitions to the English government and declared that the rights of the colonists were the same as those of the natural-born subjects of England. It is noteworthy that representatives had again assembled on the motion of the colonists themselves. The growth of common interests was well expressed by Christopher Gadsden of South Carolina, when he said: "There ought to be no New England man, no New Yorker, known on the continent; but all of us Americans."
Committees of Correspondence.—Nine years were to go by before the meeting of another congress, but the colonists were prepared for a united effort at the end of this period. No sooner were the contents of the Townshend acts of 1767 known than Massachusetts issued a circular letter to the other colonies, asking for combined action against all such unconstitutional measures. The other colonial assemblies agreed with Massachusetts. Another movement which made the Revolution possible was begun by Samuel Adams. In November, 1772, he prevailed upon the Boston town meeting to appoint a committee which should carry on a correspondence with committees organized in other towns of that colony. Rights and grievances were the chief subjects for consideration. Other colonies adopted this plan. Led by Virginia, the idea was carried one step further, and in 1773 were formed committees of correspondence between the different colonies. Thus they were prepared for united action in the First and Second Continental Congresses.
The First Continental Congress, 1774.—When the coercive acts of 1774 had been passed, Massachusetts, now in greatest need, called for a congress of all the colonies. Delegates from all, Georgia[[7]] excepted, assembled at Philadelphia, September 5, 1774. In the Declaration of Rights, and in the adoption of the Articles of Association, they gave full expression to colonial sentiment. They commended the resistance of the people of Massachusetts. They declared that all "America ought to support them in their opposition," if force should be used in carrying out the measures of Parliament.
The Second Continental Congress, 1775.—Before adjourning, the First Continental Congress provided for the meeting of another congress, in May, 1775, unless the causes for colonial grievances should be earlier removed by the English government. But other measures of repression were quickly passed, and before the Second Continental Congress met, the battle of Lexington had been fought and the American forces were blockading Boston. This congress convened in Philadelphia May 10, 1775, and continued in session, with adjournments from time to time, until May 1, 1781. All of the colonies were represented. Like previous congresses, this was, at first, merely an advisory body, but necessity compelled it to act as a real government. It took control of military affairs, provided for a currency, threw open American ports to the ships of all nations, and did whatever else the necessities of the time seemed to demand. Having been appealed to for advice, this congress took a most notable position in recommending that new forms of government should be established in the several States. By the year 1777 ten States had framed new constitutions. It furthered independence by appointing a committee to draft resolutions based on the ideas of independence then everywhere present. The Declaration of Independence was the result.
The Articles of Confederation.—Franklin early saw the need for a more effective government than that of a revolutionary assembly. On July 21, 1775, he presented to Congress a plan for "perpetual union." Nearly a year elapsed before a committee was appointed to prepare some form for confederation to be entered into between the colonies. Another period of a year and five months was to go by before the report of this committee was adopted by the Continental Congress. It was then submitted to the State legislatures for approval. After three years and a half, on March 1, 1781, Maryland, the last State, was induced to ratify the Articles of Confederation. The adoption of these articles is one of the most important events in the history of our nation. While the Articles of Confederation must always be regarded as a weak instrument of government, we must not forget that the Continental Congress was then working out problems in the province of government that were almost wholly new. The solution, faulty as it was, went far to establish the place of the written Constitution as a basis for government.
Said John Fiske: "Almost everything else in our fundamental institutions was brought by our forefathers in a more or less highly developed condition from England; but the development of the written Constitution, with the consequent relation of the courts to the law-making power, has gone on entirely upon American soil."
Practical Working of the Government.—Conditions soon proved the articles unsatisfactory. The States were almost independent of the central government. There was no separate executive power to enforce, and no judiciary to interpret the laws. The nation was deep in debt, and without means for payment. Paper money of the period was worthless, and debtors were rebellious. Disputes between the various States brought them to the verge of civil war. Each State had its own system of duties and imposts, which led to great confusion in commerce. No important resolution could be passed in Congress without the votes of nine States. No amendment was possible, except by the votes of all the States. Congress became constantly weaker as various members resigned to accept positions under State authority. In that most dangerous period of our history, extending from 1783 to 1788, aptly called the "critical period," it became constantly more apparent that government under the Articles of Confederation was a failure. Fortunately, in this hour of gloom, there came forward Washington, Hamilton, Madison, and other leaders, who were prepared, if need be, to make compromises, but who were determined to preserve the elements of the union already secured.
SUPPLEMENTARY QUESTIONS AND REFERENCES.
1. How was the stamp act regarded in the different colonies as shown by the addresses made and resolutions offered? Hart, Contemporaries, II, 395-411; Tyler, Patrick Henry (American Statesmen), Chapters 5 and 6.
2. Do you know of other instances in our history where a stamp act has been passed? How was it regarded? In what ways was it different from that of 1765?
3. What was the origin of the committees of correspondence and how did they aid in unification? Sloane, The French War and the Revolution, 161, 162; Hart, Formation of the Union, 57.
4. Analyze the Declaration of Independence, and select from it the causes for the Revolution.
5. Why was the adoption of the Articles of Confederation so long delayed? Hart, Contemporaries, II, 539-543; Fiske, The Critical Period, 93, 95; Walker, The Making of the Nation, 6; Hart, Formation of the Union, 93-95.
6. Read the Articles of Confederation (Appendix B).
(a) How was the Congress composed? (Art. V.) (b) The number necessary for a quorum? (Art. X.) (c) The powers of Congress? (Art. IX.) (d) Powers of the separate States (Art. VIII.)
7. Defects of the Confederation. Hart, Contemporaries, II, 591-603.
8. What was the attitude toward union during the period 1783-1788? Were there notable bonds of union even at this time? What other influences have increased this sentiment? Fiske, Critical Period, 55-63; Walker, The Making of the Nation, 7, 8.
9. President Roosevelt said, in an address delivered April 9, 1902, at Charleston, S.C., "When four years ago this nation was compelled to face a foreign foe, the completeness of the reunion became instantly and strikingly evident." What is his meaning? How does the statement illustrate the point emphasized in this chapter, that a common danger produces union?
10. Describe the character of the money used in 1783 and succeeding years. What was its influence? Fiske, Critical Period, 162-186.