Sabbath Defence Tactics: a manual

by James Bridges

IV. Miscellaneous.

1. Careful regard should be had to the due reporting of the Sabbath debates in the newspapers. It is impossible to overrate the importance of this department of the agitation. Its difficulty almost equals its importance; for generally the newspaper press is hostile. However, if the speeches be short, pithy, and pungent, seasoned with facts, at once good-humoured and high-principled, the reporters will insert them; and, as the question grows in intensity and in public interest, the debate will command attention.

Expense ought to be liberally devoted to this branch of the work; and the best way is, to order large numbers of such of the papers for circulation as give tolerable reports.

2. On this subject of newspapers, it ought not to be at meeting times alone that they should be cultivated, but at all times. Whenever any matter of fact bearing on the question occurs, let it be communicated to the newspapers; and in a quiet, impartial way, not in that inflated partisan tone so natural to an ardent zeal. Let the fact tell, and not the way of telling it. In this way the fact, if interesting at all, will re-appear, through the excellent process of scissaring, in other public journals, and possibly in some which would be scared by any high seasoning, or what they would call cant. Letter-writing is an excellent and necessary thing in an agitation. Sir Andrew Agnew used to say that, when he lost his seat in Parliament and his franking power, his wings were clipt. Mr Rowland Hill has given wings to all men (and women) by his penny postage; and there is not a moral or religious cause in the land which has not benefited by his scheme. But, if letter-writing be good, paragraphing is much better. In the Sabbath cause, when any thing new occurs, people oppress themselves by writing numberless letters to impart the intelligence. They do well, for in this way they reach a little circle. But were they, for their many letters, to substitute one considered “paragraph,” they would do better, for they would at once inform a thousand correspondents; and not only so, but secure the publication of their tale in newspapers by dozens, each of which might have its thousand readers. A letter slays its thousands, but a paragraph slays its tens of thousands. “Paragraph! paragraph! paragraph!” then, say we to all the friends. And not only paragraph the information you yourselves possess; but when any misjudging friend sends you a letter with his tale, paragraph it too, and without delay, ordering of course a few copies of the paper to friends—themselves, in their turn, to become new sources of light. Should they get also from the paper a few slips of the article (costing the mere paper and pressmen’s wages), they might, with good effect, fly them off with their ordinary letters, and still wider disseminate the truth.

It is taken for granted that, when a paper or other periodical will admit a controversial article of argument, admission is earnestly to be sought for it. But facts shortly stated tell best, at least in the general newspaper press; and particular care should be taken at all times to suffer no hostile statement or article to pass without its correction or answer. It is always undesirable, in a labour of this kind, to allow any evil impression to settle down undisturbed on the public mind. It may not look formidable at first, but it festers and ferments, and by and by comes to bulk large, or explodes in a formidable way. In an arduous Edinburgh struggle some years ago, the author knows that three gentlemen, in a manner, beat the town, by meeting every day, with every newspaper laid before them, and following up every statement with an instant answer and exposure—a sort of incessant battery against which nothing can stand. So annoyed was one worthy opponent by the clatter, that, fastening on the obnoxious three, he said, “There will be no rest for the toon, till H., B., and C, are hanged on a gallows on the Castlehill!”

The power of the newspaper press is infinite. It is like the caloric of nature; it overspreads the whole face of society; it insinuates itself into the darkest and coldest, and penetrates the most obtuse, regions. The ever-recurring “article” is like the water-drop, which, small and light in look, will, oft repeated, pierce the hardest rock. To the religious press the obligations of the friends of this cause are unspeakable; and the irreligious helps it too, if not by its violence, at least by its constrained spreading of intelligence, for, with exceptions, the newspaper press at large is fair.

3. Let it be a rule at the headquarters of each of the contested railways—the town where its meetings are held—to keep a list of the Sabbath friends in all the other towns, in each of which it is very important to have some one known leader, or medium of communication; [31] and during the interval between half-yearly meetings, care should be taken, by mutual interchanges, to keep them one and all in full information of every important thing that happens, or suggestion that occurs, in any place. Lists also should be kept of all the friends in the different places; and the way to secure this is for every one, when he hears of a new Sabbatarian, to dot down his name on the instant, and send it every where. This is an excellent freemasonry.

4. It is, in one sense, needless to say—but it is most important—that every effort should be made to prevail on friends to buy into railway companies. Let not the smallness of the purchase in any case lead to indifference about making it. Its true value may be great, though in numerical worth it is little. Sir Andrew Agnew fought the battle of the Sabbath at Glasgow on a £50 stock certificate; and at periods of depression the qualification may be acquired for much less. Moral weight ever tells; and, when it also has a tongue, it tells more emphatically.

5. In this view, it would be of admirable effect if churches would collect, and invest their clergymen with railway qualifications. Where, for example, a railway, in passing through a parish, annoys the clergyman by the falling away of this good man and that good man, tempted to his soul’s ruin by the holiday pastimes or comfortable berths thrown in his way by the railway managers, how influential would it be if the bereaved shepherd of the flock came to the directorship wolves, and upbraided them to their faces—if conscience were too steeled for entreaty—on account of their unhallowed leading of the poor into temptation! And how impressive is the doctrinal lecture of the godly minister at the meeting, as he answers the flippant sophistries issuing from the chairs of railway power, or from its monied benches! Dr Mackellar, Dr M‘Farlane, Mr Leake, and Mr Macnaughtan, have often sent the enemy away with that dart in the heart or confusion in the face, which, through a blessing from on high, may yet reach even an obdurate railway nature.

6. Great good has been experienced from the presence of clergymen at the railway meetings. Some of them, indeed, shrink from the railway contest as if it were out of their sphere. But Parliament has consigned the Sabbath to the keeping of the railway shareholders; and is there a solid ground for doubting whether clergymen are in the way of duty when they qualify, for the purpose of lifting their voice in its defence? They are not injured when worldly men speak all manner of evil against them for the Lord’s sake, unless they revile again when they are reviled. On the contrary, their Christian graces are stirred up by the exercise; and they shine more bright—their enemies themselves being judges—when subjected to the friction of rough usage. But of this they will experience little. It is the laity who form the object of attack; and clergymen may be assured that their respected presence less exposes them than it shields the laity. Clergymen speak authoritatively on points of doctrine, and few even of the boldest laymen presume to controvert their doctrine openly, or, if they do, they injure their own cause more than they shake the truth. Ministers thus preach the gospel in season and out of season.

7. Parliament having taken up the Sabbath subject, it is well to bear these two advices in mind. First, To send petitions, not to the Plumptres and Breadalbanes of either House because they are known friends; but to the member for the particular locality petitioning, or to any one of the lords who may be resident in the neighbourhood, and known to, or interested in, the people. And, second, to see that letters be written to these noble and honourable persons by electors, or other influential individuals of the district (ladies included), as numerously as possible. If similar letters be also written to the known friends in Parliament, apprising them of the petition, and requesting their attendance and support when it is presented, practical good will by and by be the result.

Last, but not least, the doing of these things requires money. It shall not be believed, that if the doing of them be right, the means of doing will be wanting; for they must be done by religious men; and religious men will not withhold money where it is wanted for the service of God.

Resuming this whole matter, we urge on the religion of the country, and with equal earnestness and confidence, the conviction, that it is always easy to establish an efficient Sabbath railway action in any railway company, however cold or hostile the country may be. If two gentlemen of principle and determination take as much stock as will afford to each a vote, and one of them give notice that, at the next meeting, he will move against Sabbath traffic; if he and his second be at their post on that occasion, and make their speeches—no matter how long or how short—calmly, resolutely, and with imperturbable good temper; the thing is done. They lose, of course, at first; but the question is entered. They renew their notice quietly for next meeting after each defeat; the affair moves forward, gathering strength as it goes; and there is a sort of awe about the commandment, which tells on the most hostile: the motion becomes a subject of talk, possibly of annoyance: but the leaven works; it appears in the actings of other companies, spreading encouragement all around: the power of reiteration is felt: the religion of England is roused, and minds are indoctrinated with the truth which might never otherwise have come in contact with it: the enterprise looks formidable at first; but the Word of God prevails; and, if the triumph be long of coming, its postponement is but a trial of faith.

Let our two imagined shareholders, thinking over the matter in their homes, stir up themselves to see, that while England boasts, with justice, of its May meetings, they may yet give it its Spring meetings and its Autumn meetings. They may, by their introduction of the Sabbath question into the railways, be the instruments of establishing Spring meetings and Autumn meetings, not less efficient in their own sphere than those of May, in drawing out and diffusing and consolidating the righteous principles of the country, and its holy practice in regard to the observance of the Lord’s-day; that test, cause, and fruit of the religious character of any people. For the practical use of all such devoted men, wherever they may be, they are here presented, within a little compass, with

A Summary of Railway Spring and Summer Preparations.

1. Let our two friends apply to the company for lists of the proprietors of the railways on which it is meant to act. Having obtained these (as shareholders are entitled by law to have them),

2. Let them prepare a general circular to railway proprietors, concisely expounding the railway Sabbath question, and intimating that it is to be brought forward at the ensuing meetings, and asking support.

3. This circular being printed, may be addressed inside, in manuscript, to each individual, specifying all the railways in the lists of which his name is found. Being addressed outside to him, one postage will cover many railways.

4. This circular should be issued early, without waiting the fixing of the day of railway meetings; the parties being requested in it to advert to these as they are notified to them or advertised by the companies.

5. Let them arrange previously with the movers of the question on each railway; and, if possible, name them (with their addresses) in the circular, requesting interim communications as to each railway, to be addressed to the movers before the meetings.

6. In the circular inclose a slip (marked private) to known friends, containing an intimation that the friends of the Sabbath will meet to consult one hour before, and also immediately after the ensuing railway meetings, at places named. Let this slip also state, that the circular is issued in sufficient time to enable friends to get others to buy stock for the meetings, and let it ask a reply containing the number of shares held.

7. Let the slip farther contain lists of the directors of the different railway companies operated on, and let the friends, male and female, before the meetings, be urged to write to such of the directors or officials as they know (or whether they know them or not), pleading with them against the desecration of the Sabbath, assuring them that they, not the shareholders, are the real authors of the evil, and intreating them to desist.

8. Let this good system be systematically persevered in from half year to half year; and it will soon bear fruit in a wide array of Sabbath defenders, and a general diffusion of Sabbath principles.

In conclusion, this manual of policy, which, from its very nature, assumes a worldly aspect, cannot close without one general observation of an important character: That while there is ever much liability to forget, in the active use of means, the earnest exercise of faith, so there is a faith which underrates means, and is, in fact, a tempting of God, and a foolishness. When Æsop told his waggoner to help himself and Jove would help him, he showed the cloven foot of his heathenism, and despised God. But when Oliver Cromwell told his men at the fosse of Newark, to pray to God and keep their powder dry, he not only violated no principle, but put himself in thorough accordance with the Scripture principle. In like manner, under the deepest conviction that all which poor mortals can do is to use the means and pray, while the success of the means used rests entirely with God, it is trusted that in these pages not a sentiment is breathed, or a department of policy recommended, which is not based on this great principle. Nothing gives such boldness and confidence in a religious struggle, as an abiding sense of man’s impotence and God’s omnipotence: nothing so fortifies against reverses, and gives such light in darkness; and nothing, we will add, so disturbs the enemy as to see the insignificant little band, bolder without visible strength amidst all their littleness, than he is amidst all his Xerxes-like grandeur and profusion of numbers.

Let us hear, however, the conclusion of the whole matter. “Remember the Sabbath-day, to keep it holy.” “Contend earnestly for the faith.” “My grace is sufficient for thee; for my strength is made perfect in weakness.” “When I am weak then I am strong.” “I can do all things through Christ, which strengtheneth me.” “Therefore will not we fear.” “The Lord of hosts is with us; the God of Jacob is our refuge. Selah.”

P.S.—The London Railway Record of 7th July, contains the following important acknowledgment by an enemy, of the value of the Railway agitation:—“Let us admit, however, that the present Sabbatarian movement is remarkably practical in its character, and in its working, if not in its objects. Sir A. Agnew agitated the question originally by public declamation, with zeal and enthusiasm but without method. It was not till the Sabbatarians hit upon the plan of buying up railway stock, and proposing and seconding, and sometimes carrying, practical resolutions at railway meetings that any success was achieved. The originator of this plan, we find from an essay reprinted from the Free Church Magazine, was Sir Andrew Agnew’s fidus Achates, Mr J. Bridges of Edinburgh, who, in the essay referred to, recounts the exploits of his party with emphasis, and who certainly deserves credit for a suggestion which has done so much to serve his cause. How far we differ—in degree—from those who hold the uncompromising tenets of the ultra-Sabbatarian School we have already stated. Nevertheless we sympathise with the railway station clerk, who in the Times of yesterday so bitterly denounces the slavery which denies him, and 4000 others, one day of rest from the 1st of January to the 31st of December.”

THE END.

EDINBURGH: JOHNSTONE, BALLANTYNE, AND CO.