The Golden Bough: A Study in Magic and Religion (Third Edition, Vol. 01 of 12)

by James George Frazer

CHAPTER I—The King of the Wood

[1] Strictly speaking, nemus is a natural opening or glade in a forest. Thus Lucan says (Pharsal. i. 453 sq.) that the Druids inhabited “deep glades in sacred groves far from the haunts of men” (“nemora alta remotis incolitis lucis”), as the words are rendered by Haskins in his edition, who compares Propertius v. 9. 24, “lucus ubi umbroso fecerat orbe nemus.” But commonly nemus means no more than a wood or grove. See for example Lucan, Pharsal. iii. 396, “procumbunt nemora et spoliantur robora silvae.” At Nemi the sacred grove (lucus) formed part of the woodlands (nemus), as we learn from Cato, quoted by Priscian, Inst. iv. 21 (vol. i. p. 129, ed. M. Hertz), “lucum Dianium in nemore Aricino,” etc. As to the thick woods of Nemi in antiquity see Ovid, Fasti, iii. 263 sq.; id., Metam. xv. 485.

[2] Cato, loc. cit.; Ovid, Fasti, vi. 756; Statius, Sylvae, iii. 1. 56; Philostratus, Vit. Apollon. iv. 36. A loose expression of Appian (Bellum Civile, v. 24) has sometimes given rise to the notion that there was a town called Nemus. But this is a mistake. See E. Desjardins, Essai sur la Topographie du Latium (Paris, 1854), p. 214, and on the other side, A. Bormann, Altitalische Chorographie (Halle, 1852), pp. 135 sq.

[3] The site was excavated in 1885 and 1886 by Sir John Savile Lumley, now Lord Savile, who was then English ambassador at Rome. Further excavations were conducted in 1886–1888 by Signor Luigi Boccanera, and again in 1895 by Signor Eliseo Borghi. See Notizie degli Scavi, 1885, pp. 159 sq., 192 sq., 227 sq., 254 sq., 317–321, 344, 428 sq., 478 sq.; id. 1887, pp. 23–25, 120 sq., 195–198; id. 1888, pp. 193 sq., 392 sq.; id. 1889, pp. 20–22; id. 1895, pp. 106–108, 206, 232, 324, 424–438; Bulletino dell’ Instituto di Corrispondenza Archeologica, 1885, pp. 149–157, 225–242; R. Lanciani, in the Athenaeum, October 10, 1885, pp. 477 sq.; R. P. Pullan, in Archaeologia: Miscellaneous Tracts relating to Antiquity, l. (1887) pp. 58–65; O. Rossbach, in Verhandlungen der vierzigsten Versammlung deutscher Philologen und Schulmänner in Görlitz (Leipsic, 1890), pp. 147–164; G. H. Wallis, Illustrated Catalogue of Classical Antiquities from the Site of the Temple of Diana, Nemi, Italy (preface dated 1893). The temple measured 30 metres in length by 15.90 in breadth (Notizie degli Scavi, 1885, p. 193). It had columns on either side of the pronaos (Vitruvius, iv. 7. 4). A few votive offerings found on the site in earlier times are described in Graevius’s Thesaurus Antiquitatum Romanarum, xii. col. 752–757, 808. For the inscriptions of Nemi and Aricia see Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum, xiv. Nos. 2156–2226, 4180–4210, 4268–4275a; W. Henzen, in Hermes, vi. (1872) pp. 6–13; G. Tomassetti, in Museo Italiano di Antichità Classica, ii. (1888) coll. 481 sqq. Among these inscriptions the many dedications to Diana serve to identify the site beyond a doubt. The evidence of ancient writers is collected by Cluverius, Italia Antiqua, ii. pp. 920–935. See also H. Nissen, Italische Landeskunde, ii. (Berlin, 1902) pp. 588–592; and for the topography, Sir W. Gell, The Topography of Rome and its Vicinity (London, 1834), i. pp. 182–191, ii. pp. 112–117.

[4] Appian, Bellum Civile, v. 24.

[5] Suetonius, Divus Julius, 54. Serving his own gods thus, he naturally felt no compunction at relieving the barbarous Gaulish gods of their little savings (Suetonius, ib.).

[6] Appian, loc. cit.

[7] Fasti, iii. 267 sq.

[8] Juvenal, Sat. iv. 117 sq.; Persius, Sat. vi. 56, with the scholiast’s note; Martial, Epigr. ii. 19. 3, xii. 32. 10. Persius calls this part of the road the slope of Virbius. Juvenal and Martial call it the Arician slope. But the former was probably the correct name, for at Rome also there was a “slope of Virbius” on the Esquiline, near a sanctuary of Diana (Livy, i. 48. 6). The double coincidence with Aricia is probably significant, as has been acutely pointed out by Mr. A. B. Cook (Classical Review, xvi. (1902) p. 380, n. 3). We shall return to this later on. As to Virbius, we shall hear more of him presently.

[9] W. Henzen, in Hermes, vi. (1872) pp. 6–12; Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum, xiv., Nos. 2215, 2216, 2218.

[10] At the place called S. Maria, in the commune of Nemi, there have been found remains of a magnificent villa of the first or second century, built in terraces just above the lake and adorned with variegated marbles, frescoes, and works of art. See Notizie degli Scavi, 1888, pp. 194–196, 393 sq. The place is near the mouth of the ancient emissary, below the village of Genzano; the vineyards beside the lake are here littered with fragments of fine marbles. In January 1901 I visited the site in the company of Mr. St. Clair Baddeley, who has kindly furnished me with some notes on the subject.

[11] Cicero, Ad Atticum, xv. 4. 5.

[12] Suetonius, Divus Julius, 46. From a letter of Cicero to Atticus (vi. 1. 25) we infer that the house was building in 50 B.C.

[13] Some of the timbers and fittings of these vessels were fished up from the bottom of the lake in 1895. Especially remarkable are the beautiful bronze heads of lions and wolves with mooring-rings in their mouths. Caligula’s name (C . CAESARIS . AVG . GERMANICI) is stamped on the leaden water-pipes, and the style of the bronzes is that of the first century. See Notizie degli Scavi, 1895, pp. 361–396, 461–474; J. C. G. Boot, in Verslagen en Mededeelingen der kon. Akademie van Wetenschappen, Afdeeling Letterkunde, III. Reeks, xii. deel (Amsterdam, 1895), pp. 278–285; R. Lanciani, New Tales of Old Rome (London, 1901), pp. 205–214.

[14] Tacitus, Histor. iii. 36.

[15] Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum, xiv., Nos. 2213, 2216, 4191. Hadrian also had a monument in the grove dedicated to him by the senate and people of Aricia (Notizie degli Scavi, 1895, pp. 430 sq.). A bust of Caesar and a statue of Tiberius have been found on the spot. See G. H. Wallis, Illustrated Catalogue, p. 31; O. Rossbach, in Verhandlungen der vierzig. Versamml. deutscher Philologen, p. 159.

[16] Catullus, xxxiv. 9 sqq.

[17] Bulletino dell’ Instituto di Corrispondenza Archeologica, 1885, pp. 228 sq.; Notizie degli Scavi, 1887, pp. 24, 195; id. 1888, p. 393; O. Rossbach, in Verhandl. d. vierzig. Versamml. deutscher Philologen, pp. 150 note, 161; G. H. Wallis, Illustrated Catalogue, pp. 4, 15, 34 sq.

[18] Notizie degli Scavi, 1887, p. 195; id. 1888, p. 393; Bulletino di Corr. Archeol. 1885, p. 230; O. Rossbach, op. cit., pp. 150 note, 151 note, 163; G. H. Wallis, Illustrated Catalogue, pp. 35, 40. Greek hunters dedicated spears and javelins to Pan (Anthologia Palatina, vi. 57, 177). Compare W. H. D. Rouse, Greek Votive Offerings (Cambridge, 1902), p. 71.

[19] W. Helbig, in Bulletino dell’ Inst. di Corr. Archeol. 1885, pp. 231 sq.; Notizie degli Scavi, 1887, p. 195; id. 1888, p. 393. Helbig observes that the ancients sometimes used tridents in boar-hunts.

[20] Pliny, Epist. i. 6. In the second century of our era the mountains and oak woods of Greece harboured numbers of wild boars. See Pausanias, i. 32. 1, iii. 20. 4, v. 6. 6, vii. 26. 10, viii. 23. 9, ix. 23. 7.

[21] W. Roscoe, Life and Pontificate of Leo the Tenth,³ iv. 376.

[22] O. Rossbach, op. cit. pp. 157 sq.; G. H. Wallis, Illustrated Catalogue, pp. 3, 31, with the plate facing p. 43.

[23] Bulletino dell’ Inst. di Corr. Archeol. 1885, p. 153; G. H. Wallis, Illustrated Catalogue, p. 23.

[24] Polybius, Hist. iv. 18 and 19.

[25] Xenophon, Anabasis, v. 3. 4–13.

[26] Pausanias, x. 35. 7.

[27] R. Andree, Votive und Weihegaben des Katholischen Volks in Süddeutschland (Brunswick, 1904), pp. 37, 50, 152 sqq.

[28] R. Andree, op. cit. p. 41.

[29] R. Andree, op. cit. pp. 41–50.

[30] See V. Hehn, Kulturpflanzen und Haustiere in ihrem übergang aus Asien⁷ (Berlin, 1902), pp. 520 sq.: “In the course of history the flora of the Italian peninsula assumed more and more a southern character. When the first Greeks landed in lower Italy the forests consisted predominantly of deciduous trees, the beeches reached lower down than now, when they are confined to the highest mountain regions. Centuries later in the landscapes on the walls of Pompeii we see nothing but evergreen trees, the Laurus nobilis, the olive, the cypress, the oleander; in the latest times of the empire and in the Middle Ages the lemon-trees and orange-trees appear, and since the discovery of America the magnolias, the agaves, and the Indian figs. There can be no question that this revolution has been wrought mainly by the hand of man.”

[31] ξιφήρης οὖν ἐστιν ἀεί, περισκοπῶν τὰς ἐπιθέσεις, ἕτοιμος ἀμύνεσθαι, is Strabo’s description (v. 3. 12), who may have seen him “pacing there alone.”

[32] E. W. Nelson, “The Eskimo about Bering Strait,” Eighteenth Annual Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology, Part I. (Washington, 1899) p. 293.

[33] Servius on Virgil, Aen. vi. 136, “Licet de hoc ramo hi qui de sacris Proserpinae scripsisse dicuntur, quiddam esse mysticum adfirment, publica tamen opinio hoc habet. Orestes post occisum regem Thoantem,” etc.; id. on Virgil, Aen. ii. 116; Valerius Flaccus, Argonaut. ii. 304 sq.; Strabo, v. 3. 12; Pausanias, ii. 27. 4; Solinus, ii. 11; Suetonius, Caligula, 35. The custom of breaking the branch, and its supposed connexion with the Golden Bough of Virgil, are recorded by Servius alone (on Virgil, Aen. vi. 136). For the title “King of the Wood” see Suetonius, l.c.; and compare Statius, Sylv. iii. 1. 55 sq.—

“Jamque dies aderat, profugis cum regibus aptum

Fumat Aricinum Triviae nemus”;

Ovid, Fasti, iii. 271 sq.—

“Regna tenent fortesque manu, pedibusque fugaces;

Et perit exemplo postmodo quisque suo”;

id., Ars am. i. 259 sq.—

“Ecce suburbanae templum nemorale Dianae,

Partaque per gladios regna nocente manu”;

Valerius Flaccus, Argon. ii. 304 sq.—

“Jam nemus Egeriae, jam te ciet altus ab alba

Juppiter et soli non mitis Aricia regi.”

An archaic Greek relief, found in 1791 near the outlet of the lake, in the Vallericcia, has been sometimes thought to portray the combat between a priest and a candidate for the office. But the subject is rather the murder of Aegisthus by Orestes in presence of Clytaemnestra and Electra. See Sir W. Gell, Topography of Rome, ii. 116 sq.; O. Jahn, in Archäologische Zeitung, vii. (1849) coll. 113–118; Baumeister’s Denkmäler, p. 1112; O. Rossbach, op. cit. pp. 148 sq.; R. Lanciani, New Tales of Old Rome, p. 204.

[34] Thus there have been found many models of the organs of generation, both male and female, including wombs; figures of women with infants on their laps or on their arms; and couples seated side by side, the woman pregnant or carrying a child. See Bulletino dell’ Inst. di Corrisp. Archeologica, 1885, pp. 183 sq.; Notizie degli Scavi, 1885, pp. 160, 254; id. 1895, p. 424; O. Rossbach, op. cit. p. 160; G. H. Wallis, Illustrated Catalogue, pp. 4, 15, 17. Another group represents a woman just after delivery, supported by the midwife, who holds the child in her lap. See Graevius, Thesaurus Antiquitatum Romanarum, xii. col. 808. As to the huntress Diana, see above, p. [6].

[35] Statius, Sylvae, iii. 1. 52–60; Gratius Faliscus, Cynegeticon, i. 484 sq. As to the date we know from the calendars (W. Warde Fowler, The Roman Festivals of the Republic, p. 198) and from Festus (p. 343 ed. Müller; compare Plutarch, Quaest. Rom. 100) that the festival of Diana on the Aventine at Rome fell on the Ides, that is, the 13th of August. Further, the Ides of August was held as the birthday of Diana at Lanuvium (Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum, xiv., No. 2112; G. Wilmanns, Exempla Inscriptionum Latinarum, No. 319; C. G. Bruns, Fontes Juris Romani,⁷ ed. O. Gradenwitz, p. 389; H. Dessau, Inscriptiones Latinae Selectae, No. 7212). Moreover, Martial (xii. 67. 2) and Ausonius (De feriis Romanis, 5 sq.) speak of the Ides of August as Diana’s day. Hence we may safely conclude that the Hecateias idus which Statius (l.c.) mentions as the date of the festival of Diana at Nemi were no other than the Ides of August, all the more that the poet describes the time as the hottest of the year. Compare G. Wissowa, Religion und Kultus der Römer (Munich, 1902), p. 201.

[36] O. Rossbach, op. cit. pp. 150 note, 161. A coin of P. Clodius Turrinus (43 B.C.) portrays Diana with a long torch in either hand. See E. Babelon, Monnaies de la République Romaine (Paris, 1885), i. 355.

[37] Ovid, Fasti, iii. 269 sq.; Propertius, iii. 24. (30) 9 sq., ed. Paley.

[38] Notizie degli Scavi, 1888, p. 193 sq.; O. Rossbach, op. cit. p. 164.

[39] Bulletino dell’ Inst. di Corrisp. Archeologica, 1885, p. 157; Notizie degli Scavi, 1888, p. 393; G. H. Wallis, Illustrated Catalogue, pp. 24–26.

[40] On the dedication of burning lamps and candles in antiquity, see M. P. Nilsson, Griechische Feste (Leipsic, 1906), p. 345, note 5. As to the derivation of the Catholic from the old heathen custom, see R. Andree, Votive und Weihegaben des Katholischen Volks in Süddeutschland (Brunswick, 1904), p. 77.

[41] Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum, xiv., No. 2213; G. Wilmanns, Exempla Inscriptionum Latinarum, No. 1767; H. Dessau, Inscriptiones Latinae Selectae, No. 3243.

[42] Notizie degli Scavi, 1885, p. 478; O. Rossbach, op. cit. p. 158; G. H. Wallis, Illustrated Catalogue, pp. 9 sq. The true character of this circular basement was first pointed out by Mr. A. B. Cook (Classical Review, xvi. (1902) p. 376). Previous writers had taken it for an altar or a pedestal. But the mosaic pavement and the bases of two columns which were found in position on it exclude the hypothesis of an altar and cannot easily be reconciled with that of a pedestal, for which, moreover, it appears to be too large. A rain-water gutter runs round it and then extends in the direction of the larger temple. As to the temple of Vesta at Rome see J. H. Middleton, The Remains of Ancient Rome, i. 297 sq.; O. Richter, Topographie der Stadt Rom² (Munich, 1902), pp. 88 sq.; G. Boni, in Notizie degli Scavi, May 1900, pp. 159 sqq.

[43] G. H. Wallis, Illustrated Catalogue, p. 30.

[44] J. Marquardt, Römische Staatsverwaltung, iii.² 336.

[45] Juvenal, iv. 60 sq.; Asconius, In Milonianam, p. 35, ed. Kiesseling and Schoell; Symmachus, Epist. ix. 128 and 129 (Migne’s Patrologia Latina, xviii. col. 355); Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum, vi., No. 2172, xiv., No. 4120; Wilmanns, Exempla Inscriptionum Latinarum, No. 1750. The Alban Vestals gave evidence at Milo’s trial in 52 B.C. (Asconius, l.c.); one of them was tried for breaking her vow of chastity late in the fourth century A.D. (Symmachus, l.c.).

[46] Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum, xiv., Nos. 3677, 3679.

[47] Servius on Virgil, Aen. ii. 296; Macrobius, Saturn. iii. 4. 11.

[48] Statius, Sylvae, iii. 1. 55 sqq.; Gratius Faliscus, Cynegeticon, i. 483–492.

[49] J. Rendel Harris, The Annotators of the Codex Bezae (London, 1901), pp. 93–102.

[50] See below, vol. ii. pp. 324 sqq.

[51] Journal of Sacred Literature and Biblical Record, New Series, vii. (London, 1865), “The Departure of my Lady Mary from this World,” p. 153. The Greek original of the treatise was discovered by Tischendorf. This passage was kindly indicated to me by my learned friend Mr. J. Rendel Harris. He writes to me: “In these late Syrian calendars the festivals are simply taken over from the Greek and Roman calendars without any adjustment at all, as a study of the detailed saints’ days shows.”

[52] Johanni Apostoli de transitu Beatae Mariae Virginis Liber: ex recensione et cum interpretatione Maximiliani Engeri (Elberfeldae, 1854), pp. 101, 103. This and the preceding passage are both cited by the late Prof. E. Lucius in his book Die Anfänge des Heiligenkultes in der christlichen Kirche (Tübingen, 1904), pp. 488 sq., 521. From them and from the entries in the Syrian calendars (see the next note), Lucius rightly inferred that the Assumption of the Virgin Mary had been assigned by the Church to the 15th of August with reference to the ripening of the grapes and other fruits, and that the Christian festival replaced an old heathen festival of first-fruits, which must have been held about the same time. But he appears to have overlooked the occurrence of Diana’s festival on the 13th of August.

[53] N. Nilles, Kalendarium Manuale utriusque Ecclesiae Orientalis et Occidentalis² (Innsbruck, 1896–7), i. pp. 249, 480. Professor Nilles compares the blessing of the herbs (Krautweihe), which still takes place in various parts of German-speaking lands on August 15th for the purpose of defeating the charms of witches.

[54] B. Schmidt, Das Volksleben der Neugriechen (Leipsic, 1871), p. 58. My learned friend Dr. W. H. D. Rouse, who is well acquainted with Greece, both ancient and modern, gave me similar information.

[55] Pauly-Wissowa, Real-Encyclop. d. class. Wissenschaften, ii. 1342; Pausanias, vii. 18. 12; Xenophon, Anabasis, v. 3. 12. On the other hand the very sight of the image of Artemis at Pellene was said to render trees barren and to blight the fruits of the earth. See Plutarch, Aratus, 32.

[56] A. Dieterich, “Sommertag,” Archiv für Religionswissenschaft, viii. (1905) Beiheft, pp. 108 sqq., with fig. 2.

[57] Furtwängler, Die antiken Gemmen, iii. 231, with plates XX. 66, XXII. 18, 26, 30, 32, all cited by Mr. A. B. Cook, Classical Review, xvi. (1902) p. 378, note 4. Furtwängler held that these gems portray Diana of Nemi herself.

[58] Catullus, xxxiv. 17 sqq.

[59] G. Pitrè, Spettacoli e Feste popolari Siciliane (Palermo, 1881), pp. 356, 358, 360, 361, 362; G. Finamore, Credenze, Usi e Costumi Abruzzesi (Palermo, 1890), p. 176; G. Amalfi, Tradizioni ed Usi nella peninsola Sorrentina (Palermo, 1890), p. 50.

[60] Olaus Magnus, Historia de Gentium Septentrionalium variis conditionibus, xvi. 9.

[61] Note of Mr. F. C. Conybeare.

[62] Strabo, xi. 8. 12, xi. 14. 16, xii. 3. 37.

[63] This is inferred from entries in the ancient Celtic calendar of which numerous fragments, engraved on bronze, were found in 1897 at Coligny near Lyons. In this calendar the month Rivros seems to mean “the harvest month” and to correspond to August. Sir John Rhys believes that the harvest-god Rivos, who is only known from this calendar, answers to the better-known Celtic god Lug. See Sir John Rhys, in Transactions of the Third International Congress for the History of Religion (Oxford, 1908), ii. 222 sqq.; and as to the Coligny calendar in general see further Sir John Rhys, “Celtae and Galli,” Proceedings of the British Academy, 1905–1906, pp. 71 sqq.; id. “Notes on the Coligny Calendar,” Proceedings of the British Academy, vol. iv.

[64] Dedications to Juno and Venus have been found in the grove (Notizie degli Scavi, 1888, p. 393; G. H. Wallis, Illustrated Catalogue, p. 44), also a bronze statuette of Jupiter (O. Rossbach, op. cit. p. 162), and a mutilated or unfinished bust supposed to represent that deity (Notizie degli Scavi, 1885, p. 344; G. H. Wallis, op. cit. p. 54).

[65] Virgil, Aen. vii. 762 sqq.; Ovid, Fasti, iii. 273 sqq.; id., Metam. xv. 482 sqq.; Strabo, v. 3. 12. As to the stream, see P. Rosa, in Monumenti ed Annali pubblic. dall’ Instituto di Corrispondenza Archeologica nel 1856, p. 7; R. Lanciani, in Athenaeum, October 10, 1885, p. 477. The water was diverted some years ago to supply Albano.

[66] Festus, p. 77, ed. C. O. Müller.

[67] Ovid, Fasti, iii. 273 sqq.; id., Metam. xv. 482 sqq.; Cicero, De legibus, i. 1. 4; Livy, i. 19. 5, i. 21. 3; Plutarch, Numa, 4, 8, 13, 15; Dionysius Halicarn. Antiquit. Roman. ii. 60 sq.; Juvenal, Sat. iii. 12; Lactantius, Divin. Inst. i. 22; Augustine, De civitate Dei, vii. 35; Servius on Virgil, Aen. vii. 763. Ovid, Livy, Lactantius, and Augustine speak of Egeria as the wife of Numa, whereas Juvenal and Servius call her his mistress. The language of Plutarch is somewhat ambiguous, but he uses the phrase γάμων θείων ἠξιωμένος (c. 4).

[68] Plutarch, Numa, 4.

[69] Juvenal, Sat. iii. 10 sqq.; Livy, i. 21. 3. As to the position of this grove and spring see O. Gilbert, Geschichte und Topographie der Stadt Rom im Altertum, i. 109 sqq., ii. pp. 152 sqq.; O. Richter, Topographie der Stadt Rom² (Munich, 1902), pp. 342 sq. According to the latter writer, the valley of Egeria was outside the Servian wall, at the foot of the Caelian Mount, and is now traversed by the streets Via delle Mole di S. Sisto and Via della Ferratella. He identifies the sacred spring with a copious source at the Villa Fonseca. On the other hand, Statius (Sylvae, v. 3. 290 sq.), Lactantius (Divin. Inst. iii. 22), and Servius (on Virgil, vii. 763) held that Numa’s Egeria was not at Rome but at Nemi. The grove of Egeria is now popularly identified with a little wood called the Bosco Sacro, which stands in a commanding situation to the left of the Appian Way, about a mile and a half from Rome (Baedeker’s Central Italy and Rome,¹³ p. 378).

[70] Plutarch, Numa, 13. That they carried the water in pitchers on their heads may be inferred from Propertius, v. 4. 15 sq.; Ovid, Fasti, iii. 11–14.

[71] This is the view of A. Schwegler (Römische Geschichte, i. 548 note), O. Gilbert (Geschichte und Topographie der Stadt Rom im Altertum, i. 111), and G. Wissowa (in W. H. Roscher’s Lexikon der griech. und röm. Mythologie, s.v. “Egeria”).

[72] O. Rossbach, op. cit. p. 151. “The old bath” is mentioned in an inscription found on the spot (Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum, xiv., No. 4190).

[73] Notizie degli Scavi, 1885, pp. 159 sq., 192, 254; id. 1888, p. 193; Bulletino dell’ Inst. di Corrisp. Archeologica, 1885, pp. 153, 154 sq.; O. Rossbach, op. cit. p. 160; Archaeologia: or Miscellaneous Tracts relating to Antiquity, l. (1887), Pt. I. pp. 61 sq., 64; G. H. Wallis, Illustrated Catalogue, pp. 2, 4, 22. Amongst these models may be specially noted the torso of a woman clad in a long robe, with her breast cut open so as to expose the bowels. It may be the offering of a woman who suffered from some internal malady.

[74] For an example of the custom in modern times see J. J. Blunt, Vestiges of Ancient Manners and Customs discoverable in Modern Italy and Sicily (London, 1823), p. 135. The custom is still widespread among the Catholic population of Southern Germany. See R. Andree, Votive und Weihegaben des Katholischen Volks in Süddeutschland (Brunswick, 1904), pp. 94 sqq., 112 sqq., 123 sqq.

[75] R. Lanciani, in Athenaeum, October 10, 1885, p. 477.

[76] Xenophon, Cyneget. i. 2 and 11; Euripides, Hippolytus, 10–19. 1092 sq.

[77] Euripides, Hippolytus, 20 sqq.; Apollodorus, Epitoma, i. 18 sq., ed. R. Wagner; Hyginus, Fabulae, 47; Ovid, Metam. xv. 497 sqq.

[78] Virgil, Aen. vii. 761 sqq., with the commentary of Servius; Ovid, Fasti, iii. 263 sqq., vi. 735 sqq.; id., Metam. xv. 497 sqq.; Scholiast on Persius, Sat. vi. 56, p. 347 sq., ed. O. Jahn; Lactantius, Divin. Inst. i. 17; Pausanias, ii. 27. 4; Apollodorus, iii. 10. 3; Scholiast on Pindar, Pyth. iii. 96. It was perhaps in his character of a serpent that Aesculapius was said to have brought the dead Hippolytus to life. See my note on Pausanias, ii. 10. 3.

[79] An inscription in the public museum at Naples mentions a flamen Virbialis (Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum, x., No. 1493). Another inscription mentions a similar priesthood at Aricia, but the inscription is forged (Orelli, Inscript. Latin. No. 1457; compare H. Dessau on Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum, xiv., No. 2213). The same title flamen Virbialis has sometimes been wrongly read in an inscription of Gratianopolis, in Narbonensian Gaul (Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum, xii., No. 2238; Orelli, Inscript. Latin. Nos. 2212, 4022). For the worship of Virbius we have also the testimony of Servius, on Virgil, Aen. vii. 776: “Nam et Virbius inter deos colitur.”

[80] Virgil, Aen. vii. 779 sq.; Ovid, Fasti, iii. 265 sq.

[81] Servius on Virgil, Aen. vii. 776. Helbig proposed to identify as Virbius some bronze statuettes found at Nemi, which represent a young man naked except for a cloak thrown over his left arm, holding in his extended right hand a shallow bowl, while in his raised left hand he seems to have held a spear or staff on which he leaned. See Bulletino dell’ Inst. di Corrisp. Archeologica, 1885, p. 229. But to this it has been objected by Rossbach (op. cit. p. 162) that Virbius appears to have been portrayed as an older, probably bearded man (Ovid, Metam. xv. 538 sqq.).

[82] Servius on Virgil, Aen. vii. 761; compare id. on Aen. vii. 84. See also Ovid, Metam. xv. 545 sq.—

“Hoc nemus inde colo de disque minoribus unus

Nomine sub dominae lateo atque accenseor illi.”

[83] P. Ribadeneira, Flos Sanctorum (Venice, 1763), ii. 93 sq.; Acta Sanctorum, August 13, pp. 4 sqq. (Paris and Rome, 1867). The merit of tracing the saint’s pedigree belongs to Mr. J. Rendel Harris. See his Annotators of Codex Bezae (London, 1901), pp. 101 sq. Prudentius has drawn a picture of the imaginary martyrdom which might melt the stoniest heart (Peristeph. xi. p. 282 sqq., ed. Th. Obbarius). According to the Acta Sanctorum the saint shared the crown of martyrdom with twenty members of his household, of whom nineteen were beheaded, while one of them, his nurse Concordia, was scourged to death (“plumbatis caesa”). It is an odd coincidence that his Greek prototype Hippolytus dedicated just twenty horses to Aesculapius (Pausanias, ii. 27. 4); and it is another odd coincidence, if it is nothing worse, that the bones of Orestes, the other mythical hero of Nemi, were buried beside the temple of Concordia in Rome, and that Servius, who mentions this tradition (on Virgil, Aen. ii. 116), should immediately afterwards quote the words “virgine caesa.” If we knew why the hero Hippolytus dedicated just twenty horses to the god who raised him from the dead, we might perhaps know why the saint Hippolytus went to heaven attended by a glorious company of just twenty martyrs. Bunsen courageously stood out for the historical reality of the martyr, whom he would fain identify with his namesake the well-known writer of the third century (Hippolytus and his Age, London, 1852, i. pp. 212 sqq.).

[84] Cato, Origines, i., quoted by Priscian, Inst. iv. 21, vol. i. p. 129, ed. Hertz; M. Catonis praeter librum de re rustica quae extant, ed. H. Jordan, p. 12.

[85] Livy, ii. 25; Dionysius Halicarnas. Antiquit. Roman. vi. 29.

[86] Festus, p. 145, ed. C. O. Müller.

[87] Persius, Sat. vi. 55 sqq.

[88] Wissowa suggests that Manius Egerius was a half-forgotten male counterpart of Egeria (W. H. Roscher’s Lexikon d. griech. und röm. Mythologie, s.v. “Egeria”); and Dessau observes that the name Egerius “sine dubio cohaeret cum Egerio fonte” (Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum, xiv. p. 204). The same view is taken by Messrs. A. B. Cook and E. Pais. Mr. Cook holds that the original form of the names was Aegerius and Aegeria, which he would interpret as “the Oak God” and “the Oak Goddess.” See A. B. Cook, “The European Sky-God,” Folk-lore, xvi. (1905) pp. 291 sq.; E. Pais, Ancient Legends of Roman History (London, 1906), p. 142.

[89] As Cluverius seems to do (Italia Antiqua, p. 931).

[90] This is substantially the view of Prof. Wissowa, who holds that the reference is to the foundation of a common altar in the grove by all the members of the league (Religion und Kultus der Römer, p. 199).

[91] Scholars are not agreed as to whether the list of confederate Latin cities in Cato is complete, and whether the Latin dictator he mentions was the head of the league or only of Tusculum. In regard to the former question we must remember that the passage of Cato is known to us only from Priscian, who seems to have quoted no more than suited his purpose, which was merely to illustrate a grammatical termination (Ardeatis for the later Ardeas). Probably, therefore, the original passage contained many more names of towns which Priscian did not think it needful to cite. This is the view of H. Dessau (in Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum, xiv. p. 204). With regard to the second question, Mommsen held that the dictatorship in question was merely the chief magistracy of Tusculum, the presidency of the Latin league being vested in two praetors, not in a dictator (Livy, viii. 3. 9). Most scholars, however, appear to be of opinion that the dictator referred to was head of the league. See H. Jordan, M. Catonis praeter librum de re rustica quae extant, pp. xli. sqq.; J. Beloch, Der italische Bund unter Roms Hegemonie (Leipsic, 1880), p. 188; H. Nissen, Italische Landeskunde, ii. (Berlin, 1902) pp. 557 sq.

[92] G. H. Wallis, Illustrated Catalogue, pp. 5, 36; Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum, xiv., No. 4186.

[93] Bulletino di Corrisp. Archeologica, 1885, p. 232; Notizie degli Scavi, 1885, pp. 255, 320; id. 1895, p. 108; G. H. Wallis, Illustrated Catalogue, pp. 5, 55. The use of this rude currency is said to have been superseded in the reign of Servius Tullius, who substituted stamped ingots of copper (Pliny, Nat. Hist. xxxiii. 43).

[94] Livy, xxvi. 11. 9; Tacitus, Historiae, iv. 53; E. Babelon, Monnaies de la République romaine, i. pp. ii. sq.

[95] Herodotus, iv. 103; Euripides, Iphigenia in Tauris, 38 sqq.; Strabo, vi. 4. 2, p. 308; Pausanias, iii. 16. 7–10; K. O. Müller, Die Dorier,² i. 385 sqq.

[96] Pausanias, ii. 32. 1; Euripides, Hippolytus, 1423–1430, with Paley’s comment. Diodorus Siculus speaks (iv. 62) of the “godlike honours” accorded to Hippolytus at Troezen.

[97] Pausanias, i. 22. 1, ii. 32. 1.

[98] S. Wide, De sacris Troezeniorum, Hermionensium, Epidauriorum (Upsala, 1898), pp. 86 sq. C. Boetticher thought that “the whole legend of Hippolytus represents simply the conflict of the worship of Aphrodite with that of Artemis at Troezen” (Der Baumkultus der Hellenen, p. 445, n. 2).

[99] Pausanias, ii. 32. 3.

[100] Servius on Virgil, Aen. v. 72; Pausanias, vi. 24. 7. As to the myrtle and Aphrodite, see C. Boetticher, Der Baumkultus der Hellenen, pp. 444 sqq.; V. Hehn, Kulturpflanzen und Haustiere⁷ (Berlin, 1902), pp. 220 sqq.

[101] Pausanias, i. 22. 1; Euripides, Hippolytus, 30 sqq., with the scholiast’s note; Diodorus Siculus, iv. 62; J. Tzetzes, Scholia on Lycophron, 1329.

[102] Pausanias, ii. 32. 6 Ἀφροδίτης Ἀσκραίας, where Bekker and all subsequent editors have changed Ἀσκραίας into Ἀκραίας. But Ἀσκραίας has the better manuscript authority. The title is derived from askra, “a fruitless oak” (Hesychius, s.v. ἄσκρα). See Mr. A. B. Cook, “Zeus, Jupiter, and the Oak,” Classical Review, xvii, (1903) pp. 415 sq.

[103] Pausanias, ii. 32. 10. In Greek saronis is a hollow oak. See Callimachus, Hymn to Zeus, 22; Hesychius and Etymologicum Magnum, s.v. σαρωνίδες; A. B. Cook, “Zeus, Jupiter, and the Oak,” Classical Review, xviii. (1904) p. 370. Mythology derived the name Saronian from a certain Saron, an ancient king of Troezen and a mighty hunter, who had been drowned while swimming after a doe (Pausanias, ii. 30. 7). In this mythical hunter associated with Artemis we may perhaps detect a duplicate of Hippolytus.

[104] Pausanias, ii. 31. 4, 8, and 9.

[105] See Kühner-Blass, Grammatik der griech. Sprache, ii. 288 sq.

[106] Pausanias, ii. 27. 4.

[107] Pausanias, ii. 33. 2 with my commentary, vol. iii. pp. 285 sq. vol. v. pp. 596 sqq.

[108] Strabo, v. 1. 4, 8, and 9, pp. 212, 214 sq. As to the topography, see Bunbury in Smith’s Dictionary of Greek and Roman Geography, s.v. “Timavus”; H. Nissen, Italische Landeskunde, ii. 233. I have to thank my friend Mr. A B. Cook for drawing my attention to the association of the horse and wolf in the early cults of Greece and Italy.

[109] M. Salomon Reinach would explain Hippolytus at Troezen as a sacred horse, which was torn to pieces by his worshippers at a solemn sacrifice, just as Dionysus Zagreus was said to have been rent in pieces by his worshippers. See S. Reinach, “Hippolyte,” Archiv für Religionswissenschaft, x. (1907) pp. 47–60; id. Cultes, Mythes, et Religions, iii. (Paris, 1908) pp. 54–67.

[110] No argument can be drawn from the bronze wolf-heads of Caligula’s ships (above, p. [5], note 5), since these may have been purely ornamental.

[111] Lucian, De dea Syria, 60.

[112] Plutarch, Theseus, 5.

[113] Athenaeus, xiii. 83, p. 605A. For dedications of hair to Apollo see Anthologia Palatina, vi. 198, 279.

[114] Statius, Theb. ii. 253 sqq.

[115] Pausanias, i. 43. 4.

[116] Herodotus, iv. 33 sq.; Callimachus, Hymn to Delos, 291 sqq.; Pausanias, i. 43. 4.

[117] Anthologia Palatina, vi. 276, 277; Pollux, iii. 38; Hesychius, s.v. γάμων ἔθη. Pollux seems to imply that the hair was dedicated to Hera and the Fates as well as to Artemis.

[118] G. Deschamps and G. Cousin, in Bulletin de Correspondance hellénique, xi. (1887) pp. 390 sq.; id. xii. (1888) pp. 97 sq., 249 sqq., 479–490.

[119] Lucian, De dea Syria, 60.

[120] J. Marquardt, Privatleben der Römer, pp. 599 sq.

[121] Suetonius, Nero, 12. On hair-offerings in general see G. A. Wilken, Ueber das Haaropfer (Amsterdam, 1886) (reprinted from the Revue Coloniale Internationale). On the hair-offerings of the Greeks see Fr. Wieseler, in Philologus, ix. (1854), pp. 711–715; G. Deschamps and G. Cousin, in Bulletin de Correspondance hellénique, xii. (1888) pp. 479–490; W. H. D. Rouse, Greek Votive Offerings (Cambridge, 1902), pp. 240–245.

[122] Herodotus, ii. 65; Diodorus Siculus, i. 83. The latter writer’s account is the fuller, and has been followed in the text.

[123] Lucian, De dea Syria, 6.

[124] W. Robertson Smith, Religion of the Semites,² p. 329. He refers to Sozomenus, Histor. Eccles. v. 10. 7; Socrates, Histor. Eccles. i. 18; and Eusebius, Vita Constant. iii. 58, from whose testimonies we learn that at Heliopolis, in Syria, it was the custom to prostitute maidens to strangers before marriage. Eusebius speaks of the religious prostitution of married women as well as of maidens. Constantine destroyed the temple of the goddess in which these impure rites seem to have been performed. To moderns, Heliopolis (the City of the Sun) is better known as Baalbec; its magnificent ruins are the finest remains of Greek architecture in the East.

[125] This is recognised by G. A. Wilken (Ueber das Haaropfer, p. 105).

[126] G. A. Wilken, Das Haaropfer, pp. 61 sqq.; W. Robertson Smith, Religion of the Semites,² pp. 323 sqq.; I. Goldziher, Muhammedanische Studien, i. (Halle a. S. 1888) pp. 247 sqq. See also below, p. [102].

[127] Pausanias, viii. 41. 3. To the references given in my note on the passage add Pollux, ii. 30.

[128] Callimachus, Hymn to Delos, 278 sqq.; Pliny, Nat. Hist. iv. 91; Strabo, vi. 1. 15, p. 264; Plutarch, De Pythiae oraculis, 16. In Apollo’s temple at Delphi there were dedicated a radish of gold, a beet of silver, and a turnip of lead, which was thought to signify the respective value of these vegetables (Pliny, Nat. Hist. xix. 86). A poet speaks of tithes and first-fruits hung up for Apollo on a high pillar at Delphi (Clement of Alexandria, Strom. i. 24. 164, p. 419, ed. Potter).

[129] Diogenes Laertius, Vit. Philos. ii. 44, iii. 2; Plutarch, Quaest. Conviv. viii. 1. 2; J. T. Wood, Discoveries at Ephesus: Inscriptions from the great Theatre, pp. 4, 16. Apollo’s birthday (the 7th of Thargelion) was probably the festival known in the Delian calendar as the Apollonia, not the Delia as was formerly supposed. The Delia seems to have fallen in early spring, not in early summer. See C. Robert in Hermes, xxi. (1886) pp. 161–169; Aug. Mommsen, Feste der Stadt Athen (Leipsic, 1898), p. 451. On this harvest-festival at Delos see W. Mannhardt, Antike Wald- und Feldkulte, pp. 232 sqq., who, however, took the festival to be the Delia.

[130] Hesiod, Works and Days, 383 sq.; L. Ideler, Handbuch der mathematischen und technischen Chronologie, i. 242.

[131] Folk-lore, i. (1890) p. 518. As to the season of the ripening of the corn in Greece both in ancient and modern times, see G. Busolt’s discussion of the evidence, Griechische Geschichte, iii. 2 (Gotha, 1904), pp. 909 sqq., note.

[132] Philostratus, Heroica, xx. 24.

[133] Bulletin de Correspondance hellénique, xviii. (1894) pp. 87–93; id. xx. (1896) pp. 639–641; E. Curtius in Archäologischer Anzeiger, 1895, pp. 109 sq.; Dittenberger, Sylloge Inscriptionum Graecarum,² Nos. 611, 665, 718.

[134] Strabo, ix. 2. 11, p. 404.

[135] Plutarch, Aristides, 20. Probably the custom of sending out new fire from Delos and Delphi was common, though the existing evidence of it is scanty. The same remark applies to the practice of bringing tithes of the harvest to these sanctuaries.

[136] Herodotus, iv. 33; Callimachus, Hymn to Delos, 278 sqq. Herodotus does not tell us in what the sacred offerings consisted; Pausanias says (i. 31. 2) that no one knew what they were. But from the evidence of Callimachus, compared with that of Pliny (Nat. Hist. iv. 91) and Mela (iii. 37), it appears that they were believed to be the first-fruits of the corn.

[137] H. Stein on Herodotus, iv. 33; O. Crusius in W. H. Roscher’s Lexikon der griech. und röm. Mythologie, i. 2813, 2831; Preller-Robert, Griechische Mythologie, i. 298 sq.; Wernicke, in Pauly-Wissowa, Real-Encyclopädie der class. Altertumswissenschaft, ii. coll. 1355, 1356, 1357, 1358, 1359, 1380, 1383, 1393, 1402. The names of the maidens were variously given as Hyperoche and Laodice (Herodotus, iv. 33), or Hekaerge and Opis, (Pausanias, i. 43. 4, v. 7. 8; Servius on Virgil, Aen. xi. 532), or Upis, Loxo, and Hekaerge (Callimachus, Hymn to Delos, 292). Herodotus further mentions (iv. 35) another pair of Hyperborean maidens, Arge and Opis by name, who came with Apollo and Artemis to Delos, and were buried behind the sanctuary of Artemis in the island. They are clearly the equivalents of the Hekaerge and Opis or Upis of the other writers. For Hekaerge as an epithet of Artemis see Servius, loc. cit.; Clement of Alexandria, Strom. v. 8. 49, p. 674, ed. Potter, quoting Apollodorus of Corcyra: μέλπετε ὧ παῖδες ἑκάεργον καὶ ἑκαέργαν. For Opis or Upis as a name of Artemis see Macrobius, Saturn. v. 22. 3–6; Callimachus, Hymn to Artemis, 204; Palaephatus, De incredib. 32.

[138] Pseudo-Plato, Axiochus, p. 371A; Servius on Virgil, Aen. xi. 532: “Alii putant Opim et Hecaergon nutritores Apollinis et Dianae fuisse; hinc itaque Opim ipsam Dianam cognominatam, quod supra dictum est, Apollinem vero Hecaergon.”

[139] Herodotus, iv. 34 sq. According to Herodotus, each grave contained the dust of a pair of Hyperborean damsels.

[140] Porphyry, Vita Pythagorae, 16.

[141] Wernicke, in Pauly-Wissowa’s Real-Encyclopädie der class. Altertumswissenschaft, ii. 1339. This general statement the writer supports with a wealth of detailed evidence, to which I can only refer the reader.

[142] This appears from the name Partheniai applied at Sparta to the men who were born of the parthenoi (unmarried women) during the absence of the married men at the Messenian war. See Ephorus, cited by Strabo, vi. 3. 3, p. 279. Whether this explanation was historically correct or not (and other explanations of it were given, see W. L. Newman on Aristotle, Politics, vii. (v.) 7, p. 1306 b 29), it proves that in Greek of the best period parthenos did not connote chastity. Compare what Herodotus says of the Thracians (v. 6): τὰς δὲ παρθένους οὐ φυλάσσουσι, ἀλλ’ ἐῶσι τοῖσι αὐταὶ βούλονται ἀνδράσι μίσγεσθαι. As to the worship of unmarried goddesses in Western Asia, Sir W. M. Ramsay observes: “It is, in fact, probable, though with our present knowledge not susceptible of proof, that the term Parthenos in connection with the Anatolian system should be rendered simply as ‘the Unmarried,’ and should be regarded as evidence of the religious existence of the pre-Greek social system. The Parthenos goddess was also the Mother; and however much the Parthenoi who formed part of her official retinue may have been modified by Greek feeling, it is probable that originally the term indicated only that they were not cut off by marriage from the divine life” (Cities and Bishoprics of Phrygia, i. p. 96). Similarly in a celebrated passage of Isaiah (vii. 14) the Hebrew word (עַלְמָה) which is translated “virgin” in our English version means no more than “young woman.” A correct translation would have obviated the necessity for the miracle which so many generations of devout but unlearned readers have discovered in the text; for while it would unquestionably be a miracle if a virgin were to conceive and bear a son, there is nothing whatever miraculous or even unusual about a young woman doing so.

[143] L. R. Farnell, The Cults of the Greek States, ii. 444. The whole of Dr. Farnell’s treatment of this subject is excellent (pp. 442–449). He suggests doubtfully that the epithets Peitho, Hegemone, and Eukleia may possibly refer to marriage. But clearly “persuasion,” “leader,” and “good fame” do not in themselves imply any allusion to wedlock. The passage of Euripides referred to in the text is Supplices, 958 sq.: οὐδ’ Ἄρτεμις λοχία προσφθέγξαιτ’ ᾶν τὰς ἀτέκνους.

[144] Thus she was identified with Anaitis (Plutarch, Artoxerxes, 27; Dittenberger, Sylloge Inscr. Graec.² No. 775), and with Nana (Corpus Inscriptionum Atticarum, iii. 131), or Nanaea, the goddess of Elymais (2 Maccabees, i. 13 and 15, compared with Polybius, xxxi. 11, and Josephus, Antiquit. Jud. xii. 9). This Nanaea was sometimes identified with Aphrodite instead of with Artemis (Appian, Syriace, 66). She seems to have been the old Babylonian goddess Nana, Nanai, or Nannaia, who was identical with the Ishtar (Astarte) of Erech. See H. Zimmern, in Schrader’s Die Keilinschriften und das Alte Testament,³ p. 422; R. F. Harper, Assyrian and Babylonian Literature (New York, 1901), pp. 116 sq., 245; W. H. Roscher’s Lexikon der griech. und röm. Mythologie, iii. 4 sq. s.v. “Nana.” For the identification of Artemis with another Semitic mother-goddess, see W. Robertson Smith, Kinship and Marriage in Early Arabia² (London, 1903), p. 298. As to the dissolute worship of Anaitis, see Strabo, xi. 14, 16, p. 532. And as to the identification of Artemis with Asiatic goddesses of this type see L. R. Farnell, Cults of the Greek States, ii. 478 sqq.; Wernicke, in Pauly-Wissowa, Encycl. d. class. Alter. ii. 1369 sqq.

[145] Pausanias, iv. 31. 8; Dittenberger, Sylloge Inscript. Graecarum,² No. 656.

[146] The statues on which this description is based are in the Vatican, the Lateran, and the Palazzo dei Conservatori on the Capitol at Rome. The first of these is figured and described in Baumeister’s Denkmäler, i. 130 sq., and the second is described by O. Benndorf and R. Schoene, Die antiken Bildwerke des Lateranischen Museums, pp. 260 sq. See also Roscher’s Lexik. d. griech. und röm. Myth. i. 588 sqq.; S. Reinach, Répertoire de la Statuaire grecque et romaine, i. pp. 298, 299, 300, 302, ii. pp. 321 sq. Both the Vatican and the Lateran statues have the necklace of acorns, and the Lateran copy (No. 768) has in addition a circlet of acorns hanging on the bosom. The acorns probably refer to the oak-tree under which the Amazons were said to have set up the image of the goddess at Ephesus (Callimachus, Hymn to Artemis, 237 sqq.). The statue in the Palazzo dei Conservatori (No. 47) has serpents twined round the arms. The many breasts of the Ephesian Artemis are mentioned by Minucius Felix (Octavius, xxii. 5). On the worship of the Ephesian Artemis continued as that of the Virgin Mary see Sir W. M. Ramsay, “The Worship of the Virgin Mary at Ephesus,” The Expositor, June 1905, pp. 401 sqq.

[147] Strabo, xiv. I. 23, p. 641. That a goddess of fertility should be served by such ministers may strike us as a contradiction. Yet it is typical of the Oriental worship of the great Mother Goddess. I have suggested an explanation of the custom elsewhere. See Adonis, Attis, Osiris, Second Edition, pp. 236 sqq.

[148] Pausanias, vii. 2. 7 sq.; Preller-Robert, Griechische Mythologie, i. 329; L. R. Farnell, The Cults of the Greek States, ii. 480 sqq.

[149] Indeed the eloquent church father Lactantius let the cat out of the bag when he bluntly called Hippolytus the lover of Artemis (Divin. Institut. i. 17).

[150] Herodotus, v. 82–87; Pausanias, ii. 30. 4, ii. 32. 2; Schol. on Aristides, vol. iii. pp. 598 sq., ed. Dindorf. As H. Stein (on Herodotus, v. 82) rightly observes, Damia and Auxesia were “goddesses of tilth and of the fruitful field, agrarian deities who were accordingly compared and identified with Demeter and Kora [Proserpine], but who were in truth only separate personifications of the two sides of Demeter’s character.” See further my note on Pausanias, ii. 30. 4. We shall return hereafter to the custom of stone-throwing as a charm to fertilise the fields.

[151] See, for example, Catullus’s fine poem on her (No. xxxiv.).

[152] This was pointed out long ago by P. Buttmann (Mythologus, ii. 151).

[153] Seneca speaks of Diana as “regina nemorum” or “Queen of the Woods” (Hippolytus, 406), perhaps with a reminiscence of the Rex Nemorensis, as Mr. A. B. Cook has suggested (Classical Review, xvi. (1902) p. 373, note 4).

[154] Pliny, Nat. Hist. xvi. 242, pointed out to me by Mr. A. B. Cook, who compares Herodotus, vii. 31.

[155] See below, vol. ii. pp. 26 sq., 56 sq., 100 sq., 316 sqq.

[156] As to the double-headed bust see W. Helbig, in Notizie degli Scavi, 1885, p. 227; O. Rossbach, op. cit. p. 159; G. H. Wallis, Illustrated Catalogue of Classical Antiquities from the Site of the Temple of Diana, Nemi, pp. 32 sq.; A. B. Cook, in Classical Review, xvi. (1902) p. 373; id. “The European Sky-God,” Folk-lore, xvi. (1905) pp. 289 sqq.; F. Granger, “A Portrait of the Rex Nemorensis,” Classical Review, xxi. (1907) pp. 194–197; id. in Classical Review, xxii. (1908) p. 217; J. G. Frazer, “The Leafy Bust at Nemi,” Classical Review, xxii. (1908) pp. 147–149. The interpretation adopted in the text is that of Professor F. Granger. The way had been prepared for it by Mr. A. B. Cook’s suggestion that the busts represent “the double form of Diana’s favourite, Hippolytus-Virbius.” Previous writers took the view that the heads were those of water-gods. As to the identification of the leaves on the busts, about which botanists are not agreed, see Mr. Francis Darwin’s letter to me, quoted in my article, “The Leafy Bust at Nemi” (l.c.).