The Golden Bough: A Study in Magic and Religion (Third Edition, Vol. 05 of 12)

by James George Frazer

Footnotes

[1.] As in the present volume I am concerned with the beliefs and practices of Orientals I may quote the following passage from one who has lived long in the East and knows it well: “The Oriental mind is free from the trammels of logic. It is a literal fact that the Oriental mind can accept and believe two opposite things at the same time. We find fully qualified and even learned Indian doctors practising Greek medicine, as well as English medicine, and enforcing sanitary restrictions to which their own houses and families are entirely strangers. We find astronomers who can predict eclipses, and yet who believe that eclipses are caused by a dragon swallowing the sun. We find holy men who are credited with miraculous powers and with close communion with the Deity, who live in drunkenness and immorality, and who are capable of elaborate frauds on others. To the Oriental mind, a thing must be incredible to command a ready belief” (“Riots and Unrest in the Punjab, from a correspondent,” The Times Weekly Edition, May 24, 1907, p. 326). Again, speaking of the people of the Lower Congo, an experienced missionary describes their religious ideas as “chaotic in the extreme and impossible to reduce to any systematic order. The same person will tell you at different times that the departed spirit goes to the nether regions, or to a dark forest, or to the moon, or to the sun. There is no coherence in their beliefs, and their ideas about cosmogony and the future are very nebulous. Although they believe in punishment after death their faith is so hazy that it has lost all its deterrent force. If in the following pages a lack of logical unity is observed, it must be put to the debit of the native mind, as that lack of logical unity really represents the mistiness of their views.” See Rev. John H. Weeks, “Notes on some Customs of the Lower Congo People,” Folk-lore, xx. (1909) pp. 54 sq. Unless we allow for this innate capacity of the human mind to entertain contradictory beliefs at the same time, we shall in vain attempt to understand the history of thought in general and of religion in particular. [2.] The equivalence of Tammuz and Adonis has been doubted or denied by some scholars, as by Renan (Mission de Phénicie, Paris, 1864, pp. 216, 235) and by Chwolsohn (Die Ssabier und der Ssabismus, St. Petersburg, 1856, ii. 510). But the two gods are identified by Origen (Selecta in Ezechielem, Migne's Patrologia Graeca, xiii. 797), Jerome (Epist. lviii. 3 and Commentar. in Ezechielem, viii. 13, 14, Migne's Patrologia Latina, xxii. 581, xxv. 82), Cyril of Alexandria (In Isaiam, lib. ii. tomus. iii., and Comment. on Hosea, iv. 15, Migne's Patrologia Graeca, lxx. 441, lxxi. 136), Theodoretus (In Ezechielis cap. viii., Migne's Patrologia Graeca, lxxxi. 885), the author of the Paschal Chronicle (Migne's Patrologia Graeca, xcii. 329) and Melito (in W. Cureton's Spicilegium Syriacum, London, 1855, p. 44); and accordingly we may fairly conclude that, whatever their remote origin may have been, Tammuz and Adonis were in the later period of antiquity practically equivalent to each other. Compare W. W. Graf Baudissin, Studien zur semitischen Religionsgeschichte (Leipsic, 1876-1878), i. 299; id., in Realencyclopädie für protestantische Theologie und Kirchengeschichte,3 s.v. “Tammuz”; id., Adonis und Esmun (Leipsic, 1911), pp. 94 sqq.; W. Mannhardt, Antike Wald- und Feldkulte (Berlin, 1877), pp. 273 sqq.; Ch. Vellay, “Le dieu Thammuz,” Revue de l'Histoire des Religions, xlix. (1904) pp. 154-162. Baudissin holds that Tammuz and Adonis were two different gods sprung from a common root (Adonis und Esmun, p. 368). An Assyrian origin of the cult of Adonis was long ago affirmed by Macrobius (Sat. i. 21. 1). On Adonis and his worship in general see also F. C. Movers, Die Phoenizier, i. (Bonn, 1841) pp. 191 sqq.; W. H. Engel, Kypros (Berlin, 1841), ii. 536 sqq.; Ch. Vellay, Le culte et les fêtes d' Adonis-Thammouz dans l'Orient antique (Paris, 1904). [3.] The mourning for Adonis is mentioned by Sappho, who flourished about 600 b.c. See Th. Bergk's Poetae Lyrici Graeci,3 iii. (Leipsic, 1867) p. 897; Pausanias, ix. 29. 8. [4.] Ed. Meyer, Geschichte des Altertums,2 i. 2 (Berlin, 1909), pp. 394 sq.; W. W. Graf Baudissin, Adonis und Esmun, pp. 65 sqq. [5.] Encyclopaedia Biblica, ed. T. K. Cheyne and J. S. Black, iii. 3327. In the Old Testament the title Adoni, “my lord,” is frequently given to men. See, for example, Genesis xxxiii. 8, 13, 14, 15, xlii. 10, xliii. 20, xliv. 5, 7, 9, 16, 18, 19, 20, 22, 24. [6.] C. P. Tiele, Geschichte der Religion im Altertum (Gotha, 1896-1903), i. 134 sqq.; G. Maspero, Histoire Ancienne des Peuples de l'Orient Classique, les Origines (Paris, 1895), pp. 550 sq.; L. W. King, Babylonian Religion and Mythology (London, 1899), pp. 1 sqq.; id., A History of Sumer and Akkad (London, 1910), pp. 1 sqq., 40 sqq.; H. Winckler, in E. Schrader's Die Keilinschriften und das alte Testament3 (Berlin, 1902), pp. 10 sq., 349; Fr. Hommel, Grundriss der Geographie und Geschichte des alten Orients (Munich, 1904), pp. 18 sqq.; Ed. Meyer, Geschichte des Altertums,2 i. 2 (Berlin, 1909), pp. 401 sqq. As to the hypothesis that the Sumerians were immigrants from Central Asia, see L. W. King, History of Sumer and Akkad, pp. 351 sqq. The gradual desiccation of Central Asia, which is conjectured to have caused the Sumerian migration, has been similarly invoked to explain the downfall of the Roman empire; for by rendering great regions uninhabitable it is supposed to have driven hordes of fierce barbarians to find new homes in Europe. See Professor J. W. Gregory's lecture “Is the earth drying up?” delivered before the Royal Geographical Society and reported in The Times, December 9th, 1913. It is held by Prof. Hommel (op. cit. pp. 19 sqq.) that the Sumerian language belongs to the Ural-altaic family, but the better opinion seems to be that its linguistic affinities are unknown. The view, once ardently advocated, that Sumerian was not a language but merely a cabalistic mode of writing Semitic, is now generally exploded. [7.] H. Zimmern, “Der babylonische Gott Tamüz,” Abhandlungen der philologisch-historischen Klasse der Königl. Sächsischen Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften, xxvii. No. xx. (Leipsic, 1909) pp. 701, 722. [8.] Dumu-zi, or in fuller form Dumuzi-abzu. See P. Jensen, Assyrisch-Babylonische Mythen und Epen (Berlin, 1900), p. 560; H. Zimmern, op. cit. pp. 703 sqq.; id., in E. Schrader's Die Keilinschriften und das Alte Testament3 (Berlin, 1902), p. 397; P. Dhorme, La Religion Assyro-Babylonienne (Paris, 1910), p. 105; W. W. Graf Baudissin, Adonis und Esmun (Leipsic, 1911), p. 104. [9.] H. Zimmern, “Der babylonische Gott Tamüz,” Abhandl. d. Kön. Sächs. Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften, xxvii. No. xx. (Leipsic, 1909) p, 723. For the text and translation of the hymns, see H. Zimmern, “Sumerisch-babylonische Tamüzlieder,” Berichte über die Verhandlungen der Königlich Sächsischen Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften zu Leipzig, Philologisch-historische Klasse, lix. (1907) pp. 201-252. Compare H. Gressmann, Altorientalische Texte und Bilder (Tübingen, 1909), i. 93 sqq.; W. W. Graf Baudissin, Adonis und Esmun (Leipsic, 1911), pp. 99 sq.; R. W. Rogers, Cuneiform Parallels to the Old Testament (Oxford, n.d.), pp. 179-185. [10.] A. Jeremias, Die babylonisch-assyrischen Vorstellungen vom Leben nach dem Tode (Leipsic, 1887), pp. 4 sqq.; id., in W. H. Roscher's Lexikon der griech. und röm. Mythologie, ii. 808, iii. 258 sqq.; M. Jastrow, The Religion of Babylonia and Assyria (Boston, 1898), pp. 565-576, 584, 682 sq.; W. L. King, Babylonian Religion and Mythology, pp. 178-183; P. Jensen, Assyrisch-babylonische Mythen und Epen, pp. 81 sqq., 95 sqq., 169; R. F. Harper, Assyrian and Babylonian Literature (New York, 1901), pp. 316 sq., 338, 408 sqq.; H. Zimmern, in E. Schrader's Die Keilinschriften und das Alte Testament,3 pp. 397 sqq., 561 sqq.; id., “Sumerisch-babylonische Tamūzlieder,” Berichte über die Verhandlungen der Königlich Sächsischen Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften zu Leipzig, Philologisch-historische Klasse, lix. (1907) pp. 220, 232, 236 sq.; id., “Der babylonische Gott Tamūz,” Abhandlungen der philologisch-historischen Klasse der Königl. Sächsischen Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften, xxvii. No. xx. (Leipsic, 1909) pp. 725 sq., 729-735; H. Gressmann, Altorientalische Texte und Bilder zum Alten Testamente (Tübingen, 1909), i. 65-69; R. W. Rogers, Cuneiform Parallels to the Old Testament (Oxford, n.d.), pp. 121-131; W. W. Graf Baudissin, Adonis und Esmun (Leipsic, 1911), pp. 99 sqq., 353 sqq. According to Jerome (on Ezekiel viii. 14) the month of Tammuz was June; but according to modern scholars it corresponded rather to July, or to part of June and part of July. See F. C. Movers, Die Phoenizier, i. 210; F. Lenormant, “Il mito di Adone-Tammuz nei documenti cuneiformi,” Atti del IV. Congresso Internazionale degli Orientalisti (Florence, 1880), i. 144 sq.; W. Mannhardt, Antike Wald- und Feldkulte, p. 275; Encyclopaedia Biblica, s.v. “Months,” iii. 3194. My friend W. Robertson Smith informed me that owing to the variations of the local Syrian calendars the month of Tammuz fell in different places at different times, from midsummer to autumn, or from June to September. According to Prof. M. Jastrow, the festival of Tammuz was celebrated just before the summer solstice (The Religion of Babylonia and Assyria, pp. 547, 682). He observes that “the calendar of the Jewish Church still marks the 17th day of Tammuz as a fast, and Houtsma has shown that the association of the day with the capture of Jerusalem by the Romans represents merely the attempt to give an ancient festival a worthier interpretation.” [11.] Ezekiel viii. 14. [12.] Apollodorus, Bibliotheca, iii. 14. 4; Bion, Idyl, i., J. Tzetzes. Schol. on Lycophron, 831; Ovid, Metam. x. 503 sqq.; Aristides, Apology, edited by J. Rendel Harris (Cambridge, 1891), pp. 44, 106 sq. In Babylonian texts relating to Tammuz no reference has yet been found to death by a boar. See H. Zimmern, “Sumerisch-babylonische Tamūzlieder,” p. 451; id., “Der babylonische Gott Tamūz,” p. 731. Baudissin inclines to think that the incident of the boar is a late importation into the myth of Adonis. See his Adonis und Esmun, pp. 142 sqq. As to the relation of the boar to the kindred gods Adonis, Attis, and Osiris see Spirits of the Corn and of the Wild, ii. 22 sqq., where I have suggested that the idea of the boar as the foe of the god may be based on the terrible ravages which wild pigs notoriously commit in fields of corn. [13.] W. W. Graf Baudissin, Adonis und Esmun (Leipsic, 1911), pp. 152 sq., with plate iv. As to the representation of the myth of Adonis on Etruscan mirrors and late works of Roman art, especially sarcophaguses and wall-paintings, see Otto Jahn, Archäologische Beiträge (Berlin, 1847), pp. 45-51. [14.] The ancients were aware that the Syrian and Cyprian Aphrodite, the mistress of Adonis, was no other than Astarte. See Cicero, De natura deorum, iii. 23. 59; Joannes Lydus, De mensibus, iv. 44. On Adonis in Phoenicia see W. W. Graf Baudissin, Adonis und Esmun (Leipsic, 1911), pp. 71 sqq. [15.] As to Cinyras, see F. C. Movers, Die Phoenizier, i. 238 sqq., ii. 2. 226-231; W. H. Engel, Kypros (Berlin, 1841), i. 168-173, ii. 94-136; Stoll, s.v. “Kinyras,” in W. H. Roscher's Lexikon der griech. und röm. Mythologie, ii. 1189 sqq. Melito calls the father of Adonis by the name of Cuthar, and represents him as king of the Phoenicians with his capital at Gebal (Byblus). See Melito, “Oration to Antoninus Caesar,” in W. Cureton's Spicilegium Syriacum (London, 1855), p. 44. [16.] Philo of Byblus, quoted by Eusebius, Praeparatio Evangelii, i. 10; Fragmenta Historicorum Graecorum, ed. C. Müller, iii. 568; Stephanus Byzantius, s.v. Βύβλος. Byblus is a Greek corruption of the Semitic Gebal (גבל), the name which the place still retains. See E. Renan, Mission de Phénicie (Paris, 1864), p. 155. [17.] R. Pietschmann, Geschichte der Phoenizier (Berlin, 1889), p. 139. On the coins it is designated “Holy Byblus.” [18.] Strabo, xvi. 1. 18, p. 755. [19.] Lucian, De dea Syria, 6. [20.] The sanctuary and image are figured on coins of Byblus. See T. L. Donaldson, Architectura Numismatica (London, 1859), pp. 105 sq.; E. Renan, Mission de Phénicie, p. 177; G. Perrot et Ch. Chipiez, Histoire de l'Art dans l'Antiquité, iii. (Paris, 1885) p. 60; R. Pietschmann, Geschichte der Phoenizier, p. 202; G. Maspero, Histoire Ancienne des Peuples de l'Orient Classique, ii. (Paris, 1897) p. 173. Renan excavated a massive square pedestal built of colossal stones, which he thought may have supported the sacred obelisk (op. cit. pp. 174-178). [21.] Lucian, De dea Syria, 6. [22.] Strabo, xvi. 1. 18, p. 755. [23.] Lucian, De dea Syria, 8; Pliny, Nat. Hist. v. 78; E. Renan, Mission de Phénicie, pp. 282 sqq. [24.] Eustathius, Commentary on Dionysius Periegetes, 912 (Geographi Graeci Minores, ed. C. Müller, ii. 376); Melito, in W. Cureton's Spicilegium Syriacum, p. 44. [25.] Ezekiel xxvii. 9. As to the name Gebal see above, p. [13], note 1. [26.] L. B. Paton, The Early History of Syria and Palestine (London, 1902), pp. 169-171. See below, pp. [75] sq. [27.] L. B. Paton, op. cit. p. 235; R. F. Harper, Assyrian and Babylonian Literature, p. 57 (the Nimrud inscription of Tiglath-pileser III.). [28.] The inscription was discovered by Renan. See Ch. Vellay, Le culte et les fêtes d'Adonis-Thammouz dans l'Orient antique (Paris, 1904), pp. 38 sq.; G. A. Cooke, Text-book of North-Semitic Inscriptions (Oxford 1903), No. 3, pp. 18 sq. In the time of Alexander the Great the king of Byblus was a certain Enylus (Arrian, Anabasis, ii. 20), whose name appears on a coin of the city (F. C. Movers, Die Phoenizier, ii. 1, p. 103, note 81). [29.] On the divinity of Semitic kings and the kingship of Semitic gods see W. R. Smith, Religion of the Semites2 (London, 1894), pp. 44 sq., 66 sqq. [30.] H. Radau, Early Babylonian History (New York and London, 1900), pp. 307-317; P. Dhorme, La Religion Assyro-Babylonienne (Paris, 1910), pp. 168 sqq. [31.] The evidence for this is the Moabite stone, but the reading of the inscription is doubtful. See S. R. Driver, in Encyclopaedia Biblica, s.v. “Mesha,” vol. iii. 3041 sqq.; id., Notes on the Hebrew Text and the Topography of the Books of Samuel, Second Edition (Oxford, 1913), pp. lxxxv., lxxxvi., lxxxviii. sq.; G. A. Cooke, Text-book of North-Semitic Inscriptions, No. 1, pp. 1 sq., 6. [32.] 2 Kings viii. 7, 9, xiii. 24 sq.; Jeremiah xlix. 27. As to the god Hadad see Macrobius, Saturn, i. 23. 17-19 (where, as so often in late writers, the Syrians are called Assyrians); Philo of Byblus, in Fragmenta Historicorum Graecorum, ed. C. Müller, iii. 569; F. Baethgen, Beiträge zur semitischen Religionsgeschichte (Berlin, 1888), pp. 66-68; G. A. Cooke, Text-book of North-Semitic Inscriptions, Nos. 61, 62, pp. 161 sq., 164, 173, 175; M. J. Lagrange, Études sur les Religions Sémitiques2 (Paris, 1905), pp. 93, 493, 496 sq. The prophet Zechariah speaks (xii. 11) of a great mourning of or for Hadadrimmon in the plain of Megiddon. This has been taken to refer to a lament for Hadad-Rimmon, the Syrian god of rain, storm, and thunder, like the lament for Adonis. See S. R. Driver's note on the passage (The Minor Prophets, pp. 266 sq., Century Bible); W. W. Graf Baudissin, Adonis und Esmun, p. 92. [33.] Josephus, Antiquit. Jud. ix. 4. 6. [34.] Genesis xxxvi. 35 sq.; 1 Kings xi. 14-22; 1 Chronicles i. 50 sq. Of the eight kings of Edom mentioned in Genesis (xxxvi. 31-39) and in 1 Chronicles (i. 43-50) not one was the son of his predecessor. This seems to indicate that in Edom, as elsewhere, the blood royal was traced in the female line, and that the kings were men of other families, or even foreigners, who succeeded to the throne by marrying the hereditary princesses. See The Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings, ii. 268 sqq. The Israelites were forbidden to have a foreigner for a king (Deuteronomy xvii. 15 with S. R. Driver's note), which seems to imply that the custom was known among their neighbours. It is significant that some of the names of the kings of Edom seem to be those of divinities, as Prof. A. H. Sayce observed long ago (Lectures on the Religion of the Ancient Babylonians, London and Edinburgh, 1887, p. 54). [35.] G. A. Cooke, op. cit. Nos. 62, 63, pp. 163, 165, 173 sqq., 181 sqq.; M. J. Lagrange, op. cit. pp. 496 sqq. The god Rekub-el is mentioned along with the gods Hadad, El, Reshef, and Shamash in an inscription of King Bar-rekub's mortal father, King Panammu (G. A. Cooke, op. cit. No. 61, p. 161). [36.] Virgil, Aen. i. 729 sq., with Servius's note; Silius Italicus, Punica, i. 86 sqq. [37.] Ezekiel xxviii. 2, 9. [38.] Menander of Ephesus, quoted by Josephus, Contra Apionem, i. 18 and 21; Fragmenta Historicorum Graecorum, ed. C. Müller, iv. 446 sq. According to the text of Josephus, as edited by B. Niese, the names of the kings in question were Abibal, Balbazer, Abdastart, Methusastart, son of Leastart, Ithobal, Balezor, Baal, Balator, Merbal. The passage of Menander is quoted also by Eusebius, Chronic. i. pp. 118, 120, ed. A. Schoene. [39.] G. A. Cooke, Text-book of North-Semitic Inscriptions, No. 36, p. 102. As to Melcarth, the Tyrian Hercules, see Ed. Meyer, s.v. “Melqart,” in W. H. Roscher's Lexikon d. griech. u. röm. Mythologie, ii. 2650 sqq. One of the Tyrian kings seems to have been called Abi-milk (Abi-melech), that is, “father of a king” or “father of Moloch,” that is, of Melcarth. A letter of his to the king of Egypt is preserved in the Tel-el-Amarna correspondence. See R. F. Harper, Assyrian and Babylonian Literature, p. 237. As to a title which implies that the bearer of it was the father of a god, see below, pp. 51 sq. [40.] E. Renan, quoted by Ch. Vellay, Le culte et les fêtes d'Adonis-Thammouz, p. 39. Mr. Cooke reads ארםלך (Uri-milk) instead of אדםלך (Adon-milk) (G. A. Cooke, Text-book of North-Semitic Inscriptions, No. 3, p. 18). [41.] Judges i. 4-7; Joshua x. 1 sqq. [42.] Genesis xiv. 18-20, with Prof. S. R. Driver's commentary; Encyclopaedia Biblica, s.vv. “Adoni-bezek,” “Adoni-zedek,” “Melchizedek.” It is to be observed that names compounded with Adoni- were occasionally borne by private persons. Such names are Adoni-kam (Ezra ii. 13) and Adoni-ram (1 Kings iv. 6), not to mention Adoni-jah (1 Kings i. 5 sqq.), who was a prince and aspired to the throne of his father David. These names are commonly interpreted as sentences expressive of the nature of the god whom the bearer of the name worshipped. See Prof. Th. Nöldeke, in Encyclopaedia Biblica, s.v. “Names,” iii. 3286. It is quite possible that names which once implied divinity were afterwards degraded by application to common men. [43.] Ezekiel viii. 14. [44.] They were banished from the temple by King Josiah, who came to the throne in 637 b.c. Jerusalem fell just fifty-one years later. See 2 Kings xxiii. 7. As to these “sacred men” (ḳedēshīm), see below, pp. [72] sqq. [45.] 2 Kings xxiii. 7, where, following the Septuagint, we must apparently read כתנים for the בתים of the Massoretic Text. So R. Kittel and J. Skinner. [46.] The ashērah (singular of ashērīm) was certainly of wood (Judges vi. 26): it seems to have been a tree stripped of its branches and planted in the ground beside an altar, whether of Jehovah or of other gods (Deuteronomy xvi. 21; Jeremiah xvii. 2). That the asherah was regarded as a goddess, the female partner of Baal, appears from 1 Kings xviii. 19; 2 Kings xxi. 3, xxiii. 4; and that this goddess was identified with Ashtoreth (Astarte) may be inferred from a comparison of Judges ii. 13 with Judges iii. 7. Yet on the other hand the pole or tree seems by others to have been viewed as a male power (Jeremiah ii. 27; see below, pp. [107] sqq.), and the identification of the asherah with Astarte has been doubted or disputed by some eminent modern scholars. See on this subject W. Robertson Smith, Religion of the Semites,2 pp. 187 sqq.; S. R. Driver, on Deuteronomy xvi. 21; J. Skinner, on 1 Kings xiv. 23; M. J. Lagrange, Études sur les religions Sémitiques,2 pp. 173 sqq.; G. F. Moore, in Encyclopaedia Biblica, vol. i. 330 sqq., s.v. “Asherah.” [47.] Deuteronomy xxiii. 17 sq. (in Hebrew 18 sq.). The code of Deuteronomy was published in 621 b.c. in the reign of King Josiah, whose reforms, including the ejection of the ḳedeshim from the temple, were based upon it. See W. Robertson Smith, The Old Testament in the Jewish Church2 (London and Edinburgh, 1892), pp. 256 sqq., 353 sqq.; S. R. Driver, Critical and Exegetical Commentary on Deuteronomy3 (Edinburgh, 1902), pp. xliv. sqq.; K. Budde, Geschichte der althebräischen Litteratur (Leipsic, 1906), pp. 105 sqq. [48.] He reigned seven years in Hebron and thirty-three in Jerusalem (2 Samuel v. 5; 1 Kings ii. 11; 1 Chronicles xxix. 27). [49.] Professor A. H. Sayce has argued that David's original name was Elhanan (2 Samuel xxi. 19 compared with xxiii. 24), and that the name David, which he took at a later time, should be written Dod or Dodo, “the Beloved One,” which according to Prof. Sayce was a name for Tammuz (Adonis) in Southern Canaan, and was in particular bestowed by the Jebusites of Jerusalem on their supreme deity. See A. H. Sayce, Lectures on the Religion of the Ancient Babylonians (London and Edinburgh, 1887), pp. 52-57. If he is right, his conclusions would accord perfectly with those which I had reached independently, and it would become probable that David only assumed the name of David (Dod, Dodo) after the conquest of Jerusalem, and for the purpose of identifying himself with the god of the city, who had borne the same title from time immemorial. But on the whole it seems more likely, as Professor Kennett points out to me, that in the original story Elhanah, a totally different person from David, was the slayer of Goliath, and that the part of the giant-killer was thrust on David at a later time when the brightness of his fame had eclipsed that of many lesser heroes. [50.] 2 Samuel xii. 26-31; 1 Chronicles xx. 1-3. Critics seem generally to agree that in these passages the word מלכם must be pointed Milcom, not malcham “their king,” as the Massoretic text, followed by the English version, has it. The reading Milcom, which involves no change of the original Hebrew text, is supported by the reading of the Septuagint Μολχὸμ τοῦ βασιλέως αὐτῶν, where the three last words are probably a gloss on Μολχὸμ. See S. R. Driver, Notes on the Hebrew Text and the Topography of the Books of Samuel, Second Edition (Oxford, 1913), p. 294; Dean Kirkpatrick, in his note on 2 Samuel xii. 30 (Cambridge Bible for Schools and Colleges); Encyclopaedia Biblica, iii. 3085; R. Kittel, Biblia Hebraica, i. 433; Brown, Driver, and Briggs, Hebrew and English Lexicon of the Old Testament (Oxford, 1906), pp. 575 sq. David's son and successor adopted the worship of Milcom and made a high place for him outside Jerusalem. See 1 Kings xi. 5; 2 Kings xxiii. 13. [51.] 2 Samuel v. 6-10; 1 Chronicles xi. 4-9. [52.] See for example 1 Samuel xxiv. 8; 2 Samuel xiv. 9, 12, 15, 17, 18, 19, 22, xv. 15, 21, xvi. 4, 9, xviii. 28, 31, 32; 1 Kings i. 2, 13, 18, 20, 21, 24, 27; 1 Chronicles xxi. 3, 23. [53.] Jeremiah xxii. 18, xxxiv. 5. In the former passage, according to the Massoretic text, the full formula of mourning was, “Alas my brother! alas sister! alas lord! alas his glory!” Who was the lamented sister? Professor T. K. Cheyne supposes that she was Astarte, and by a very slight change (דדה for הדה) he would read “Dodah” for “his glory,” thus restoring the balance between the clauses; for “Dodah” would then answer to “Adon” (lord) as “sister” answers to “brother.” I have to thank Professor Cheyne for kindly communicating this conjecture to me by letter. He writes that Dodah “is a title of Ishtar, just as Dôd is a title of Tamûz,” and for evidence he refers me to the Dodah of the Moabite Stone, where, however, the reading Dodah is not free from doubt. See G. A. Cooke, Text-book of North-Semitic Inscriptions, No. 1, pp. 1, 3, 11; Encyclopaedia Biblica, ii. 3045; S. R. Driver, Notes on the Hebrew Text and the Topography of the Books of Samuel, Second Edition (Oxford, 1913), pp. lxxxv., lxxxvi., xc.; F. Baethgen, Beiträge zur semitischen Religionsgeschichte (Berlin, 1888), p. 234; H. Winckler, Geschichte Israels (Leipsic, 1895-1900), ii. 258. As to Hebrew names formed from the root dôd in the sense of “beloved,” see Brown, Driver, and Briggs, Hebrew and English Lexicon of the Old Testament, pp. 187 sq.; G. B. Gray, Studies in Hebrew Proper Names (London, 1896), pp. 60 sqq. [54.] This was perceived by Renan (Histoire du peuple d'Israel, iii. 273), and Prof. T. K. Cheyne writes to me: “The formulae of public mourning were derived from the ceremonies of the Adonia; this Lenormant saw long ago.” [55.] 1 Chronicles xxix. 23; 2 Chronicles ix. 8. [56.] 1 Samuel xvi. 13, 14, compare id., x. 1 and 20. The oil was poured on the king's head (1 Samuel x. 1; 2 Kings ix. 3, 6). For the conveyance of the divine spirit by means of oil, see also Isaiah lx. 1. The kings of Egypt appear to have consecrated their vassal Syrian kings by pouring oil on their heads. See the Tell-el-Amarna letters, No. 37 (H. Winckler, Die Thontafeln von Tell-el-Amarna, p. 99). Some West African priests are consecrated by a similar ceremony. See below, p. [68]. The natives of Buru, an East Indian island, imagine that they can keep off demons by smearing their bodies with coco-nut oil, but the oil must be prepared by young unmarried girls. See G. A. Wilken, “Bijdrage tot de kennis der Alfoeren van het eiland Boeroe,” Verhandelingen van het Bataviaasch Genootschap van Kunsten en Wetenschappen, xxxviii. (Batavia, 1875) p. 30; id., Verspreide Geschriften (The Hague, 1912), i. 61. In some tribes of North-West America hunters habitually anointed their hair with decoctions of certain plants and deer's brains before they set out to hunt. The practice was probably a charm to secure success in the hunt. See C. Hill-Tout, The Home of the Salish and Déné (London, 1907), p. 72. [57.] 1 Samuel xxiv. 6. Messiah in Hebrew is Mashiah (משיה). The English form Messiah is derived from the Aramaic through the Greek. See T. K. Cheyne, in Encyclopaedia Biblica, s.v. “Messiah,” vol. iii. 3057 sqq. Why hair oil should be considered a vehicle of inspiration is by no means clear. It would have been intelligible if the olive had been with the Hebrews, as it was with the Athenians, a sacred tree under the immediate protection of a deity; for then a portion of the divine essence might be thought to reside in the oil. W. Robertson Smith supposed that the unction was originally performed with the fat of a sacrificial victim, for which vegetable oil was a later substitute (Religion of the Semites,2 pp. 383 sq.). On the whole subject see J. Wellhausen, “Zwei Rechtsriten bei den Hebräern,” Archiv für Religionswissenschaft, vii. (1904) pp. 33-39; H. Weinel, “משה und seine Derivate,” Zeitschrift für die alttestamentliche Wissenschaft, xviii. (1898) pp. 1-82. [58.] 2 Samuel xxi. 1-14, with Dean Kirkpatrick's notes on 1 and 10. [59.] The Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings, i. 284 sq. [60.] 1 Samuel xii. 17 sq. Similarly, Moses stretched forth his rod toward heaven and the Lord sent thunder and rain (Exodus ix. 23). The word for thunder in both these passages is “voices” (קלות). The Hebrews heard in the clap of thunder the voice of Jehovah, just as the Greeks heard in it the voice of Zeus and the Romans the voice of Jupiter. [61.] Ezekiel xiii. 11, 13, xxxviii. 22; Jeremiah iii. 2 sq. The Hebrews looked to Jehovah for rain (Leviticus xxvi. 3-5; Jeremiah v. 24) just as the Greeks looked to Zeus and the Romans to Jupiter. [62.] Ezra x. 9-14. The special sin which they laid to heart on this occasion was their marriage with Gentile women. It is implied, though not expressly said, that they traced the inclemency of the weather to these unfortunate alliances. Similarly, “during the rainy season, when the sun is hidden behind great masses of dark clouds, the Indians set up a wailing for their sins, believing that the sun is angry and may never shine on them again.” See Francis C. Nicholas, “The Aborigines of Santa Maria, Colombia,” American Anthropologist, N.S., iii. (New York, 1901) p. 641. The Indians in question are the Aurohuacas of Colombia, in South America. [63.] Psalm cxxxvii. The willows beside the rivers of Babylon are mentioned in the laments for Tammuz. See above, pp. [9], [10]. [64.] The line of the Dead Sea, lying in its deep trough, is visible from the Mount of Olives; indeed, so clear is the atmosphere that the blue water seems quite near the eye, though in fact it is more than fifteen miles off and nearly four thousand feet below the spectator. See K. Baedeker, Palestine and Syria4 (Leipsic, 1906), p. 77. When the sun shines on it, the lake is of a brilliant blue (G. A. Smith, Historical Geography of the Holy Land, London, 1894, pp. 501 sq.); but its brilliancy is naturally dimmed under clouded skies. [65.] 2 Kings v. 5-7. [66.] 2 Samuel xxiv.; 1 Chronicles xxi. In this passage, contrary to his usual practice, the Chronicler has enlivened the dull tenor of his history with some picturesque touches which we miss in the corresponding passage of Kings. It is to him that we owe the vision of the Angel of the Plague first stretching out his sword over Jerusalem and then returning it to the scabbard. From him Defoe seems to have taken a hint in his account of the prodigies, real or imaginary, which heralded the outbreak of the Great Plague in London. “One time before the plague was begun, otherwise than as I have said in St. Giles's, I think it was in March, seeing a crowd of people in the street, I joined with them to satisfy my curiosity, and found them all staring up into the air to see what a woman told them appeared plain to her, which was an angel clothed in white with a fiery sword in his hand, waving it or brandishing it over his head.... One saw one thing and one another. I looked as earnestly as the rest, but, perhaps, not with so much willingness to be imposed upon; and I said, indeed, that I could see nothing but a white cloud, bright on one side, by the shining of the sun upon the other part.” See Daniel Defoe, History of the Plague in London (Edinburgh, 1810, pp. 33 sq.). It is the more likely that Defoe had here the Chronicler in mind, because a few pages earlier he introduces the prophet Jonah and a man out of Josephus with very good effect. [67.] 2 Kings xvii. 5 sq., xviii. 9 sq. [68.] 2 Kings xix. 32-36. [69.] We owe to Ezekiel (xxiii. 5 sq., 12) the picture of the handsome Assyrian cavalrymen in their blue uniforms and gorgeous trappings. The prophet writes as if in his exile by the waters of Babylon he had seen the blue regiments filing past, in all the pomp of war, on their way to the front. [70.] Samaria fell in 722 b.c., during or just before the reign of Hezekiah: the Book of Deuteronomy, the cornerstone of king Josiah's reformation, was produced in 621 b.c.; and Jerusalem fell in 586 b.c. The date of Hezekiah's accession is a much-disputed point in the chronology of Judah. See the Introduction to Kings and Isaiah i.-xxxix. by J. Skinner and O. C. Whitehouse respectively, in The Century Bible. [71.] Or the Deuteronomic redactor, as the critics call him. See W. Robertson Smith, The Old Testament in the Jewish Church2 (London and Edinburgh, 1892), pp. 395 sq., 425; Encyclopaedia Biblica, ii. 2078 sqq., 2633 sqq., iv. 4273 sqq.; K. Budde, Geschichte der althebräischen Litteratur (Leipsic, 1906), pp. 99, 121 sqq., 127 sqq., 132; Principal J. Skinner, in his introduction to Kings (in The Century Bible), pp. 10 sqq. [72.] Menander of Ephesus, quoted by Josephus, Contra Apionem, i. 18 (Fragmenta Historicorum Graecorum, ed. C. Müller, iv. 446); G. A. Cooke, Text-book of North-Semitic Inscriptions, No. 4, p. 26. According to Justin, however, the priest of Hercules, that is, of Melcarth, at Tyre, was distinct from the king and second to him in dignity. See Justin, xviii. 4, 5. [73.] Hosea ii. 5 sqq.; W. Robertson Smith, Religion of the Semites2 (London, 1894), pp. 95-107. [74.] W. Robertson Smith, Religion of the Semites,2 pp. 107 sq. [75.] The Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings, ii. 120 sqq., 376 sqq. [76.] Strabo, xvi. 1. 18, p. 755. [77.] Lucian, De dea Syria, 9. [78.] Eusebius, Vita Constantini, iii. 55; Sozomenus, Historia Ecclesiastica, ii. 5; Socrates, Historia Ecclesiastica, i. 18; Zosimus, i. 58. [79.] On the valley of the Nahr Ibrahim, its scenery and monuments, see Edward Robinson, Biblical Researches in Palestine3 (London, 1867), iii. 603-609; W. M. Thomson, The Land and the Book, Lebanon, Damascus, and beyond Jordan (London, 1886), pp. 239-246; E. Renan, Mission de Phénicie, pp. 282 sqq.; G. Maspero, Histoire Ancienne des Peuples de l'Orient Classique, ii. (Paris, 1897) pp. 175-179; Sir Charles Wilson, Picturesque Palestine (London, n.d.), iii. 16, 17, 27. Among the trees which line the valley are oak, sycamore, bay, plane, orange, and mulberry (W. M. Thomson, op. cit. p. 245). Travellers are unanimous in testifying to the extraordinary beauty of the vale of the Adonis. Thus Robinson writes: “There is no spot in all my wanderings on which memory lingers with greater delight than on the sequestered retreat and exceeding loveliness of Afka.” Renan says that the landscape is one of the most beautiful in the world. My friend the late Sir Francis Galton wrote to me (20th September 1906): “I have no good map of Palestine, but strongly suspect that my wanderings there, quite sixty years ago, took me to the place you mention, above the gorge of the river Adonis. Be that as it may, I have constantly asserted that the view I then had of a deep ravine and blue sea seen through the cliffs that bounded it, was the most beautiful I had ever set eyes on.” [80.] Etymologicum Magnum, s.v. Ἄφακα, p. 175. [81.] Melito, “Oration to Antoninus Caesar,” in W. Cureton's Spicilegium Syriacum (London, 1855), p. 44. [82.] E. Renan, Mission de Phénicie, pp. 292-294. The writer seems to have no doubt that the beast attacking Adonis is a bear, not a boar. Views of the monument are given by A. Jeremias, Das Alte Testament im Lichte des Alten Orients2 (Leipsic, 1906), p. 90, and by Baudissin, Adonis und Esmun, plates i. and ii., with his discussion, pp. 78 sqq. [83.] Macrobius, Saturn, i. 21. 5. [84.] Lucian, De dea Syria, 8. [85.] F. C. Movers, Die Phoenizier, ii. 2, p. 224; G. Maspero, Histoire Ancienne des Peuples de l'Orient Classique, ii. 199; G. A. Smith, Historical Geography of the Holy Land (London, 1894), p. 135. [86.] On the natural wealth of Cyprus see Strabo, xiv. 6. 5; W. H. Engel, Kypros, i. 40-71; F. C. Movers, Die Phoenizier, ii. 2, pp. 224 sq.; G. Maspero, Histoire Ancienne des Peuples de l'Orient Classique, ii. 200 sq.; E. Oberhummer, Die Insel Cypern, i. (Munich, 1903) pp. 175 sqq., 243 sqq. As to the firs and cedars of Cyprus see Theophrastus, Historia Plantarum, v. 7. 1, v. 9. 1. The Cyprians boasted that they could build and rig a ship complete, from her keel to her topsails, with the native products of their island (Ammianus Marcellinus, xiv. 8. 14). [87.] G. A. Cooke, Text-Book of North-Semitic Inscriptions, Nos. 12-25, pp. 55-76, 347-349; P. Gardner, New Chapters in Greek History (London, 1892), pp. 179, 185. It has been held that the name of Citium is etymologically identical with Hittite. If that was so, it would seem that the town was built and inhabited by a non-Semitic people before the arrival of the Phoenicians. See Encyclopaedia Biblica, s.v. “Kittim.” Other traces of this older race, akin to the primitive stock of Asia Minor, have been detected in Cyprus; amongst them the most obvious is the Cyprian syllabary, the characters of which are neither Phoenician nor Greek in origin. See P. Gardner, op. cit. pp. 154, 173-175, 178 sq. [88.] G. A. Cooke, Text-Book of North-Semitic Inscriptions, No. 11, p. 52. [89.] Stephanus Byzantius, s.v. Ἀμαθοῦς; Pausanias, ix. 41. 2 sq. According to Pausanias, there was a remarkable necklace of green stones and gold in the sanctuary of Adonis and Aphrodite at Amathus. The Greeks commonly identified it with the necklace of Harmonia or Eriphyle. A terra-cotta statuette of Astarte, found at Amathus (?), represents her wearing a necklace which she touches with one hand. See L. P. di Cesnola, Cyprus (London, 1877), p. 275. The scanty ruins of Amathus occupy an isolated hill beside the sea. Among them is an enormous stone jar, half buried in the earth, of which the four handles are adorned with figures of bulls. It is probably of Phoenician manufacture. See L. Ross, Reisen nach Kos, Halikarnassos, Rhodes und der Insel Cypern (Halle, 1852), pp. 168 sqq. [90.] Stephanus Byzantius, s.v. Ἀμαθοῦς. For the relation of Adonis to Osiris at Byblus see below, vol. ii. pp. 9 sq., 22 sq., 127. [91.] Hesychius, s.v. Μάλικα. [92.] L. P. di Cesnola, Cyprus, pp. 254-283; G. Perrot et Ch. Chipiez, Histoire de l'Art dans l'Antiquité, iii. (Paris, 1885) pp. 216-222. [93.] D. G. Hogarth, Devia Cypria (London, 1889), pp. 1-3; Encyclopaedia Britannica,9 vi. 747; Élisée Reclus, Nouvelle Géographie Universelle (Paris, 1879-1894), ix. 668. [94.] T. L. Donaldson, Architectura Numismatica (London, 1859), pp. 107-109, with fig. 31; Journal of Hellenic Studies, ix. (1888) pp. 210-213; G. F. Hill, Catalogue of the Greek Coins of Cyprus (London, 1904), pp. cxxvii-cxxxiv, with plates xiv. 2, 3, 6-8, xv. 1-4, 7, xvi. 2, 4, 6-9, xvii. 4-6, 8, 9, xxvi. 3, 6-16; George Macdonald, Catalogue of Greek Coins in the Hunterian Collection (Glasgow, 1899-1905), ii. 566, with pl. lxi. 19. As to the existing remains of the temple, which were excavated by an English expedition in 1887-1888, see “Excavations in Cyprus, 1887-1888,” Journal of Hellenic Studies, ix. (1888) pp. 193 sqq. Previous accounts of the temple are inaccurate and untrustworthy. [95.] C. Schuchhardt, Schliemann's Ausgrabungen2 (Leipsic, 1891), pp. 231-233; G. Perrot et Ch. Chipiez, Histoire de l'Art dans l'Antiquité, vi. (Paris, 1894) pp. 336 sq., 652-654; Journal of Hellenic Studies, ix. (1888) pp. 213 sq.; P. Gardner, New Chapters in Greek History, p. 181. [96.] J. Selden, De dis Syris (Leipsic, 1668), pp. 274 sqq.; S. Bochart, Hierozoicon, Editio Tertia (Leyden, 1692), ii. 4 sqq. Compare the statue of a priest with a dove in his hand, which was found in Cyprus (Perrot et Chipiez, Histoire de l'Art dans l'Antiquité, iii. Paris, 1885, p. 510), with fig. 349. [97.] A. J. Evans, “Mycenaean Tree and Pillar Cult,” Journal of Hellenic Studies, xxi. (1901) pp. 99 sqq. [98.] Tacitus, Annals, iii. 62. [99.] Herodotus, i. 105; compare Pausanias, i. 14. 7. Herodotus only speaks of the sanctuary of Aphrodite in Cyprus, but he must refer to the great one at Paphos. At Ascalon a goddess was worshipped in mermaid-shape under the name of Derceto, and fish and doves were sacred to her (Diodorus Siculus, ii. 4; compare Lucian, De dea Syria, 14). The name Derceto, like the much more correct Atargatis, is a Greek corruption of 'Attâr, the Aramaic form of Astarte, but the two goddesses Atargatis and Astarte, in spite of the affinity of their names, appear to have been historically distinct. See Ed. Meyer, Geschichte des Altertums,2 i. 2 (Stuttgart and Berlin, 1909), pp. 605, 650 sq.; F. Baethgen, Beiträge zur Semitischen Religionsgeschichte (Berlin, 1888), pp. 68 sqq.; F. Cumont, s.vv. “Atargatis” and “Dea Syria,” in Pauly-Wissowa's Real-Encyclopädie der classischen Altertumswissenschaft; René Dussaud, Notes de Mythologie Syrienne (Paris, 1903), pp. 82 sqq.; R. A. Stewart Macalister, The Philistines, their History and Civilization (London, 1913), pp. 94 sqq. [100.] It is described by ancient writers and figured on coins. See Tacitus, Hist. ii. 3; Maximus Tyrius, Dissert. viii. 8; Servius on Virgil, Aen. i. 720; T. L. Donaldson, Architectura Numismatica, p. 107, with fig. 31; Journal of Hellenic Studies, ix. (1888) pp. 210-212. According to Maximus Tyrius, the material of the pyramid was unknown. Probably it was a stone. The English archaeologists found several fragments of white cones on the site of the temple at Paphos: one which still remains in its original position in the central chamber was of limestone and of somewhat larger size (Journal of Hellenic Studies, ix. (1888) p. 180). [101.] See above, p. [14]. [102.] On coins of Perga the sacred cone is represented as richly decorated and standing in a temple between sphinxes. See B. V. Head, Historia Numorum (Oxford, 1887), p. 585; P. Gardner, Types of Greek Coins (Cambridge, 1883), pl. xv. No. 3; G. F. Hill, Catalogue of the Greek Coins of Lycia, Pamphylia, and Pisidia (London, 1897), pl. xxiv. 12, 15, 16. However, Mr. G. F. Hill writes to me: “Is the stone at Perga really a cone? I have always thought it was a cube or something of that kind. On the coins the upper, sloping portion is apparently an elaborate veil or head-dress. The head attached to the stone is seen in the middle of this, surmounted by a tall kalathos.” The sanctuary stood on a height, and a festival was held there annually (Strabo, xiv. 4. 2, p. 667). The native title of the goddess was Anassa, that is, “Queen.” See B. V. Head, l.c.; Wernicke, s.v. “Artemis,” in Pauly-Wissowa, Real-Encyclopädie der classischen Altertumswissenschaft, ii. 1, col. 1397. Aphrodite at Paphos bore the same title. See below, p. [42], note 6. The worship of Pergaean Artemis at Halicarnassus was cared for by a priestess, who held office for life and had to make intercession for the city at every new moon. See G. Dittenberger, Sylloge Inscriptionum Graecarum2 (Leipsic, 1898-1901), vol. ii. p. 373, No. 601. [103.] Herodian, v. 3. 5. This cone was of black stone, with some small knobs on it, like the stone of Cybele at Pessinus. It is figured on coins of Emesa. See B. V. Head, Historia Numorum (Oxford, 1887), p. 659; P. Gardner, Types of Greek Coins, pl. xv. No. 1. The sacred stone of Cybele, which the Romans brought from Pessinus to Rome during the Second Punic War, was small, black, and rugged, but we are not told that it was of conical shape. See Arnobius, Adversus Nationes, vii. 49; Livy, xxix. 11. 7. According to one reading, Servius (on Virgil, Aen. vii. 188) speaks of the stone of Cybele as a needle (acus), which would point to a conical shape. But the reading appears to be without manuscript authority, and other emendations have been suggested. [104.] G. Perrot et Ch. Chipiez, Histoire de l'Art dans l'Antiquité, iii. 273, 298 sq., 304 sq. The sanctuary of Aphrodite, or rather Astarte, at Golgi is said to have been even more ancient than her sanctuary at Paphos (Pausanias, viii. 5. 2). [105.] W. M. Flinders Petrie, Researches in Sinai (London, 1906), pp. 135 sq., 189. Votive cones made of clay have been found in large numbers in Babylonia, particularly at Lagash and Nippur. See M. Jastrow, The Religion of Babylonia and Assyria (Boston, U.S.A., 1898), pp. 672-674. [106.] Tacitus, Hist. ii. 3. [107.] We learn this from an inscription found at Paphos. See Journal of Hellenic Studies, ix. (1888) pp. 188, 231. [108.] Pausanias, x. 24. 6, with my note. [109.] D. G. Hogarth, A Wandering Scholar in the Levant (London, 1896), pp. 179 sq. Women used to creep through a holed stone to obtain children at a place on the Dee in Aberdeenshire. See Balder the Beautiful, ii. 187. [110.] G. Perrot et Ch. Chipiez, Histoire de l'Art dans l'Antiquité, iii. 628. [111.] Herodotus, i. 199; Athenaeus, xii. 11, p. 516 a; Justin, xviii. 5. 4; Lactantius, Divin. Inst. i. 17; W. H. Engel, Kypros, ii. 142 sqq. Asiatic customs of this sort have been rightly explained by W. Mannhardt (Antike Wald- und Feldkulte, pp. 283 sqq.). [112.] Herodotus, i. 199; Strabo, xvi. 1. 20, p. 745. As to the identity of Mylitta with Astarte see H. Zimmern in E. Schrader's Die Keilinschriften und das alte Testament,3 pp. 423, note 7, 428, note 4. According to him, the name Mylitta comes from Mu'allidtu, “she who helps women in travail.” In this character Ishtar would answer to the Greek Artemis and the Latin Diana. As to sacred prostitution in the worship of Ishtar see M. Jastrow, The Religion of Babylonia and Assyria, pp. 475 sq., 484 sq.; P. Dhorme, La Religion Assyro-Babylonienne (Paris, 1910), pp. 86, 300 sq. [113.] Eusebius, Vita Constantini, iii. 58; Socrates, Historia Ecclesiastica, i. 18. 7-9; Sozomenus, Historia Ecclesiastica, v. 10. 7. Socrates says that at Heliopolis local custom obliged the women to be held in common, so that paternity was unknown, “for there was no distinction of parents and children, and the people prostituted their daughters to the strangers who visited them” (τοῖς παριοῦσι ξένοις). The prostitution of matrons as well as of maids is mentioned by Eusebius. As he was born and spent his life in Syria, and was a contemporary of the practices he describes, the bishop of Caesarea had the best opportunity of informing himself as to them, and we ought not, as Prof. M. P. Nilsson does (Griechische Feste, Leipsic, 1906, p. 366 n.2), to allow his positive testimony on this point to be outweighed by the silence of the later historian Sozomenus, who wrote long after the custom had been abolished. Eusebius had good reason to know the heathenish customs which were kept up in his diocese; for he was sharply taken to task by Constantine for allowing sacrifices to be offered on altars under the sacred oak or terebinth at Mamre; and in obedience to the imperial commands he caused the altars to be destroyed and an oratory to be built instead under the tree. So in Ireland the ancient heathen sanctuaries under the sacred oaks were converted by Christian missionaries into churches and monasteries. See Socrates, Historia Ecclesiastica, i. 18; The Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings, ii. 242 sq. [114.] Athanasius, Oratio contra Gentes, 26 (Migne's Patrologia Graeca, xxv. 52), γυναῖκες γοῦν ἐν εἰδωλείοις τῆς Φοινικῆς πάλαι προεκαθέζοντο, ἀπαρχόμεναι τοῖς ἐκεῖ θέοις ἑαυτῶν τὴν τοῦ σώματος αὐτῶν μισθαρνίαν, νομίζουσαι τῇ πορνειᾳ τὴν θέον ἑαυτῶν ἰλάσκεσθαι καὶ εἰς εὐμενείαν ἄγειν αὐτὴν διὰ τούτων. The account of the Phoenician custom which is given by H. Ploss (Das Weib,2 i. 302) and repeated after him by Fr. Schwally (Semitische Kriegsaltertümer, Leipsic, 1901, pp. 76 sq.) may rest only on a misapprehension of this passage of Athanasius. But if it is correct, we may conjecture that the slaves who deflowered the virgins were the sacred slaves of the temples, the ḳedeshim, and that they discharged this office as the living representatives of the god. As to these ḳedeshim, or “sacred men,” see above, pp. [17] sq., and below, pp. [72] sqq. [115.] The Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs, translated and edited by R. H. Charles (London, 1908), chapter xii. p. 81. [116.] Lucian, De dea Syria, 6. The writer is careful to indicate that none but strangers were allowed to enjoy the women (ἡ δὲ ἀγορὴ μούνοισι ξείνοισι παρακέεται). [117.] The Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings, i. 30 sq. [118.] Herodotus, i. 93 sq.; Athenaeus, xii. 11, pp. 515 sq. [119.] W. M. Ramsay, “Unedited Inscriptions of Asia Minor,” Bulletin de Correspondance Hellénique, vii. (1883) p. 276; id., Cities and Bishoprics of Phrygia, i. (Oxford, 1895) pp. 94 sq., 115. [120.] Strabo, xi. 14. 16, p. 532. [121.] Strabo, xii. 3. 32, 34 and 36, pp. 557-559; compare xii. 2. 3, p. 535. Other sanctuaries in Pontus, Cappadocia, and Phrygia swarmed with sacred slaves, and we may conjecture, though we are not told, that many of these slaves were prostitutes. See Strabo, xi. 8. 4, xii. 2. 3 and 6, xii. 3. 31 and 37, xii. 8. 14. [122.] On this great Asiatic goddess and her lovers see especially Sir W. M. Ramsay, Cities and Bishoprics of Phrygia, i. 87 sqq. [123.] Compare W. Mannhardt, Antike Wald- und Feldkulte, pp. 284 sq.; W. Robertson Smith, The Prophets of Israel, New Edition (London, 1902), pp. 171-174. Similarly in Camul, formerly a province of the Chinese Empire, the men used to place their wives at the disposal of any foreigners who came to lodge with them, and deemed it an honour if the guests made use of their opportunities. The emperor, hearing of the custom, forbade the people to observe it. For three years they obeyed, then, finding that their lands were no longer fruitful and that many mishaps befell them, they prayed the emperor to allow them to retain the custom, “for it was by reason of this usage that their gods bestowed upon them all the good things that they possessed, and without it they saw not how they could continue to exist.” See The Book of Ser Marco Polo, translated and edited by Colonel Henry Yule, Second Edition (London, 1875), i. 212 sq. Here apparently the fertility of the soil was deemed to depend on the intercourse of the women with strangers, not with their husbands. Similarly, among the Oulad Abdi, an Arab tribe of Morocco, “the women often seek a divorce and engage in prostitution in the intervals between their marriages; during that time they continue to dwell in their families, and their relations regard their conduct as very natural. The administrative authority having bestirred itself and attempted to regulate this prostitution, the whole population opposed the attempt, alleging that such a measure would impair the abundance of the crops.” See Edmond Doutté, Magie et Religion dans l'Afrique du Nord (Algiers, 1908), pp. 560 sq. [124.] Clement of Alexandria, Protrept. ii. 14, p. 13, ed. Potter; Arnobius, Adversus Nationes, v. 19; compare Firmicus Maternus, De errore profanarum religionum, 10. [125.] In Hebrew a temple harlot was regularly called “a sacred woman” (kĕdēsha). See Encyclopaedia Biblica, s.v. “Harlot”; S. R. Driver, on Genesis xxxviii. 21. As to such “sacred women” see below, pp. [70] sqq. [126.] Clement of Alexandria, Protrept. ii. 13, p. 12, ed. Potter; Arnobius, Adversus Nationes, v. 19; Firmicus Maternus, De errore profanarum religionum, 10. [127.] Apollodorus, Bibliotheca, iii. 14. 3. [128.] Apollodorus, Bibliotheca, iii. 14. 3. I follow the text of R. Wagner's edition in reading Μεγασσάρου τοῦ Ὑριέων βασιλέως. As to Hyria in Isauria see Stephanus Byzantius, s.v. Ὑρία. The city of Celenderis, on the south coast of Cilicia, possessed a small harbour protected by a fortified peninsula. Many ancient tombs survived till recent times, but have now mostly disappeared. It was the port from which the Turkish couriers from Constantinople used to embark for Cyprus. As to the situation and remains see F. Beaufort, Karmania (London, 1817), p. 201; W. M. Leake, Journal of a Tour in Asia Minor (London, 1824), pp. 114-118; R. Heberdey und A. Wilhelm, “Reisen in Kilikien,” Denkschriften der kais. Akademie der Wissenschaften, Philosoph.-historische Classe, xliv. (1896) No. vi. p. 94. The statement that the sanctuary of Aphrodite at Paphos was founded by the Arcadian Agapenor, who planted a colony in Cyprus after the Trojan war (Pausanias, viii. 5. 2), may safely be disregarded. [129.] Tacitus, Hist. ii. 3; Annals, iii. 62. [130.] Tacitus, Hist. ii. 3; Hesychius, s.v. Ταμιράδαι. [131.] Pindar, Pyth. ii. 13-17. [132.] Tyrtaeus, xii. 6 (Poetae Lyrici Graeci, ed. Th. Bergk,3 Leipsic, 1866-1867, ii. 404); Pindar, Pyth. viii. 18; Plato, Laws, ii. 6, p. 660 e; Clement of Alexandria, Paedag. iii. 6, p. 274, ed. Potter; Dio Chrysostom, Orat. viii. (vol. i. p. 149, ed. L. Dindorf); Julian, Epist. lix. p. 574, ed. F. C. Hertlein; Diogenianus, viii. 53; Suidas, s.v. Καταγηράσαις. [133.] Schol. on Pindar, Pyth. ii. 15 (27); Hesychius, s.v. Κινυράδαι; Clement of Alexandria, Protrept. iii. 45, p. 40, ed. Potter; Arnobius, Adversus Nationes, vi. 6. That the kings of Paphos were also priests of the goddess is proved, apart from the testimony of ancient writers, by inscriptions found on the spot. See H. Collitz, Sammlung der griechischen Dialektinschriften, i. (Göttingen, 1884) p. 22, Nos. 38, 39, 40. The title of the goddess in these inscriptions is Queen or Mistress (Ϝανασ(σ)ἀς). It is perhaps a translation of the Semitic Baalath. [134.] Plutarch, De Alexandri Magni fortuna aut virtute, ii. 8. The name of the gardener-king was Alynomus. That the Cinyrads existed as a family down to Macedonian times is further proved by a Greek inscription found at Old Paphos, which records that a certain Democrates, son of Ptolemy, head of the Cinyrads, and his wife Eunice, dedicated a statue of their daughter to the Paphian Aphrodite. See L. Ross, “Inschriften von Cypern,” Rheinisches Museum, N.F. vii. (1850) pp. 520 sq. It seems to have been a common practice of parents to dedicate statues of their sons or daughters to the goddess at Paphos. The inscribed pedestals of many such statues were found by the English archaeologists. See Journal of Hellenic Studies, ix. (1888) pp. 228, 235, 236, 237, 241, 244, 246, 255. [135.] Tacitus, Hist. ii. 4; Pausanias, viii. 24. 6. [136.] Plutarch, Cato the Younger, 35. [137.] Ovid, Metam. x. 298 sqq.; Hyginus, Fab. 58, 64; Fulgentius, Mytholog. iii. 8; Lactantius Placidius, Narrat. Fabul. x. 9; Servius on Virgil, Ecl. x. 18, and Aen. v. 72; Plutarch, Parallela, 22; Schol. on Theocritus, i. 107. It is Ovid who describes (Metam. x. 431 sqq.) the festival of Ceres, at which the incest was committed. His source was probably the Metamorphoses of the Greek writer Theodorus, which Plutarch (l.c.) refers to as his authority for the story. The festival in question was perhaps the Thesmophoria, at which women were bound to remain chaste (Schol. on Theocritus, iv. 25; Schol. on Nicander, Ther. 70 sq.; Pliny, Nat. Hist. xxiv. 59; Dioscorides, De Materia Medica, i. 134 (135); compare Aelian, De natura animalium, ix. 26). Compare E. Fehrle, Die kultische Keuschheit im Altertum (Giessen, 1910), pp. 103 sqq., 121 sq., 151 sqq. The corn and bread of Cyprus were famous in antiquity. See Aeschylus, Suppliants, 549 (555); Hipponax, cited by Strabo, viii. 3. 8, p. 340; Eubulus, cited by Athenaeus, iii. 78, p. 112 f; E. Oberhummer, Die Insel. Cypern, i. (Munich, 1903) pp. 274 sqq. According to another account, Adonis was the fruit of the incestuous intercourse of Theias, a Syrian king, with his daughter Myrrha. See Apollodorus, Bibliotheca, iii. 14. 4 (who cites Panyasis as his authority); J. Tzetzes, Schol. on Lycophron, 829; Antoninus Liberalis, Transform. 34 (who lays the scene of the story on Mount Lebanon). With the corn-wreaths mentioned in the text we may compare the wreaths which the Roman Arval Brethren wore at their sacred functions, and with which they seem to have crowned the images of the goddesses. See G. Henzen, Acta Fratrum Arvalium (Berlin, 1874), pp. 24-27, 33 sq. Compare Pausanias, vii. 20. 1. sq. [138.] A list of these cases is given by Hyginus, Fab. 253. It includes the incest of Clymenus, king of Arcadia, with his daughter Harpalyce (compare Hyginus, Fab. 206); that of Oenomaus, king of Pisa, with his daughter Hippodamia (compare J. Tzetzes, Schol. on Lycophron, 156; Lucian, Charidemus, 19); that of Erechtheus, king of Athens, with his daughter Procris; and that of Epopeus, king of Lesbos, with his daughter Nyctimene (compare Hyginus, Fab. 204). [139.] The custom of brother and sister marriage seems to have been especially common in royal families. See my note on Pausanias, i. 7. 1 (vol. ii. pp. 84 sq.); as to the case of Egypt see below, vol. ii. pp. 213 sqq. The true explanation of the custom was first, so far as I know, indicated by J. F. McLennan (The Patriarchal Theory, London, 1885, p. 95). [140.] Aulus Gellius, x. 15. 22; J. Marquardt, Römische Staatsverwaltung, iii.2 (Leipsic, 1885) p. 328. [141.] Priestesses are said to have preceded priests in some Egyptian cities. See W. M. Flinders Petrie, The Religion of Ancient Egypt (London, 1906), p. 74. [142.] The Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings, ii. 179, 190 sqq. [143.] The Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings, ii. 268 sqq. [144.] The Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings, i. 12 note 1. [145.] Major P. R. T. Gurdon, The Khasis (London, 1907), pp. 109-112, 120 sq. [146.] The Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings, ii. 191 sqq. [147.] The Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings, ii. 148. [148.] The late Rev. P. Dehon, S.J., “Religion and Customs of the Uraons,” Memoirs of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, vol. i. No. 9 (Calcutta, 1906), pp. 144-146. [149.] For more evidence see The Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings, ii. 97 sqq. [150.] Lucian, Rhetorum praeceptor, 11; Hyginus, Fab. 270. [151.] Clement of Alexandria, Protrept. ii. 33, p. 29, ed. Potter. [152.] W. H. Engel, Kypros, ii. 585, 612; A. Maury, Histoire des Religions de la Grèce Antique (Paris, 1857-1859), iii. 197, note 3. [153.] Arnobius, Adversus Nationes, vi. 22; Clement of Alexandria, Protrept. iv. 57, p. 51, ed. Potter; Ovid, Metam. x. 243-297. The authority for the story is the Greek history of Cyprus by Philostephanus, cited both by Arnobius and Clement. In Ovid's poetical version of the legend Pygmalion is a sculptor, and the image with which he falls in love is that of a lovely woman, which at his prayer Venus endows with life. That King Pygmalion was a Phoenician is mentioned by Porphyry (De abstinentia, iv. 15) on the authority of Asclepiades, a Cyprian. [154.] See above, p. [42]. [155.] Probus, on Virgil, Ecl. x. 18. I owe this reference to my friend Mr. A. B. Cook. [156.] In his treatise on the political institutions of Cyprus, Aristotle reported that the sons and brothers of the kings were called “lords” (ἄνακτες), and their sisters and wives “ladies” (ἄνασσαι). See Harpocration and Suidas, s.v. Ἄνακτες. Compare Isocrates, ix. 72; Clearchus of Soli, quoted by Athenaeus, vi. 68, p. 256 A. Now in the bilingual inscription of Idalium, which furnished the clue to the Cypriote syllabary, the Greek version gives the title Ϝάναξ as the equivalent of the Phoenician Adon (אדן). See Corpus Inscriptionum Semiticarum, i. No. 89; G. A. Cooke, Text-book of North-Semitic Inscriptions, p. 74, note 1. [157.] Josephus, Contra Apionem, i. 18, ed. B. Niese; Appian, Punica, i; Virgil, Aen. i. 346 sq.; Ovid, Fasti, iii. 574; Justin, xviii. 4; Eustathius on Dionysius Periegetes, 195 (Geographi Graeci Minores, ed. C. Müller Paris, 1882, ii. 250 sq.). [158.] Pumi-yathon, son of Milk-yathon, is known from Phoenician inscriptions found at Idalium. See G. A. Cooke, Text-book of North-Semitic Inscriptions, Nos. 12 and 13, pp. 55 sq., 57 sq. Coins inscribed with the name of King Pumi-yathon are also in existence. See G. F. Hill, Catalogue of the Greek Coins of Cyprus (London, 1904), pp. xl. sq., 21 sq., pl. iv. 20-24. He was deposed by Ptolemy (Diodorus Siculus, xix. 79. 4). Most probably he is the Pymaton of Citium who purchased the kingdom from a dissolute monarch named Pasicyprus some time before the conquests of Alexander (Athenaeus, iv. 63, p. 167). In this passage of Athenaeus the name Pymaton, which is found in the MSS. and agrees closely with the Phoenician Pumi-yathon, ought not to be changed into Pygmalion, as the latest editor (G. Kaibel) has done. [159.] G. A. Cooke, op. cit. p. 55, note 1. Mr. Cooke remarks that the form of the name (פגמלין instead of פמייתן) must be due to Greek influence. [160.] See above, p. [41]. [161.] Clement of Alexandria, Protrept. ii. 13, p. 12; Arnobius, Adversus Nationes, v. 9; Firmicus Maternus, De errore profanarum religionum, 10. [162.] That the king was not necessarily succeeded by his eldest son is proved by the case of Solomon, who on his accession executed his elder brother Adoni-jah (1 Kings ii. 22-24). Similarly, when Abimelech became king of Shechem, he put his seventy brothers in ruthless oriental fashion to death. See Judges viii. 29-31, ix. 5 sq., 18. So on his accession Jehoram, King of Judah, put all his brothers to the sword (2 Chronicles xxi. 4). King Rehoboam had eighty-eight children (2 Chronicles xi. 21) and King Abi-jah had thirty-eight (2 Chronicles xiii. 21). These examples illustrate the possible size of the family of a polygamous king. [163.] The Dying God, pp. 160 sqq. [164.] The names which imply that a man was the father of a god have proved particularly puzzling to some eminent Semitic scholars. See W. Robertson Smith, Religion of the Semites,2 p. 45, note 2; Th. Nöldeke, s.v. “Names,” Encyclopaedia Biblica, iii. 3287 sqq.; W. W. Graf Baudissin, Adonis und Esmun, pp. 39 sq., 43 sqq. Such names are Abi-baal (“father of Baal”), Abi-el (“father of El”), Abi-jah (“father of Jehovah”), and Abi-melech (“father of a king” or “father of Moloch”). On the hypothesis put forward in the text the father of a god and the son of a god stood precisely on the same footing, and the same person would often be both one and the other. Where the common practice prevailed of naming a father after his son (Taboo and the Perils of the Soul, pp. 331 sqq.), a divine king in later life might often be called “father of such-and-such a god.” [165.] The Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings, i. 418 sq. [166.] A. Erman, Aegypten und aegyptisches Leben im Altertum (Tübingen, n.d.), p. 113. [167.] L. Borchardt, “Der ägyptische Titel ‘Vater des Gottes’ als Bezeichnung für ‘Vater oder Schwiegervater des Königs,’ ” Berichte über die Verhandlungen der Königlich Sächsischen Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften zu Leipzig, Philolog.-histor. Klasse, lvii. (1905) pp. 254-270. [168.] F. C. Movers, Die Phoenizier, i. 243; Stoll, s.v. “Kinyras,” in W. H. Roscher's Lexikon der griech. und röm. Mythologie, ii. 1191; 1 Samuel xvi. 23. [169.] 1 Chronicles xxv. 1-3; compare 2 Samuel vi. 5. [170.] W. Robertson Smith, The Prophets of Israel2 (London, 1902), pp. 391 sq.; E. Renan, Histoire du peuple d'Israel (Paris, 1893), ii. 280. [171.] 1 Samuel x. 5. [172.] 2 Kings iii. 4-24. And for the explanation of the supposed miracle, see W. Robertson Smith, The Old Testament in the Jewish Church2 (London and Edinburgh, 1892), pp. 146 sq. I have to thank Professor Kennett for the suggestion that the Moabites took the ruddy light on the water for an omen of blood rather than for actual gore. [173.] 1 Samuel xvi. 14-23. [174.] J. H. Newman, Sermons preached before the University of Oxford, No. xv. pp. 346 sq. (third edition). [175.] It would be interesting to pursue a similar line of inquiry in regard to the other arts. What was the influence of Phidias on Greek religion? How much does Catholicism owe to Fra Angelico? [176.] Pindar, Pyth. ii. 15 sq. [177.] On the lyre and the flute in Greek religion and Greek thought, see L. R. Farnell, The Cults of the Greek States (Oxford, 1896-1909), iv. 243 sqq. [178.] Pindar, Pyth. i. 13 sqq. [179.] This seems to be the view also of Dr. Farnell, who rightly connects the musical with the prophetic side of Apollo's character (op. cit. iv. 245). [180.] Hyginus, Fab. 242. So in the version of the story which made Adonis the son of Theias, the father is said to have killed himself when he learned what he had done (Antoninus Liberalis, Transform. 34). [181.] Scholiast and Eustathius on Homer, Iliad, xi. 20. Compare F. C. Movers, Die Phoenizier, i. 243 sq.; W. H. Engel, Kypros, ii. 109-116; Stoll, s.v. “Kinyras,” in W. H. Roscher's Lexikon der griech. und röm. Mythologie, ii. 1191. [182.] Anacreon, cited by Pliny, Nat. Hist. vii. 154. Nonnus also refers to the long life of Cinyras (Dionys. xxxii. 212 sq.). [183.] Encyclopaedia Britannica,9 xiv. 858. [184.] L. R. Farnell, “Sociological hypotheses concerning the position of women in ancient religion,” Archiv für Religionswissenschaft, vii. (1904) p. 88; M. P. Nilsson, Griechische Feste (Leipsic, 1906), pp. 366 sq.; Fr. Cumont, Les religions orientales dans le paganisme Romain2 (Paris, 1909), pp. 361 sq. A different and, in my judgment, a truer view of these customs was formerly taken by Prof. Nilsson. See his Studia de Dionysiis Atticis (Lund, 1900), pp. 119-121. For a large collection of facts bearing on this subject and a judicious discussion of them, see W. Hertz, “Die Sage vom Giftmädchen,” Gesammelte Abhandlungen (Stuttgart and Berlin, 1905), pp. 195-219. My attention was drawn to this last work by Prof. G. L. Hamilton of the University of Michigan after my manuscript had been sent to the printer. With Hertz's treatment of the subject I am in general agreement, and I have derived from his learned treatise several references to authorities which I had overlooked. [185.] Above, p. [37]. [186.] Above, p. [38]. Prof. Nilsson is mistaken in affirming (op. cit. p. 367) that the Lydian practice was purely secular: the inscription which I have cited proves the contrary. Both he and Dr. Farnell fully recognize the religious aspect of most of these customs in antiquity, and Prof. Nilsson attempts, as it seems to me, unsuccessfully, to indicate how a practice supposed to be purely secular in origin should have come to contract a religious character. [187.] Above, p. [37]. [188.] Above, pp. [36] sq., [38]. [189.] Hosea iv. 13 sq. [190.] Above, pp. [37] sqq. [191.] See above, pp. [17] sq. [192.] L. di Varthema, Travels (Hakluyt Society, 1863), pp. 141, 202-204 (Malabar); J. A. de Mandlesloe, in J. Harris's Voyages and Travels, i. (London, 1744), p. 767 (Malabar); Richard, “History of Tonquin,” in J. Pinkerton's Voyages and Travels, ix. 760 sq. (Aracan); A. de Morga, The Philippine Islands, Moluccas, Siam, Cambodia, Japan, and China (Hakluyt Society, 1868), pp. 304 sq. (the Philippines); J. Mallat, Les Philippines (Paris, 1846), i. 61 (the Philippines); L. Moncelon, in Bulletins de la Société d'Anthropologie de Paris, 3me Série, ix. (1886) p. 368 (New Caledonia); H. Crawford Angas, in Verhandlungen der Berliner Gesellschaft für Anthropologie, Ethnologie und Urgeschichte, 1898, p. 481 (Azimba, Central Africa); Sir H. H. Johnston, British Central Africa (London, 1897), p. 410 (the Wa-Yao of Central Africa). See further, W. Hertz, “Die Sage vom Giftmädchen,” Gesammelte Abhandlungen, pp. 198-204. [193.] Herodotus, i. 93; Justin, xviii. 5. 4. Part of the wages thus earned was probably paid into the local temple. See above, pp. [37], [38]. However, according to Strabo (xi. 14. 16, p. 532) the Armenian girls of rich families often gave their lovers more than they received from them. [194.] This fatal objection to the theory under discussion has been clearly stated by W. Hertz, op. cit. p. 217. I am glad to find myself in agreement with so judicious and learned an inquirer. [195.] L. di Varthema, Travels (Hakluyt Society, 1863), p. 141; J. A. de Mandlesloe, in J. Harris's Voyages and Travels, i. (London, 1744) p. 767; A. Hamilton, “New Account of the East Indies,” in J. Pinkerton's Voyages and Travels, viii. 374; Ch. Lassen, Indische Alterthumskunde, iv. (Leipsic, 1861), p. 408; A. de Herrera, The General History of the Vast Continent and Islands of America, translated by Captain J. Stevens (London, 1725-1726), iii. 310, 340; Fr. Coreal, Voyages aux Indes Occidentales (Amsterdam, 1722), i. 10 sq., 139 sq.; C. F. Ph. v. Martius, Beiträge zur Ethnographie und Sprachenkunde Amerika's, i. (Leipsic, 1867) pp. 113 sq. The first three of these authorities refer to Malabar; the fourth refers to Cambodia; the last three refer to the Indians of Central and South America. See further W. Hertz, “Die Sage vom Giftmädchen,” Gesammelte Abhandlungen, pp. 204-207. For a criticism of the Malabar evidence see K. Schmidt, Jus primae noctis (Freiburg im Breisgau, 1881), pp. 312-320. [196.] Lactantius, Divin. Institut. i. 20; Arnobius, Adversus Nationes, iv. 7; Augustine, De civitate Dei, vi. 9, vii. 24; D. Barbosa, Description of the Coasts of East Africa and Malabar (Hakluyt Society, 1866), p. 96; Sonnerat, Voyage aux Indes Orientales et à la Chine (Paris, 1782), i. 68; F. Liebrecht, Zur Volkskunde (Heilbronn, 1879), pp. 396 sq., 511; W. Hertz, “Die Sage vom Giftmädchen,” Gesammelte Abhandlungen, pp. 270-272. According to Arnobius, it was matrons, not maidens, who resorted to the image. This suggests that the custom was a charm to procure offspring. [197.] R. Schomburgk, in Verhandlungen der Berliner Gesellschaft für Anthropologie, Ethnologie und Urgeschichte, 1879, pp. 235 sq.; Miklucho-Maclay, ibid. 1880, p. 89; W. E. Roth, Studies among the North-West-Central Queensland Aborigines (Brisbane and London, 1897), pp. 174 sq., 180; B. Spencer and F. J. Gillen, Native Tribes of Central Australia (London, 1899), pp. 92-95; id., Northern Tribes of Central Australia (London, 1904), pp. 133-136. In Australia the observance of the custom is regularly followed by the exercise of what seem to be old communal rights of the men over the women. [198.] J. A. Dubois, Mœurs, Institutions et Cérémonies des Peuples de l'Inde (Paris, 1825), ii. 353 sqq.; J. Shortt, “The Bayadère or dancing-girls of Southern India,” Memoirs of the Anthropological Society of London, iii. (1867-69) pp. 182-194; Edward Balfour, Cyclopaedia of India3 (London, 1885), i. 922 sqq.; W. Francis, in Census of India, 1901, vol. xv., Madras, Part I. (Madras, 1902) pp. 151 sq.; E. Thurston, Ethnographic Notes in Southern India (Madras, 1906), pp. 36 sq., 40 sq. The office of these sacred women has in recent years been abolished, on the ground of immorality, by the native Government of Mysore. See Homeward Mail, 6th June 1909 (extract kindly sent me by General Begbie). [199.] Edgar Thurston, Castes and Tribes of Southern India (Madras, 1909), iii. 37-39. Compare id., Ethnographic Notes in Southern India (Madras, 1906), pp. 29 sq. In Southern India the maternal uncle often takes a prominent part in the marriage ceremony to the exclusion of the girl's father. See, for example, E. Thurston, Castes and Tribes of Southern India, ii. 497, iv. 147. The custom is derived from the old system of mother-kin, under which a man's heirs are not his own children but his sister's children. As to this system see below, Chapter XII., “Mother-kin and Mother Goddesses.” [200.] E. Balfour, op. cit. ii. 1012. [201.] Francis Buchanan, “A Journey from Madras through the countries of Mysore, Canara, and Malabar,” in J. Pinkerton's Voyages and Travels, viii. (London, 1811), p. 749. [202.] N. Subramhanya Aiyar, in Census of India, 1901, vol. xxvi., Travancore, Part i. (Trivandrum, 1903), pp. 276 sq. I have to thank my friend Mr. W. Crooke for referring me to this and other passages on the sacred dancing-girls of India. [203.] A. B. Ellis, The Ewe-speaking Peoples of the Slave Coast of West Africa (London, 1890), pp. 140 sq. [204.] A. B. Ellis, op. cit. p. 142. [205.] A. B. Ellis, op. cit. pp. 148 sq. Compare Des Marchais, Voyage en Guinée et à Cayenne (Amsterdam, 1731), ii. 144-151; P. Bouche, La Côte des Esclaves (Paris, 1885), p. 128. The Abbé Bouche calls these women danwés. [206.] A. B. Ellis, op. cit. p. 60; Des Marchais, op. cit. ii. 149 sq. [207.] Des Marchais, Voyage en Guinée et à Cayenne (Amsterdam, 1731), ii. 146 sq. [208.] W. Bosman, “Description of the Coast of Guinea,” in J. Pinkerton's Voyages and Travels, xvi. (London, 1814), p. 494. [209.] W. Bosman, l.c. The name of Whydah is spelt by Bosman as Fida, and by Des Marchais as Juda. [210.] MS. notes, kindly sent to me by the author, Mr. A. C. Hollis, 21st May, 1908. [211.] A. B. Ellis, The Ewe-speaking Peoples of the Slave Coast, pp. 142-144; Le R. P. Baudin, “Féticheurs ou ministres religieux des Nègres de la Guinée,” Les Missions Catholiques, No. 787 (4 juillet 1884), p. 322. [212.] A. B. Ellis, op. cit. pp. 150 sq. [213.] La Côte des Esclaves, pp. 127 sq. [214.] A. B. Ellis, op. cit. p. 147. [215.] A. B. Ellis, The Tshi-speaking Peoples of the Gold Coast of West Africa (London, 1887), pp. 120-138. [216.] A. B. Ellis, op. cit. p. 121. [217.] A. B. Ellis, op. cit. pp. 120 sq., 129-138. The slaves, male and female, dedicated to a god from childhood are often mentioned by the German missionary Mr. J. Spieth in his elaborate work on the Ewe people (Die Eẇe-Stämme: Material zur Kunde des Eẇe-Volkes in Deutsch-Togo, Berlin, 1906, pp. 228, 229, 309, 450, 474, 792, 797, etc.). But his information does not illustrate the principal points to which I have called attention in the text. [218.] The Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings, ii. 129-135. [219.] Herodotus, i. 181 sq. It is not clear whether the same or a different woman slept every night in the temple. [220.] H. Winckler, Die Gesetze Hammurabi2 (Leipsic, 1903), p. 31, § 182; C. H. W. Johns, Babylonian and Assyrian Laws, Contracts, and Letters (Edinburgh, 1904), pp. 54, 55, 59, 60, 61 (§§ 137, 144, 145, 146, 178, 182, 187, 192, 193, of the Code of Hammurabi). As to these female votaries see especially C. H. W. Johns, “Notes on the Code of Hammurabi,” American Journal of Semitic Languages and Literatures, xix. (January 1903) pp. 98-107. Compare S. A. Cook, The Laws of Moses and the Code of Hammurabi (London, 1903), pp. 147-150. [221.] C. H. W. Johns, “Notes on the Code of Hammurabi,” l.c., where we read (p. 104) of a female votary of Shamash who had a daughter. [222.] Code of Hammurabi, § 181; C. H. W. Johns, “Notes on the Code of Hammurabi,” op. cit. pp. 100 sq.; S. A. Cook, op. cit. p. 148. Dr. Johns translates the name by “temple maid” (Babylonian and Assyrian Laws, Contracts, and Letters, p. 61). He is scrupulously polite to these ladies, but I gather from him that a far less charitable view of their religious vocation is taken by Father Scheil, the first editor and translator of the code. [223.] Any man proved to have pointed the finger of scorn at a votary was liable to be branded on the forehead (Code of Hammurabi, § 127). [224.] See above, pp. [66], [69]. [225.] Herodotus, i. 182. [226.] A. Wiedemann, Herodots Zweites Buch (Leipsic, 1890), pp. 268 sq. See further The Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings, ii. 130 sqq. [227.] Strabo, xvii. 1. 46, p. 816. The title “concubines of Zeus (Ammon)” is mentioned by Diodorus Siculus (i. 47). [228.] Diodorus Siculus, i. 47. [229.] The ἱερόδουλοι, as the Greeks called them. [230.] I have to thank the Rev. Professor R. H. Kennett for this important suggestion as to the true nature of the ḳedeshim. The passages of the Bible in which mention is made of these men are Deuteronomy xxiii. 17 (in Hebrew 18); 1 Kings xiv. 24, xv. 12, xxii. 46 (in Hebrew 47); 2 Kings xxiii. 7; Job xxxvi. 14 (where ḳedeshim is translated “the unclean” in the English version). The usual rendering of ḳedeshim in the English Bible is not justified by any of these passages; but it may perhaps derive support from a reference which Eusebius makes to the profligate rites observed at Aphaca (Vita Constantini, iii. 55; Migne's Patrologia Graeca, xx. 1120); Γύνιδες γοῦν τινες ἄνδρες οὐκ ἄνδρες, τὸ σέμνον τῆς φύσεως ἀπαρνησάμενοι, θηλείᾳ νόσῳ τὴν δαίμονα ἱλεοῦντο. But probably Eusebius is here speaking of the men who castrated themselves in honour of the goddess, and thereafter wore female attire. See Lucian, De dea Syria, 51; and below, pp. [269] sq. [231.] Strabo, xi. 4. 7, p. 503. [232.] Drexler, in W. H. Roscher's Lexikon der griech. und röm. Mythologie, s.v. “Men,” ii. 2687 sqq. [233.] It is true that Strabo (l.c.) speaks of the Albanian deity as a goddess, but this may be only an accommodation to the usage of the Greek language, in which the moon is feminine. [234.] Florus, Epitoma, ii. 7; Diodorus Siculus, Frag. xxxiv. 2 (vol. v. pp. 87 sq., ed. L. Dindorf, in the Teubner series). [235.] Above, pp. [52] sq. [236.] 1 Kings xix. 16; Isaiah lx. 1. [237.] 1 Kings xx. 41. So in Africa “priests and priestesses are readily distinguishable from the rest of the community. They wear their hair long and unkempt, while other people, except the women in the towns on the seaboard, have it cut close to the head.... Frequently both appear with white circles painted round their eyes, or with various white devices, marks, or lines painted on the face, neck, shoulders, or arms” (A. B. Ellis, The Tshi-speaking Peoples of the Gold Coast, p. 123). “Besides the ordinary tribal tattoo-marks borne by all natives, the priesthood in Dahomi bear a variety of such marks, some very elaborate, and an expert can tell by the marks on a priest to what god he is vowed, and what rank he holds in the order. These hierarchical marks consist of lines, scrolls, diamonds, and other patterns, with sometimes a figure, such as that of the crocodile or chameleon. The shoulders are frequently seen covered with an infinite number of small marks like dots, set close together. All these marks are considered sacred, and the laity are forbidden to touch them” (A. B. Ellis, The Ewe-speaking Peoples of the Slave Coast, p. 146). The reason why the prophet's shoulders are especially marked is perhaps given by the statement of a Zulu that “the sensitive part with a doctor [medicine-man] is his shoulders. Everything he feels is in the situation of his shoulders. That is the place where black men feel the Amatongo” (ancestral spirits). See H. Callaway, The Religious System of the Amazulu, part ii. p. 159. These African analogies suggest that the “wounds between the arms” (literally, “between the hands”) which the prophet Zechariah mentions (xiii. 6) as the badge of a Hebrew prophet were marks tattooed on his shoulders in token of his holy office. The suggestion is confirmed by the prophet's own statement (l.c.) that he had received the wounds in the house of his lovers (בית מאהבי); for the same word lovers is repeatedly applied by the prophet Hosea to the Baalim (Hosea, ii. 5, 7, 10, 12, 13, verses 7, 9, 12, 14, 15 in Hebrew). [238.] 1 Samuel ix. 1-20. [239.] H. Callaway, The Religious System of the Amazulu, part iii. pp. 300 sqq. [240.] See above, pp. [52] sq. [241.] 1 Samuel ix. 9. In the Wiimbaio tribe of South-Eastern Australia a medicine-man used to be called “mekigar, from meki, ‘eye’ or ‘to see,’ otherwise ‘one who sees,’ that is, sees the causes of maladies in people, and who could extract them from the sufferer, usually in the form of quartz crystals” (A. W. Howitt, The Native Tribes of South-East Australia, London, 1904, p. 380). [242.] That the prophet's office in Canaan was developed out of the widespread respect for insanity is duly recognized by Ed. Meyer, Geschichte des Altertums,2 i. 2. p. 383. [243.] W. Max Müller, in Mitteilungen der Vorderasiatischen Gesellschaft, 1900, No. 1, p. 17; A. Erman, “Eine Reise nach Phönizien im 11 Jahrhundert v. Chr.” Zeitschrift für Āgyptische Sprache und Altertumskunde, xxxviii. (1900) pp. 6 sq.; G. Maspero, Les contes populaires de l'Égypte Ancienne,3 p. 192; A. Wiedemann, Altägyptische Sagen und Märchen (Leipsic, 1906), pp. 99 sq.; H. Gressmann, Altorientalische Texte und Bilder zum Alten Testamente (Tübingen, 1909), p. 226. Scholars differ as to whether Wen-Ammon's narrative is to be regarded as history or romance; but even if it were proved to be a fiction, we might safely assume that the incident of the prophetic frenzy at Byblus was based upon familiar facts. Prof. Wiedemann thinks that the god who inspired the page was the Egyptian Ammon, not the Phoenician Adonis, but this view seems to me less probable. [244.] 1 Samuel ix. 6-8, 10; 1 Kings xiii. 1, 4-8, 11, etc. [245.] 1 Samuel ii. 22. Totally different from their Asiatic namesakes were the “sacred men” and “sacred women” who were charged with the superintendence of the mysteries at Andania in Messenia. They were chosen by lot and held office for a year. The sacred women might be either married or single; the married women had to swear that they had been true to their husbands. See G. Dittenberger, Sylloge Inscriptionum Graecarum2 (Leipsic, 1898-1901), vol. ii. pp. 461 sqq., No. 653; Ch. Michel, Recueil d'Inscriptions Grecques (Brussels, 1900), pp. 596 sqq., No. 694; Leges Graecorum Sacrae, ed. J. de Prott, L. Ziehen, Pars Altera, Fasciculus i. (Leipsic, 1906), No. 58, pp. 166 sqq. [246.] Hosea ix. 7. [247.] Jeremiah xxix. 26. [248.] S. I. Curtiss, Primitive Semitic Religion To-day (Chicago, New York, Toronto, 1902), pp. 150 sq. [249.] S. I. Curtiss, op. cit. p. 152. As to these “holy men,” see further C. R. Conder, Tent-work in Palestine (London, 1878), ii. 231 sq.: “The most peculiar class of men in the country is that of the Derwîshes, or sacred personages, who wander from village to village, performing tricks, living on alms, and enjoying certain social and domestic privileges, which very often lead to scandalous scenes. Some of these men are mad, some are fanatics, but the majority are, I imagine, rogues. They are reverenced not only by the peasantry, but also sometimes by the governing class. I have seen the Kady of Nazareth ostentatiously preparing food for a miserable and filthy beggar, who sat in the justice-hall, and was consulted as if he had been inspired. A Derwîsh of peculiar eminence is often dressed in good clothes, with a spotless turban, and is preceded by a banner-bearer, and followed by a band, with drum, cymbal, and tambourine.... It is natural to reflect whether the social position of the Prophets among the Jews may not have resembled that of the Derwîshes.” [250.] S. I. Curtiss, op. cit. pp. 116 sq. [251.] S. I. Curtiss, op. cit. pp. 118, 119. In India also some Mohammedan saints are noted as givers of children. Thus at Fatepur-Sikri, near Agra, is the grave of Salim Chishti, and childless women tie rags to the delicate tracery of the tomb, “thus bringing them into direct communion with the spirit of the holy man” (W. Crooke, Natives of Northern India, London, 1907, p. 203). [252.] 1 Samuel i. [253.] Genesis vi. 1-3. In this passage “the sons of God (or rather of the gods)” probably means, in accordance with a common Hebrew idiom, no more than “the gods,” just as the phrase “sons of the prophets” means the prophets themselves. For more examples of this idiom, see Brown, Driver, and Briggs, Hebrew and English Lexicon, p. 121. [254.] For example, all Hebrew names ending in -el or -iah are compounds of El or Yahwe, two names of the divinity. See G. B. Gray, Studies in Hebrew Proper Names (London, 1896), pp. 149 sqq. [255.] Brown, Driver, and Briggs, Hebrew and English Lexicon, p. 1028. But compare Encyclopaedia Biblica, iii. 3285, iv. 4452. [256.] A trace of a similar belief perhaps survives in the narratives of Genesis xxxi. and Judges xiii., where barren women are represented as conceiving children after the visit of God, or of an angel of God, in the likeness of a man. [257.] J. Spieth, Die Ewe-Stämme (Berlin, 1906), pp. 446, 448-450. [258.] For more instances see H. Usener, Das Weihnachtsfest2 (Bonn, 1911), i. 71 sqq. [259.] G. Dittenberger, Sylloge Inscriptionum Graecarum,2 vol. ii. pp. 662, 663, No. 803, lines 117 sqq., 129 sqq. [260.] Pausanias, ii. 10. 3 (with my note), iii. 23. 7; Livy, xi. Epitome; Pliny, Nat. Hist. xxix. 72; Valerius Maximus, i. 8. 2; Ovid, Metam. xv. 626-744; Aurelius Victor, De viris illustr. 22; Plutarch, Quaest. Rom. 94. [261.] Aristophanes, Plutus, 733; Pausanias, ii. 11. 8; Herodas, Mimiambi, iv. 90 sq.; G. Dittenberger, Sylloge Inscriptionum Graecarum,2 vol. ii. p. 655, No. 802, lines 116 sqq.; Ch. Michel, Recueil d'Inscriptions Grecques, p. 826, No. 1069. [262.] Pausanias, ii. 10. 3, iv. 14. 7 sq. [263.] Pausanias, ii. 10. 4. [264.] Pausanias, ii. 11. 5-8. [265.] Suetonius, Divus Augustus, 94; Dio Cassius, xlv. 1. 2. Tame serpents were kept in a sacred grove of Apollo in Epirus. A virgin priestess fed them, and omens of plenty and health or the opposites were drawn from the way in which the reptiles took their food from her. See Aelian, Nat. Hist. xi. 2. [266.] Pausanias, iv. 14. 7; Livy, xxvi. 19; Aulus Gellius, vi. 1; Plutarch, Alexander, 2. All these cases have been already cited in this connexion by L. Deubner, De incubatione (Leipsic, 1900), p. 33 note. [267.] Aelian, De natura animalium, vi. 17. [268.] H. V. Nanjundayya, The Ethnographical Survey of Mysore, vi. Komati Caste (Bangalore, 1906), p. 29. [269.] T. Arbousset et F. Daumas, Voyage d'Exploration au Nord-Est de la Colonie du Cap de Bonne-Espérance (Paris, 1842), p. 277; H. Callaway, Religious System of the Amazulu, part ii. pp. 140-144, 196-200, 208-212; J. Shooter, The Kafirs of Natal (London, 1857), p. 162; E. Casalis, The Basutos (London, 1861), p. 246; “Words about Spirits,” (South African) Folk-lore Journal, ii. (1880) pp. 101-103; A. Kranz, Natur- und Kulturleben der Zulus (Wiesbaden, 1880), p. 112; F. Speckmann, Die Hermannsburger Mission in Afrika (Hermannsburg, 1876), pp. 165-167; Dudley Kidd, The Essential Kafir (London, 1904), pp. 85-87; Henri A. Junod, The Life of a South African Tribe (Neuchatel, 1912-1913), ii. 358 sq. [270.] W. A. Elmslie, Among the Wild Ngoni (London, 1899), pp. 71 sq. [271.] O. Baumann, Usambara und seine Nachbargebiete (Berlin, 1891), pp. 141 sq. [272.] S. L. Hinde and H. Hinde, The Last of the Masai (London, 1901), pp. 101 sq.; A. C. Hollis, The Masai (Oxford, 1905), pp. 307 sq.; Sir H. Johnston, The Uganda Protectorate (London, 1904), ii. 832. [273.] M. W. H. Beech, The Suk (Oxford, 1911), p. 20. [274.] A. C. Hollis, The Nandi (Oxford, 1909), p. 90. [275.] H. R. Tate, “The Native Law of the Southern Gikuyu of British East Africa,” Journal of the African Society, No. xxxv. April 1910, p. 243. [276.] E. de Pruyssenaere, Reisen und Forschungen im Gebiete des Weissen und Blauen Nil (Gotha, 1877), p. 27 (Petermann's Mittheilungen, Ergänzungsheft, No. 50). Compare G. Schweinfurth, The Heart of Africa3 (London, 1878), i. 55. Among the Bahima of Ankole dead chiefs turn into serpents, but dead kings into lions. See J. Roscoe, “The Bahima, a Cow Tribe of Enkole in the Uganda Protectorate,” Journal of the Anthropological Institute, xxxvii. (1907), pp. 101 sq.; Major J. A. Meldon, “Notes on the Bahima of Ankole,” Journal of the African Society, No. xxii. (January 1907), p. 151. Major Leonard holds that the pythons worshipped in Southern Nigeria are regarded as reincarnations of the dead; but this seems very doubtful. See A. G. Leonard, The Lower Niger and its Tribes (London, 1906), pp. 327 sqq. Pythons are worshipped by the Ewe-speaking peoples of the Slave Coast, but apparently not from a belief that the souls of the dead are lodged in them. See A. B. Ellis, The Ewe-speaking Peoples of the Slave Coast of West Africa, pp. 54 sqq. [277.] G. A. Shaw, “The Betsileo,” The Antananarivo Annual and Madagascar Magazine, Reprint of the First Four Numbers (Antananarivo, 1885), p. 411; H. W. Little, Madagascar, its History and People (London, 1884), pp. 86 sq.; A. van Gennep, Tabou et Totémisme à Madagascar (Paris, 1904), pp. 272 sqq. [278.] “Religious Rites and Customs of the Iban or Dyaks of Sarawak,” by Leo Nyuak, translated from the Dyak by the Very Rev. Edm. Dunn, Anthropos, i. (1906) p. 182. As to the Sea Dyak reverence for snakes and their belief that spirits (antus) are incarnate in the reptiles, see further J. Perham, “Sea Dyak Religion,” Journal of the Straits Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, No. 10 (December, 1882), pp. 222-224; H. Ling Roth, The Natives of Sarawak and British North Borneo (London, 1896), i. 187 sq. But from this latter account it does not appear that the spirits (antus) which possess the snakes are supposed to be those of human ancestors. [279.] George Brown, D.D., Melanesians and Polynesians (London, 1910), pp. 238 sq. [280.] Rev. E. Casalis, The Basutos (London, 1861), p. 246. Compare A. Kranz, Natur- und Kulturleben der Zulus (Wiesbaden, 1880), p. 112. [281.] A. C. Hollis, The Masai (Oxford, 1905), p. 307. [282.] A. C. Hollis, The Nandi (Oxford, 1909), p. 90. [283.] Mervyn W. H. Beech, The Suk, their Language and Folklore (Oxford, 1911), p. 20. [284.] H. R. Tate (District Commissioner, East Africa Protectorate), “The Native Law of the Southern Gikuyu of British East Africa,” Journal of the African Society, No. xxxv., April 1910, p. 243. See further C. W. Hobley, “Further Researches into Kikuyu and Kamba Religious Beliefs and Customs,” Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute, xli. (1911) p. 408. According to Mr. Hobley it is only one particular sort of snake, called nyamuyathi, which is thought to be the abode of a spirit and is treated with ceremonious respect by the Akikuyu. Compare P. Cayzac, “La Religion des Kikuyu,” Anthropos, v. (1910) p. 312; and for more evidence of milk offered to serpents as embodiments of the dead see E. de Pruyssenaere and H. W. Little, cited above, p. [83], notes 1 and 2. [285.] Rev. J. Roscoe, The Baganda (London, 1911), pp. 320 sq. My friend Mr. Roscoe tells me that serpents are revered and fed with milk by the Banyoro to the north of Uganda; but he cannot say whether the creatures are supposed to be incarnations of the dead. Some of the Gallas also regard serpents as sacred and offer milk to them, but it is not said that they believe the reptiles to embody the souls of the departed. See Rev. J. L. Krapf, Travels, Researches and Missionary Labours in Eastern Africa (London, 1860), pp. 77 sq. The negroes of Whydah in Guinea likewise feed with milk the serpents which they worship. See Thomas Astley's New General Collection of Voyages and Travels, iii. (London, 1746) p. 29. [286.] L. Preller, Römische Mythologie3 (Berlin, 1881-1883), ii. 196 sq.; G. Wissowa, Religion und Kultus der Römer2 (Munich, 1912), pp. 176 sq. The worship of the genius was very popular in the Roman Empire. See J. Toutain, Les Cultes Païens dans l'Empire Romain, Première Partie, i. (Paris, 1907) pp. 439 sqq. [287.] Pliny, Nat. Hist. xxix. 72. Compare Seneca, De Ira, iv. 31. 6. [288.] Apollodorus, Bibliotheca, iii. 5. 4; Hyginus, Fab. 6; Ovid, Metam. iv. 563-603. [289.] Plutarch, Cleomenes, 39. [290.] Porphyry, De vita Plotini, p. 103, Didot edition (appended to the lives of Diogenes Laertius). [291.] Plutarch, Cleomenes, 39; Scholiast on Aristophanes, Plutus, 733. [292.] Herodotus, viii. 41; Plutarch, Themistocles, 10; Aristophanes, Lysistra, 758 sq., with the Scholium; Philostratus, Imag. ii. 17. 6. See further my note on Pausanias, i, 18, 2 (vol. ii. pp. 168 sqq.). [293.] Sophocles, Electra, 893 sqq.; Euripides, Orestes, 112 sqq. [294.] Mittheilungen des Deutsch. Archäo log. Institutes in Athen, iv. (1879) pl. viii. Compare ib. pp. 135 sq., 162 sq. [295.] Above, pp. [84] sq. [296.] E. de Pruyssenaere, l.c. (above, p. [83], note 1). [297.] See C. O. Müller, Denkmäler der alten Kunst2 (Göttingen, 1854), pl. lxi. with the corresponding text in vol. i. (where the eccentric system of paging adopted renders references to it practically useless). In these groups the female figure is commonly, and perhaps correctly, interpreted as the Goddess of Health (Hygieia). It is to be remembered that Hygieia was deemed a daughter of the serpent-god Aesculapius (Pausanias i. 23. 4), and was constantly associated with him in ritual and art. See, for example, Pausanias, i. 40. 6, ii. 4. 5, ii. 11. 6, ii. 23. 4, ii. 27. 6, iii. 22. 13, v. 20. 3, v. 26. 2, vii. 23. 7, viii. 28. 1, viii. 31. 1, viii. 32. 4, viii. 47. 1. The snake-entwined goddess whose image was found in a prehistoric shrine at Gournia in Crete may have been a predecessor of the serpent-feeding Hygieia. See R. M. Burrows, The Discoveries in Crete (London, 1907), pp. 137 sq. The snakes, which were the regular symbol of the Furies, may have been originally nothing but the emblems or rather embodiments of the dead; and the Furies themselves may, like Aesculapius, have been developed out of the reptiles, sloughing off their serpent skins through the anthropomorphic tendency of Greek thought. [298.] Scholia on Lucian, Dial. Meretr. ii. (Scholia in Lucianum, ed. H. Rabe, Leipsic, 1906, pp. 275 sq.). As to the Thesmophoria, see my article, “Thesmophoria,” Encyclopaedia Britannica,9 xxiii. 295 sqq.; Spirits of the Corn and of the Wild, ii. 17 sqq. [299.] A. S. Gatschet, The Klamath Indians of South-Western Oregon (Washington, 1890), p. xcii. [300.] Washington Matthews, “Myths of Gestation and Parturition,” American Anthropologist, New Series, iv. (New York, 1902) p. 738. [301.] Central Provinces, Ethnographic Survey, iii. Draft Articles on Forest Tribes (Allahabad, 1907), p. 23. [302.] J. J. M. de Groot, The Religious System of China, v. (Leyden, 1907) pp. 536 sq. [303.] W. Crooke, Natives of Northern India (London, 1907), p. 232. [304.] J. Spieth, Die Ewe-Stämme (Berlin, 1906), p. 796. [305.] J. E. Erskine, Journal of a Cruise among the Islands of the Western Pacific (London, 1853), pp. 245 sq. [306.] Persons initiated into the mysteries of Sabazius had a serpent drawn through the bosom of their robes, and the reptile was identified with the god (ὁ διὰ κόλπου θέος, Clement of Alexandria, Protrept. ii. 16, p. 14, ed. Potter). This may be a trace of the belief that women can be impregnated by serpents, though it does not appear that the ceremony was performed only on women. [307.] See above, p. [78]. Among the South Slavs women go to graves to get children. See below, p. [96]. [308.] S. I. Curtiss, Primitive Semitic Religion To-day, pp. 115 sqq. [309.] A. C. Kruijt, Het Animisme in den Indischen Archipel (The Hague, 1906), P. 398. [310.] Relations des Jésuites, 1636, p. 130 (Canadian reprint, Quebec, 1858). A similar custom was practised for a similar reason by the Musquakie Indians. See Miss Mary Alicia Owen, Folk-lore of the Musquakie Indians of North America (London, 1904), pp. 22 sq., 86. Some of the instances here given have been already cited by Mr. J. E. King, who suggests, with much probability, that the special modes of burial adopted for infants in various parts of the world may often have been intended to ensure their rebirth. See J. E. King, “Infant Burial,” Classical Review, xvii. (1903) pp. 83 sq. For a large collection of evidence as to the belief in the reincarnation of the dead, see E. S. Hartland, Primitive Paternity (London, 1909-1910), i. 156 sqq. [311.] Mary H. Kingsley, Travels in West Africa (London, 1897), p. 478. [312.] Rev. John H. Weeks, “Notes on some Customs of the Lower Congo People,” Folk-lore, xix. (1908) p. 422. [313.] Th. Masui, Guide de la Section de l'État Indépendant du Congo à l'Exposition de Bruxelles-Tervueren en 1897 (Brussels, 1897), pp. 113 sq. [314.] J. B. Purvis, Through Uganda to Mount Elgon (London, 1909), pp. 302 sq. As to the Bagishu or Bageshu and their practice of throwing out the dead, see Rev. J. Roscoe, “Notes on the Bageshu,” Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute, xxxix. (1909) pp. 181 sqq. [315.] Rev. J. Roscoe, The Baganda (London, 1911), pp. 46 sq. Women adopted a like precaution at the grave of twins to prevent the ghosts of the twins from entering into them and being born again (id., pp. 124 sq.). The Baganda always strangled children that were born feet first and buried their bodies at cross-roads. The heaps of sticks or grass thrown on these graves by passing women and girls rose in time into mounds large enough to deflect the path and to attract the notice of travellers. See J. Roscoe, op. cit. pp. 126 sq., 289. [316.] Rev. J. Roscoe, op. cit. pp. 126 sq. In the Senegal and Niger region of Western Africa it is said to be commonly believed by women that they can conceive without any carnal knowledge of a man. See Maurice Delafosse, Haut-Sénégal-Niger, Le Pays, les Peuples, les Langues, l'Histoire, les Civilisations (Paris, 1912), iii. 171. [317.] Rev. J. Roscoe, The Baganda, pp. 47 sq.; Totemism and Exogamy, ii. 506 sq. As to the custom of depositing the afterbirths of children at the foot of banana (plantain) trees, see J. Roscoe, op. cit. pp. 52, 54 sq. [318.] W. Crooke, Natives of Northern India (London, 1907), p. 202. As to the Hindoo custom of burying infants but burning older persons, see The Belief in Immortality and the Worship of the Dead, i. 162 sq. [319.] Census of India, 1911, vol. xiv. Punjab, Part i., Report, by Pandit Harikishan Kaul (Lahore, 1912), p. 299. [320.] E. M. Gordon, Indian Folk Tales (London, 1908), p. 49. Other explanations of the custom are reported by the writer, but the original motive was probably a desire to secure the reincarnation of the dead child in the mother. [321.] E. M. Gordon, op. cit. pp. 50 sq. [322.] E. Thurston, Ethnographic Notes in Southern India (Madras, 1906), p. 155; id., Castes and Tribes of Southern India (Madras, 1909), iv. 52. [323.] W. Crooke, Natives of Northern India, p. 202; Census of India, 1901, vol. xvii. Punjab, Part i., Report, by H. A. Rose (Simla, 1902), pp. 213 sq. [324.] Census of India, 1901, vol. xiii. Central Provinces, Part i., Report, by R. V. Russell (Nagpur, 1902), p. 93. [325.] For stories of such virgin births see Comte H. de Charency, Le folklore dans les deux Mondes (Paris, 1894), pp. 121-256; E. S. Hartland, The Legend of Perseus, vol. i. (London, 1894) pp. 71 sqq.; and my note on Pausanias vii. 17. 11 (vol. iv. pp. 138-140). To the instances there cited by me add: A. Thevet, Cosmographie Universelle (Paris, 1575), ii. 918 [wrongly numbered 952]; K. von den Steinen, Unter den Naturvölkern Zentral-Brasiliens (Berlin, 1884), pp. 370, 373; H. A. Coudreau, La France Equinoxiale, ii. (Paris, 1887) pp. 184 sq.; Relations des Jésuites, 1637, pp. 123 sq. (Canadian reprint, Quebec, 1858); Franz Boas, Indianische Sagen von der Nord-Pacifischen Küste Amerikas (Berlin, 1895), pp. 311 sq.; A. G. Morice, Au pays de l'Ours Noir (Paris and Lyons, 1897), p. 153; A. Raffray, “Voyage à la côte nord de la Nouvelle Guinée,” Bulletin de la Société de Géographie (Paris), VIe Série, xv. (1878) pp. 392 sq.; J. L. van der Toorn, “Het animisme bij den Minangkabauer der Padangsche Bovenlanden,” Bijdragen tot de Taal- Land- en Volkenkunde van Nederlandsch-Indië, xxxix. (1890) p. 78; E. Aymonier, “Les Tchames et leurs religions,” Revue de l'Histoire des Religions, xxiv. (1901) pp. 215 sq.; Major P. R. T. Gurdon, The Khasis (London, 1907), p. 195. In some stories the conception is brought about not by eating food but by drinking water. But the principle is the same. [326.] F. S. Krauss, Sitte und Brauch der Süd-Slaven (Vienna, 1885), p. 531. [327.] Ch. Keysser, “Aus dem Leben der Kaileute,” in R. Neuhauss's Deutsch Neu-Guinea, iii. (Berlin, 1911) p. 26. [328.] W. H. R. Rivers, “Totemism in Polynesia and Melanesia,” Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute, xxxix. (1909) pp. 173-175. Compare Totemism and Exogamy, ii. 89 sqq. As to this Melanesian belief that animals can enter into women and be born from them as human children with animal characteristics, Dr. Rivers observes (p. 174): “It was clear that this belief was not accompanied by any ignorance of the physical rôle of the human father, and that the father played the same part in conception as in cases of birth unaccompanied by an animal appearance. We found it impossible to get definitely the belief as to the nature of the influence exerted by the animal on the woman, but it must be remembered that any belief of this kind can hardly have escaped the many years of European influence and Christian teaching which the people of this group have received. It is doubtful whether even a prolonged investigation of this point could now elicit the original belief of the people about the nature of the influence.” To me it seems that the belief described by Dr. Rivers in the text is incompatible with the recognition of human fatherhood as a necessary condition for the birth of children, and that though the people may now recognize that necessity, perhaps as a result of intercourse with Europeans, they certainly cannot have recognized it at the time when the belief in question originated. [329.] Baldwin Spencer and F. J. Gillen, Northern Tribes of Central Australia (London, 1904), p. 330, compare id. ibid. pp. xi, 145, 147-151, 155 sq., 161 sq., 169 sq., 173 sq., 174-176, 606; id., Native Tribes of Central Australia (London, 1899), pp. 52, 123-125, 126, 132 sq., 265, 335-338. [330.] B. Spencer and F. J. Gillen, Northern Tribes of Central Australia, pp. 162, 330 sq. [331.] B. Spencer and F. J. Gillen, Native Tribes of Central Australia, pp. 337 sq. [332.] W. Baldwin Spencer, An Introduction to the Study of Certain Native Tribes of the Northern Territory (Melbourne, 1912), p. 6: “The two fundamental beliefs of reincarnation and of children not being of necessity the result of sexual intercourse, are firmly held by the tribes in their normal wild state. There is no doubt whatever of this, and we now know that these two beliefs extend through all the tribes northwards to Katherine Creek and eastwards to the Gulf of Carpentaria.” In a letter (dated Melbourne, July 27th, 1913) Professor Baldwin Spencer writes to me that the natives on the Alligator River in the Northern Territory “have detailed traditions—as also have all the tribes—of how great ancestors wandered over the country leaving numbers of spirit children behind them who have been reincarnated time after time. They know who everyone is a reincarnation of, as the names are perpetuated.” [333.] W. Baldwin Spencer, An Introduction to the Study of Certain Native Tribes of the Northern Territory (Melbourne, 1912), pp. 41-45. [334.] Walter E. Roth, North Queensland Ethnography, Bulletin No. 5, Superstition, Magic, and Medicine (Brisbane, 1903), pp. 22, § 81. [335.] Walter E. Roth, op. cit. p. 23, § 82. [336.] Walter E. Roth, op. cit. p. 23, § 83. Mr. Roth adds, very justly: “When it is remembered that as a rule in all these Northern tribes, a little girl may be given to and will live with her spouse as wife long before she reaches the stage of puberty—the relationship of which to fecundity is not recognised—the idea of conception not being necessarily due to sexual connection becomes partly intelligible.” [337.] The Bishop of North Queensland (Dr. Frodsham) in a letter to me, dated Bishop's Lodge, Townsville, Queensland, July 9th, 1909. The Bishop's authority for the statement is the Rev. C. W. Morrison, M.A., acting head of the Yarrubah Mission. In the same letter Dr. Frodsham, speaking from personal observation, refers to “the belief, practically universal among the northern tribes, that copulation is not the cause of conception.” See J. G. Frazer, “Beliefs and Customs of the Australian Aborigines,” Folk-lore, xx. (1909) pp. 350-352; Man, ix. (1909) pp. 145-147; Totemism and Exogamy, i. 577 sq. [338.] Herbert Basedow, Anthropological Notes on the Western Coastal Tribes of the Northern Territory of South Australia, pp. 4 sq. (separate reprint from the Transactions of the Royal Society of South Australia, vol. xxxi. 1907). [339.] A. R. Brown, “Beliefs concerning Childbirth in some Australian Tribes,” Man, xii. (1912) pp. 180 sq. Compare id., “Three Tribes of Western Australia,” Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute, xliii. (1913) p. 168. [340.] Those who desire to pursue this subject further may consult with advantage Mr. E. S. Hartland's learned treatise Primitive Paternity (London, 1909-1910), which contains an ample collection of facts and a careful discussion of them. Elsewhere I have argued that the primitive ignorance of paternity furnishes the key to the origin of totemism. See Totemism and Exogamy, i. 155 sqq., iv. 40 sqq. [341.] Jeremiah ii. 27. The ancient Greeks seem also to have had a notion that men were sprung from trees or rocks. See Homer, Od. xix. 163; F. G. Welcker, Griechische Götterlehre (Göttingen, 1857-1862), i. 777 sqq.; A. B. Cook, “Oak and Rock,” Classical Review, xv. (1901) pp. 322 sqq. [342.] The ashera and the masseba. See 1 Kings xiv. 23; 2 Kings xviii. 4, xxiii. 14; Micah v. 13 sq. (in Hebrew, 12 sq.); Deuteronomy xvi. 21 sq.; W. Robertson Smith, Religion of the Semites,2 pp. 187 sqq., 203 sqq.; G. F. Moore, in Encyclopaedia Biblica, svv., “Asherah” and “Massebah.” In the early religion of Crete also the two principal objects of worship seem to have been a sacred tree and a sacred pillar. See A. J. Evans, “Mycenaean Tree and Pillar Cult,” Journal of Hellenic Studies, xxi. (1901) pp. 99 sqq. [343.] As to conical images of Semitic goddesses, see above, pp. [34] sqq. The sacred pole (asherah) appears also to have been by some people regarded as the embodiment of a goddess (Astarte), not of a god. See above, p. [18], note 2. Among the Khasis of Assam the sacred upright stones, which resemble the Semitic masseboth, are regarded as males, and the flat table-stones as female. See P. R. T. Gurdon, The Khasis (London, 1907), pp. 112 sq., 150 sqq. So in Nikunau, one of the Gilbert Islands in the South Pacific, the natives had sandstone slabs or pillars which represented gods and goddesses. “If the stone slab represented a goddess it was not placed erect, but laid down on the ground. Being a lady they thought it would be cruel to make her stand so long.” See G. Turner, LL.D., Samoa (London, 1884), p. 296. [344.] See above, pp. [91] sqq. [345.] As to the excavations at Gezer, see R. A. Stewart Macalister, Reports on the Excavation of Gezer (London, n.d.), pp. 76-89 (reprinted from the Quarterly Statement of the Palestine Exploration Fund); id., Bible Side-lights from the Mound of Gezer (London, 1906), pp. 57-67, 73-75. Professor Macalister now inclines to regard the socketed stone as a laver rather than as the base of the sacred pole. He supposes that the buried infants were first-born children sacrificed in accordance with the ancient law of the dedication of the first-born. The explanation which I have adopted in the text agrees better with the uninjured state of the bodies, and it is further confirmed by the result of the Austrian excavations at Tell Ta'annek (Taanach) in Palestine, which seem to prove that there children up to the age of two years were not buried in the family graves but interred separately in jars. Some of these sepulchral jars were deposited under or beside the houses, but many were grouped round a rock-hewn altar in a different part of the hill. There is nothing to indicate that any of the children were sacrificed: the size of some of the skeletons precludes the idea that they were slain at birth. Probably they all died natural deaths, and the custom of burying them in or near the house or beside an altar was intended to ensure their rebirth in the family. See Dr. E. Sellin, “Tell Ta'annek,” Denkschriften der Kaiser. Akademie der Wissenschaften, Philosophisch-historische Klasse, l. (Vienna, 1904), No. iv. pp. 32-37, 96 sq. Compare W. W. Graf Baudissin, Adonis und Esmun, p. 59 n.3. I have to thank Professor R. A. Stewart Macalister for kindly directing my attention to the excavations at Tell Ta'annek (Taanach). It deserves to be mentioned that in an enclosure close to the standing stones at Gezer, there was found a bronze model of a cobra (R. A. Stewart Macalister, Bible Side-lights, p. 76). Perhaps the reptile was the deity of the shrine, or an embodiment of an ancestral spirit. [346.] The Dying God, pp. 166 sqq. See Note I., “Moloch the King,” at the end of this volume. [347.] Philo of Byblus, quoted by Eusebius, Praepar. Evang. i. 10. 29 sq.; 2 Kings iii. 27. [348.] See above, p. [15]. [349.] Philo of Byblus, in Fragmenta Historicorum Graecorum, ed. C. Müller, iii. pp. 569, 570, 571. See above, p. [13]. [350.] See above, p. [16]. [351.] Sophocles, Trachiniae, 1191 sqq.; Apollodorus, Bibliotheca, ii. 7. 7; Diodorus Siculus, iv. 38; Hyginus, Fab. 36. [352.] [S. Clementis Romani,] Recognitiones, x. 24, p. 233, ed. E. G. Gersdorf (Migne's Patrologia Graeca, i. 1434). [353.] Josephus, Antiquit. Jud. viii. 5. 3, Contra Apionem, i. 18. Whether the quadriennial festival of Hercules at Tyre (2 Maccabees iv. 18-20) was a different celebration, or only “the awakening of Melcarth,” celebrated with unusual pomp once in four years, we do not know. [354.] Eudoxus of Cnidus, quoted by Athenaeus, ix. 47, p. 392 d, e. That the death and resurrection of Melcarth were celebrated in an annual festival at Tyre has been recognised by scholars. See Raoul-Rochette, “Sur l'Hercule Assyrien et Phénicien,” Mémoires de l'Académie des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres, xvii. Deuxième Partie (Paris, 1848), pp. 25 sqq.; H. Hubert et M. Mauss, “Essai sur le sacrifice,” L'Année Sociologique, ii. (1899) pp. 122, 124; M. J. Lagrange, Études sur les Religions Sémitiques,2 pp. 308-311. Iolaus is identified by some modern scholars with Eshmun, a Phoenician and Carthaginian deity about whom little is known. See F. C. Movers, Die Phoenizier, i. (Bonn, 1841) pp. 536 sqq.; F. Baethgen, Beiträge zur semitischen Religionsgeschichte (Berlin, 1888), pp. 44 sqq.; C. P. Tiele, Geschichte der Religion im Altertum (Gotha, 1896-1903), i. 268; W. W. Graf Baudissin, Adonis und Esmun, pp. 282 sqq. [355.] Zenobius, Centur. v. 56 (Paroemiographi Graeci, ed. E. L. Leutsch et F. G. Schneidewin, Göttingen, 1839-1851, vol. i. p. 143). [356.] Quails were perhaps burnt in honour of the Cilician Hercules or Sandan at Tarsus. See below, p. [126], note 2. [357.] Alfred Newton, Dictionary of Birds (London, 1893-96), p. 755. [358.] H. B. Tristram, The Fauna and Flora of Palestine (London, 1884), p. 124. For more evidence as to the migration of quails see Aug. Dillmann's commentary on Exodus xvi. 13, pp. 169 sqq. (Leipsic, 1880). [359.] The Tyrian Hercules was said to be a son of Zeus and Asteria (Eudoxus of Cnidus, quoted by Athenaeus, ix. 47, p. 392 d; Cicero, De natura deorum, iii. 16. 42). As to the transformation of Asteria into a quail see Apollodorus, Bibliotheca, i. 4. 1; J. Tzetzes, Schol. on Lycophron, 401; Hyginus, Fab. 53; Servius on Virgil, Aen. iii. 73. The name Asteria may be a Greek form of Astarte. See W. W. Graf Baudissin, Adonis und Esmun, p. 307. [360.] Quintus Curtius, iv. 2. 10; Arrian, Anabasis, ii. 24. 5. [361.] Strabo, iii. 5. 5, pp. 169 sq.; Mela, iii. 46; Scymnus Chius, Orbis Descriptio, 159-161 (Geographi Graeci Minores, ed. C. Müller, i. 200 sq.). [362.] Silius Italicus, iii. 14-32; Mela, iii. 46; Strabo, iii. 5. 3, 5, 7, pp. 169, 170, 172; Diodorus Siculus, v. 20. 2; Philostratus, Vita Apollonii, v. 4 sq.; Appian, Hispanica, 65. Compare Arrian, Anabasis, ii. 16. 4. That the bones of Hercules were buried at Gades is mentioned by Mela (l.c.). Compare Arnobius, Adversus Nationes, i. 36. In Italy women were not allowed to participate in sacrifices offered to Hercules (Aulus Gellius, xi. 6. 2; Macrobius, Saturn. i. 12. 28; Sextus Aurelius Victor, De origine gentis Romanae, vi. 6; Plutarch, Quaestiones Romanae, 60). Whether the priests of Melcarth at Gades were celibate, or had only to observe continence at certain seasons, does not appear. At Tyre the priest of Melcarth might be married (Justin, xviii. 4. 5). The worship of Melcarth under the name of Hercules continued to flourish in the south of Spain down to the time of the Roman Empire. See J. Toutain, Les Cultes païens dans l'Empire Romain, Première Partie, i. (Paris, 1907) pp. 400 sqq. [363.] Livy, xxi. 21. 9, 22. 5-9; Cicero, De Divinatione, i. 24. 49; Silius Italicus, iii. 1 sqq., 158 sqq. [364.] Pausanias, x. 4. 5. [365.] B. V. Head, Historia Numorum (Oxford, 1887), p. 674; G. A. Cooke, Text-Book of North-Semitic Inscriptions, p. 351. [366.] F. Imhoof-Blumer and P. Gardner, Numismatic Commentary on Pausanias, pp. 10-12, with pl. A; Stoll, s.v. “Melikertes,” in W. H. Roscher's Lexikon der griech. und röm. Mythologie, ii. 2634. [367.] Justin, xviii. 6. 1-7; Virgil, Aen. iv. 473 sqq., v. i. sqq.; Ovid, Fasti, iii. 545 sqq.; Timaeus, in Fragmenta Historicorum Graecorum, ed. C. Müller, i. 197. Compare W. Robertson Smith, Religion of the Semites,2 pp. 373 sqq. The name of Dido has been plausibly derived by Gesenius, Movers, E. Meyer, and A. H. Sayce from the Semitic dôd, “beloved.” See F. C. Movers, Die Phoenizier, i. 616; Meltzer, s.v. “Dido,” in W. H. Roscher's Lexikon der griech. und röm. Mythologie, i. 1017 sq.; A. H. Sayce, Lectures on the Religion of the Ancient Babylonians (London and Edinburgh, 1887), pp. 56 sqq. If they are right, the divine character of Dido becomes more probable than ever, since “the Beloved” (Dodah) seems to have been a title of a Semitic goddess, perhaps Astarte. See above, p. [20], note 2. According to Varro it was not Dido but her sister Anna who slew herself on a pyre for love of Aeneas (Servius on Virgil, Aen. iv. 682). [368.] Justin, xviii. 6. 8. [369.] Silius Italicus, i. 81 sqq. [370.] See above, pp. [16], [110] sqq. [371.] Ezekiel xxviii. 14, compare 16. [372.] Balder the Beautiful, ii. 1 sqq. But, as I have there pointed out, there are grounds for thinking that the custom of walking over fire is not a substitute for human sacrifice, but merely a stringent form of purification. On fire as a purificatory agent see below, pp. [179] sqq., [188] sq. [373.] Strabo, xii. 2. 7, p. 537. In Greece itself accused persons used to prove their innocence by walking through fire (Sophocles, Antigone, 264 sq., with Jebb's note). Possibly the fire-walk of the priestesses at Castabala was designed to test their chastity. For this purpose the priests and priestesses of the Tshi-speaking people of the Gold Coast submit to an ordeal, standing one by one in a narrow circle of fire. This “is supposed to show whether they have remained pure, and refrained from sexual intercourse, during the period of retirement, and so are worthy of inspiration by the gods. If they are pure they will receive no injury and suffer no pain from the fire” (A. B. Ellis, The Tshi-speaking Peoples of the Gold Coast, London, 1887, p. 138). These cases favour the purificatory explanation of the fire-walk. [374.] Euripides, Iphigenia in Tauris, 621-626. Compare Diodorus Siculus, xx. 14. 6. [375.] Herodotus, vii. 167. This was the Carthaginian version of the story. According to another account, Hamilcar was killed by the Greek cavalry (Diodorus Siculus, xi. 22. 1). His worship at Carthage is mentioned by Athenagoras (Supplicatio pro Christianis, p. 64, ed. J. C. T. Otto, Jena, 1857.) I have called Hamilcar a king in accordance with the usage of Greek writers (Herodotus, vii. 165 sq.; Aristotle, Politics, ii. 11; Polybius, vi. 51; Diodorus Siculus, xiv. 54. 5). But the suffetes, or supreme magistrates, of Carthage were two in number; whether they were elected for a year or for life seems to be doubtful. Cornelius Nepos, who calls them kings, says that they were elected annually (Hannibal, vii. 4), and Livy (xxx. 7. 5) compares them to the consuls; but Cicero (De re publica, ii. 23. 42 sq.) seems to imply that they held office for life. See G. A. Cooke, Text-book of North-Semitic Inscriptions, pp. 115 sq. [376.] Lucian, Amores, 1 and 54. [377.] See above, p. [32]. [378.] G. A. Cooke, Text-book of North-Semitic Inscriptions, Nos. 23 and 29, PP. 73, 83 sq., with the notes on pp. 81, 84. [379.] G. Perrot et Ch. Chipiez, Histoire de l'Art dans l'Antiquité, iii. 566-578. The colossal statue found at Amathus may be related, directly or indirectly, to the Egyptian god Bes, who is represented as a sturdy misshapen dwarf, wearing round his body the skin of a beast of the panther tribe, with its tail hanging down. See E. A. Wallis Budge, The Gods of the Egyptians (London, 1904), ii. 284 sqq.; A. Wiedemann, Religion of the Ancient Egyptians (London, 1897), pp. 159 sqq.; A. Furtwängler, s.v. “Herakles,” in W. H. Roscher's Lexikon der griech. und röm. Mythologie, i. 2143 sq. [380.] However, human victims were burned at Salamis in Cyprus. See below, p. [145]. [381.] See above, p. [41]. [382.] For traces of Phoenician influence in Cilicia see F. C. Movers, Die Phoenizier, ii. 2, pp. 167-174, 207 sqq. Herodotus says (vii. 91) that the Cilicians were named after Cilix, a son of the Phoenician Agenor. [383.] As to the fertility and the climate of the plain of Tarsus, which is now very malarious, see E. J. Davis, Life in Asiatic Turkey (London, 1879), chaps. i.-vii. The gardens for miles round the city are very lovely, but wild and neglected, full of magnificent trees, especially fine oak, ash, orange, and lemon-trees. The vines run to the top of the highest branches, and almost every garden resounds with the song of the nightingale (E. J. Davis, op. cit. p. 35). [384.] Strabo, xiv. 5. 13, pp. 673 sq. [385.] Dio Chrysostom, Or. xxxiii. vol. ii. pp. 14 sq., 17, ed. L. Dindorf (Leipsic, 1857). [386.] F. C. Movers, Die Phoenizier, ii. 2, pp. 171 sq.; P. Gardner, Types of Greek Coins (Cambridge, 1883), pl. x. Nos. 29, 30; B. V. Head, Historia Numorum (Oxford, 1887), p. 614; G. F. Hill, Catalogue of Greek Coins of Lycaonia, Isauria, and Cilicia (London, 1900), pp. 167-176, pl. xxix.-xxxii.; G. Macdonald, Catalogue of Greek Coins in the Hunterian Collection (Glasgow, 1899-1905), ii. 547; G. Perrot et Ch. Chipiez, Histoire de l'Art dans l'Antiquité, iv. 727. In later times, from about 175 b.c. onward, the Baal of Tarsus was completely assimilated to Zeus on the coins. See B. V. Head, op. cit. p. 617; G. F. Hill, op. cit. pp. 177, 181. [387.] Sir W. M. Ramsay, Luke the Physician, and other Studies in the History of Religion (London, 1908), pp. 112 sqq. [388.] E. J. Davis, “On a New Hamathite Inscription at Ibreez,” Transactions of the Society of Biblical Archaeology, iv. (1876) pp. 336-346; id., Life in Asiatic Turkey (London, 1879), pp. 245-260; G. Perrot et Ch. Chipiez, Histoire de l'Art dans l'Antiquité, iv. 723-729; Ramsay and Hogarth, “Prehellenic Monuments of Cappadocia,” Recueil de Travaux relatifs à la Philologie et à l'Archéologie Égyptiennes et Assyriennes, xiv. (1903) pp. 77-81, 85 sq., with plates iii. and iv.; L. Messerschmidt, Corpus Inscriptionum Hettiticarum (Berlin, 1900), Tafel xxxiv.; Sir W. M. Ramsay, Luke the Physician (London, 1908), pp. 171 sqq.; John Garstang, The Land of the Hittites (London, 1910), pp. 191-195, 378 sq. Of this sculptured group Messrs. W. M. Ramsay and D. G. Hogarth say that “it yields to no rock-relief in the world in impressive character” (American Journal of Archaeology, vi. (1890) p. 347). Professor Garstang would date the sculptures in the tenth or ninth century b.c. Another inscribed Hittite monument found at Bor, near the site of the ancient Tyana, exhibits a very similar figure of a priest or king in an attitude of adoration. The resemblance extends even to the patterns embroidered on the robe and shawl, which include the well-known swastika carved on the lower border of the long robe. The figure is sculptured in high relief on a slab of stone and would seem to have been surrounded by inscriptions, though a portion of them has perished. See J. Garstang, op. cit. pp. 185-188, with plate lvi. For the route from Tarsus to Ibreez (Ivriz) see E. J. Davis, Life in Asiatic Turkey, pp. 198-244; J. Garstang, op. cit. pp. 44 sqq. [389.] See above, pp. [28] sq. [390.] Strabo, xii. 2. 7, p. 537. When Cicero was proconsul of Cilicia (51-50 b.c.) he encamped with his army for some days at Cybistra, from which two of his letters to Atticus are dated. But hearing that the Parthians, who had invaded Syria, were threatening Cilicia, he hurried by forced marches through the pass of the Cilician Gates to Tarsus. See Cicero, Ad Atticum, v. 18, 19, 20; Ad Familiares, xv. 2, 4. [391.] E. J. Davis, in Transactions of the Society of Biblical Archaeology, iv. (1876) pp. 336 sq., 346; id., Life in Asiatic Turkey, pp. 232 sq., 236 sq., 264 sq., 270-272. Compare W. J. Hamilton, Researches in Asia Minor, Pontus, and Armenia (London, 1842), ii. 304-307. [392.] L. Messerschmidt, The Hittites (London, 1903), pp. 49 sq. On an Assyrian cylinder, now in the British Museum, we see a warlike deity with bow and arrows standing on a lion, and wearing a similar bonnet decorated with horns and surmounted by a star or sun. See De Vogüé, Mélanges d'Archéologie Orientale (Paris, 1868), p. 46, who interprets the deity as the great Asiatic goddess. As to the horned god of Ibreez “it is a plausible theory that the horns may, in this case, be analogous to the Assyrian emblem of divinity. The sculpture is late and its style rather suggests Semitic influence” (Professor J. Garstang, in some MS. notes with which he has kindly furnished me). [393.] See below, p. [132]. [394.] Spirits of the Corn and of the Wild, i. 16 sq., ii. 3 sqq. [395.] The identification is accepted by E. Meyer (Geschichte des Altertums,2 i. 2. p. 641), G. Perrot et Ch. Chipiez (Histoire de l'Art dans l'Antiquité, iv. 727), and P. Jensen (Hittiter und Armenier, Strasburg, 1898, p. 145). [396.] Ramsay and Hogarth, “Pre-Hellenic Monuments of Cappadocia,” Recueil de Travaux relatifs à la Philologie et à l'Archéologie Égyptiennes et Assyriennes, xiv. (1893) p. 79. [397.] G. Maspero, Histoire Ancienne des Peuples de l'Orient Classique, ii. 360-362; G. Perrot et Ch. Chipiez, Histoire de l'Art dans l'Antiquité, iv. 572 sqq., 586 sq. [398.] That the cradle of the Hittites was in the interior of Asia Minor, particularly in Cappadocia, and that they spread from there south, east, and west, is the view of A. H. Sayce, W. M. Ramsay, D. G. Hogarth, W. Max Müller, F. Hommel, L. B. Paton, and L. Messerschmidt. See Palestine Exploration Fund Quarterly Statement for 1884, p. 49; A. H. Sayce, The Hittites3 (London, 1903), pp. 80 sqq.; W. Max Müller, Asien und Europa (Leipsic, 1893), pp. 319 sqq.; Ramsay and Hogarth, “Pre-Hellenic Monuments of Cappadocia,” Recueil de Travaux relatifs à la Philologie et à l'Archéologie Égyptiennes et Assyriennes, xv. (1893) p. 94; F. Hommel, Grundriss der Geographie und Geschichte des alten Orients (Munich, 1904), pp. 42, 48, 54; L. B. Paton, The Early History of Syria and Palestine (London, 1902), pp. 105 sqq.; L. Messerschmidt, The Hittites (London, 1903), pp. 12, 13, 19, 20; D. G. Hogarth, “Recent Hittite Research,” Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute, xxxix. (1909) pp. 408 sqq. Compare Ed. Meyer, Geschichte des Altertums,2 i. 2. (Stuttgart and Berlin, 1909) pp. 617 sqq.; J. Garstang, The Land of the Hittites, pp. 315 sqq. The native Hittite writing is a system of hieroglyphics which has not yet been read, but in their intercourse with foreign nations the Hittites used the Babylonian cuneiform script. Clay tablets bearing inscriptions both in the Babylonian and in the Hittite language have been found by Dr. H. Winckler at Boghaz-Keui, the great Hittite capital in Cappadocia; so that the sounds of the Hittite words, though not their meanings, are now known. According to Professor Ed. Meyer, it seems certain that the Hittite language was neither Semitic nor Indo-European. As to the inscribed tablets of Boghaz-Keui, see H. Winckler, “Vorläufige Nachrichten über die Ausgrabungen in Boghaz-köi im Sommer 1907, 1. Die Tontafelfunde,” Mitteilungen der Deutschen Orient-Gesellschaft zu Berlin, No. 35, December 1907, pp. 1-59; “Hittite Archives from Boghaz-Keui,” translated from the German transcripts of Dr. Winckler by Meta E. Williams, Annals of Archaeology and Anthropology, iv. (Liverpool, 1912), pp. 90-98. [399.] G. Maspero, Histoire Ancienne des Peuples de l'Orient Classique, ii. 351, note 3, with his references; L. B. Paton, op. cit. p. 109; L. Messerschmidt, The Hittites, p. 10; F. Hommel, op. cit. p. 42; W. Max Müller, Asien und Europa, p. 332. See the preceding note. [400.] A. H. Sayce, “The Hittite Inscriptions,” Recueil de Travaux relatifs à la Philologie et à l'Archéologie Égyptiennes et Assyriennes, xiv. (1893) pp. 48 sq.; P. Jensen, Hittiter und Armenier (Strasburg, 1898), pp. 42 sq. [401.] Georgius Syncellus, Chronographia, vol. i. p. 290, ed. G. Dindorf (Bonn, 1829): Ἡρακλέα τινές φασιν ἐν Φοινίκῃ γνωρίζεσθαι Σάνδαν ἐπιλεγόμενον, ὡς καὶ μεχρὶ νῦν ὑπὸ Καππαδόκων καὶ Κιλίκων. In this passage Σάνδαν is a correction of F. C. Movers's (Die Phoenizier, i. 460) for the MS. reading Δισανδάν, the ΔΙ having apparently arisen by dittography from the preceding ΑΙ; and Κιλίκων is a correction of E. Meyer's (“Über einige semitische Götter,” Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenländischen Gesellschaft, xxxi. 737) for the MS. reading Ἱλίων. Compare Jerome (quoted by Movers and Meyer, ll.cc.): “Hercules cognomento Desanaus in Syria Phoenice clarus habetur. Inde ad nostram usque memoriam a Cappadocibus et Eliensibus (al. Deliis) Desanaus adhuc dicitur.” If the text of Jerome is here sound, he would seem to have had before him a Greek original which was corrupt like the text of Syncellus or of Syncellus's authority. The Cilician Hercules is called Sandes by Nonnus (Dionys., xxxiv. 183 sq.). Compare Raoul-Rochette in Mémoires de l'Académie des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres, xvii. Deuxième Partie (Paris, 1848), pp. 159 sqq. [402.] Ammianus Marcellinus, xiv. 8. 3; Dio Chrysostom, Or. xxxiii. vol. ii. p. 16, ed. L. Dindorf (Leipsic, 1857). The pyre is mentioned only by Dio Chrysostom, whose words clearly imply that its erection was a custom observed periodically. On Sandan or Sandon see K. O. Müller, “Sandon und Sardanapal,” Kunstarchaeologische Werke, iii. 6 sqq.; F. C. Movers, Die Phoenizier, i. 458 sqq.; Raoul-Rochette, “Sur l'Hercule Assyrien et Phénicien,” Mémoires de l'Académie des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres, xvii. Deuxième Partie (Paris, 1848), pp. 178 sqq.; E. Meyer, “Über einige Semitische Götter,” Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenländischen Gesellschaft, xxxi. (1877) pp. 736-740: id., Geschichte des Altertums,2 i. 2. pp. 641 sqq. § 484. [403.] P. Gardner, Catalogue of Greek Coins, the Seleucid Kings of Syria (London, 1878), pp. 72, 78, 89, 112, pl. xxi. 6, xxiv. 3, xxviii. 8; G. F. Hill, Catalogue of the Greek Coins of Lycaonia, Isauria, and Cilicia (London, 1900), pp. 180, 181, 183, 190, 221, 224, 225, pl. xxxiii. 2, 3, xxxiv. 10, xxxvii. 9; F. Imhoof-Blumer, “Coin-types of some Kilikian Cities,” Journal of Hellenic Studies, xviii. (1898) p. 169, pl. xiii. 1, 2. The structure represented on the coins is sometimes called not the pyre but the monument of Sandan or Sardanapalus. Certainly the cone resting on the square base reminds us of the similar structure on the coins of Byblus as well as of the conical image of Aphrodite at Paphos (see above, pp. 14, 34); but the words of Dio Chrysostom make it probable that the design on the coins of Tarsus represents the pyre. At the same time, the burning of the god may well have been sculptured on a permanent monument of stone. The legend ΟΡΤΥΓΟΘΗΡΑ, literally “quail-hunt,” which appears on some coins of Tarsus (G. F. Hill, op. cit. pp. lxxxvi. sq.), may refer to a custom of catching quails and burning them on the pyre. We have seen (above, pp. [111] sq.) that quails were apparently burnt in sacrifice at Byblus. This explanation of the legend on the coins of Tarsus was suggested by Raoul-Rochette (op. cit. pp. 201-205). However, Mr. G. F. Hill writes to me that “the interpretation of Ὀρτυγοθήρα as anything but a personal name is rendered very unlikely by the analogy of all the other inscriptions on coins of the same class.” Doves were burnt on a pyre in honour of Adonis (below, p. [147]). Similarly birds were burnt on a pyre in honour of Laphrian Artemis at Patrae (Pausanias, vii. 18. 12). [404.] Herodian, iv. 2. [405.] See Franz Cumont, “L'Aigle funéraire des Syriens et l'Apothéose des Empereurs,” Revue de l'Histoire des Religions, lxii, (1910) pp. 119-163. [406.] F. Imhoof-Blumer, Monnaies Grecques (Amsterdam, 1883), pp. 366 sq., 433, 435, with plates F. 24, 25, H. 14 (Verhandelingen der Konink. Akademie von Wetenschappen, Afdeeling Letterkunde, xiv.); F. Imhoof-Blumer und O. Keller, Tier- und Pflanzenbilder auf Münzen und Gemmen des klassischen Altertums (Leipsic, 1889), pp. 70 sq., with pl. xii. 7, 8, 9; F. Imhoof-Blumer, “Coin-types of some Kilikian Cities,” Journal of Hellenic Studies, xviii. (1898) pp. 169-171; P. Gardner, Types of Greek Coins, pl. xiii. 20; G. F. Hill, Catalogue of the Greek Coins of Lycaonia, Isauria, and Cilicia, pp. 178, 179, 184, 186, 206, 213, with plates xxxii. 13, 14, 15, 16, xxxiv. 2, xxxvi. 9; G. Macdonald, Catalogue of Greek Coins in the Hunterian Collection, ii. 548, with pl. lx. 11. The booted Sandan is figured by G. F. Hill, op. cit. pl. xxxvi. 9. [407.] Herodotus, i. 76; Stephanus Byzantius, s.v. Πτέριον. As to the situation of Boghaz-Keui and the ruins of Pteria see W. J. Hamilton, Researches in Asia Minor, Pontus, and Armenia (London, 1842), i. 391 sqq.; H. Barth, “Reise von Trapezunt durch die nördliche Hälfte Klein-Asiens,” Ergänzungsheft zu Petermann's Geographischen Mittheilungen, No. 2 (1860), pp. 44-52; H. F. Tozer, Turkish Armenia and Eastern Asia Minor (London, 1881), pp. 64, 71 sqq.; W. M. Ramsay, “Historical Relations of Phrygia and Cappadocia,” Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, N.S., xv. (1883) p. 103; id., Historical Geography of Asia Minor (London, 1890), pp. 28 sq., 33 sq.; G. Perrot et Ch. Chipiez, Histoire de l'Art dans l'Antiquité, iv. 596 sqq.; K. Humann und O. Puchstein, Reisen in Kleinasien und Nordsyrien (Berlin, 1890), pp. 71-80, with Atlas, plates xi.-xiv.; E. Chantre, Mission en Cappadoce (Paris, 1898), pp. 13 sqq.; O. Puchstein, “Die Bauten von Boghaz-Köi,” Mitteilungen der Deutschen Orient-Gesellschaft zu Berlin, No. 35, December 1907, pp. 62 sqq.; J. Garstang, The Land of the Hittites (London, 1910), pp. 196 sqq. [408.] This procession of men is broken (a) by two women clad in long plaited robes like the women on the opposite wall; (b) by two winged monsters; and (c) by the figure of a priest or king as to which see below, pp. [131] sq. [409.]

W. J. Hamilton, Researches in Asia Minor, Pontus, and Armenia (London, 1842), i. 393-395; H. F. Tozer, Turkish Armenia and Eastern Asia Minor, pp. 59 sq., 66-78; W. M. Ramsay, “Historical Relations of Phrygia and Asia Minor,” Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, N.S. xv. (1883) pp. 113-120; G. Perrot et Ch. Chipiez, Histoire de l'Art dans l'Antiquité, iv. 623-656, 666-672; K. Humann und O. Puchstein, Reisen in Kleinasien und Nordsyrien, pp. 55-70, with Atlas, plates vii.-x.; E. Chantre, Mission en Cappadoce, pp. 3-5, 16-26; L. Messerschmidt, The Hittites, pp. 42-50; Th. Macridy-Bey, La Porte des Sphinx à Eyuk, pp. 13 sq. (Mitteilungen der Vorderasiatischen Gesellschaft, 1908, No. 3, Berlin); Ed. Meyer, Geschichte des Altertums,2 i. 2. pp. 631 sq.; J. Garstang, The Land of the Hittites (London, 1910), pp. 196 sqq. (Boghaz-Keui) 256 sqq. (Eyuk). Compare P. Jensen, Hittiter und Armenier, pp. 165 sqq. In some notes with which my colleague Professor J. Garstang has kindly furnished me he tells me that the two animals wearing Hittite hats, which appear between the great god and goddess in the outer sanctuary, are not bulls but certainly goats; and he inclines to think that the two heaps on which the priest stands in the outer sanctuary are fir-cones. Professor Ed. Meyer holds that the costume which the priestly king wears is that of the Sun-goddess, and that the corresponding figure in the procession of males on the left-hand side of the outer sanctuary does not represent the priestly king but the Sun-goddess in person. “The attributes of the King,” he says (op. cit. p. 632), “are to be explained by the circumstance that he, as the Hittite inscriptions prove, passed for an incarnation of the Sun, who with the Hittites was a female divinity; the temple of the Sun is therefore his emblem.” As to the title of “the Sun” bestowed on Hittite kings in inscriptions, see H. Winckler, “Vorläufige Nachrichten über die Ausgrabungen in Boghaz-köi im Sommer 1907,” Mitteilungen der Deutschen Orient-Gesellschaft zu Berlin, No. 35, December 1907, pp. 32, 33, 36, 44, 45, 53. The correct form of the national name appears to be Chatti or Hatti rather than Hittites, which is the Hebrew form (חתי) of the name. Compare M. Jastrow, in Encyclopaedia Biblica, ii. coll. 2094 sqq., s.v. “Hittites.”

An interesting Hittite symbol which occurs both in the sanctuary at Boghaz-Keui and at the palace of Euyuk is the double-headed eagle. In both places it serves as the support of divine or priestly personages. After being adopted as a badge by the Seljuk Sultans in the Middle Ages, it passed into Europe with the Crusaders and became in time the escutcheon of the Austrian and Russian empires. See W. J. Hamilton, op. cit. i. 383; G. Perrot et Ch. Chipiez, op. cit. iv. 681-683, pl. viii. E; L. Messerschmidt, The Hittites, p. 50.

In thus interpreting the youth with the double axe I agree with Sir W. M. Ramsay (“On the Early Historical Relations between Phrygia and Cappadocia,” Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, N.S. xv. (1883) pp. 118, 120), C. P. Tiele (Geschichte der Religion im Alterturm, i. 246, 255), and Prof. J. Garstang (The Land of the Hittites, p. 235; The Syrian Goddess, p. 8). That the youthful figure on the lioness or panther represents the lover of the great goddess is the view also of Professors Jensen and Hommel. See P. Jensen, Hittiter und Armenier, pp. 173-175, 180; F. Hommel, Grundriss der Geographie und Geschichte des alten Orients, p. 51. Prof. Perrot holds that the youth in question is a double of the bearded god who stands at the head of the male procession, their costume being the same, though their attributes differ (G. Perrot et Ch. Chipiez, Histoire de l'Art dans l'Antiquité, iv. 651). But, as I have already remarked, it is unlikely that the same god should be represented twice over with different attributes in the same scene. The resemblance between the two figures is better explained on the supposition that they are Father and Son. The same two deities, Father and Son, appear to be carved on a rock at Giaour-Kalesi, a place on the road which in antiquity may have led from Ancyra by Gordium to Pessinus. Here on the face of the rock are cut in relief two gigantic figures in the usual Hittite costume of pointed cap, short tunic, and shoes turned up at the toes. Each wears a crescent-hilted sword at his side, each is marching to the spectator's left with raised right hand; and the resemblance between them is nearly complete except that the figure in front is beardless and the figure behind is bearded. See G. Perrot et Ch. Chipiez, Histoire de l'Art dans l'Antiquité, iv. 714 sqq., with fig. 352; J. Garstang, The Land of the Hittites, pp. 162-164. A similar, but solitary, figure is carved in a niche of the rock at Kara-Bel, but there the deity, or the man, carries a triangular bow over his right shoulder. See below, p. [185].

With regard to the lionesses or panthers, a bas-relief found at Carchemish, the capital of a Hittite kingdom on the Euphrates, shows two male figures in Hittite costume, with pointed caps and turned-up shoes, standing on a crouching lion. The foremost of the two figures is winged and carries a short curved truncheon in his right hand. According to Prof. Perrot, the two figures represent a god followed by a priest or a king. See G. Perrot et Ch. Chipiez, Histoire de l'Art dans l'Antiquité, iv. 549 sq.; J. Garstang, The Land of the Hittites, pp. 123 sqq. Again, on a sculptured slab found at Amrit in Phoenicia we see a god standing on a lion and holding a lion's whelp in his left hand, while in his right hand he brandishes a club or sword. See Perrot et Chipiez, op. cit. iii. 412-414. The type of a god or goddess standing or sitting on a lion occurs also in Assyrian art, from which the Phoenicians and Hittites may have borrowed it. See Perrot et Chipiez, op. cit. ii. 642-644. Much evidence as to the representation of Asiatic deities with lions has been collected by Raoul-Rochette, in his learned dissertation “Sur l'Hercule Assyrien et Phénicien,” Mémoires de l'Académie des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres, xvii. Deuxième Partie (Paris, 1848), pp. 106 sqq. Compare De Vogüé, Mélanges d'Archéologie Orientale, pp. 44 sqq.

The name 'Athar-'atheh occurs in a Palmyrene inscription. See G. A. Cooke, Text-book of North-Semitic Inscriptions, No. 112, pp. 267-270. In analysing Atargatis into 'Athar-'atheh ('Atar-'ata) I follow E. Meyer (Geschichte des Altertums,2 i. 2. pp. 605, 650 sq.), F. Baethgen (Beiträge zur semitischen Religionsgeschichte, pp. 68-75), Fr. Cumont (s.v. “Atargatis,” Pauly-Wissowa, Real-Encyclopädie der classischen Altertumswissenschaft, ii. 1896), G. A. Cooke (l.c.), C. P. Tiele (Geschichte der Religion im Altertum, i. 245), F. Hommel (Grundriss der Geographie und Geschichte des alten Orients, pp. 43 sq.), Father Lagrange (Études sur les Religions Sémitiques,2 p. 130), and L. B. Paton (s.v. “Atargatis,” J. Hastings's Encyclopaedia of Religion and Ethics, ii. 164 sq.). In the great temple at Hierapolis-Bambyce a mysterious golden image stood between the images of Atargatis and her male partner. It resembled neither of them, yet combined the attributes of other gods. Some interpreted it as Dionysus, others as Deucalion, and others as Semiramis; for a golden dove, traditionally associated with Semiramis, was perched on the head of the figure. The Syrians called the image by a name which Lucian translates “sign” (σημήιον). See Lucian, De dea Syria, 33. It has been plausibly conjectured by F. Baethgen that the name which Lucian translates “sign” was really 'Atheh (עתה), which could easily be confused with the Syriac word for “sign” (אהא). See F. Baethgen, op. cit. p. 73. A coin of Hierapolis, dating from the third century a.d., exhibits the images of the god and goddess seated on bulls and lions respectively, with the mysterious object between them enclosed in a shrine, which is surmounted by a bird, probably a dove. See J. Garstang, The Syrian Goddess (London, 1913), pp. 22 sqq., 70 sq., with fig. 7.

The modern writers cited at the beginning of this note have interpreted the Syrian 'Atheh as a male god, the lover of Atargatis, and identical in name and character with the Phrygian Attis. They may be right; but none of them seems to have noticed that the same name 'Atheh (עתה) is applied to a goddess at Tarsus.

As to Isis see Plutarch, Isis et Osiris, 16. As to Demeter see Homer, Hymn to Demeter, 231-262; Apollodorus, Bibliotheca, i. 5. 1; Ovid, Fasti, iv. 547-560. As to Thetis see Apollonius Rhodius, Argon, iv. 865-879; Apollodorus, Bibl. iii. 13. 6. Most of these writers express clearly the thought that the fire consumed the mortal element, leaving the immortal. Thus Plutarch says, περικαίειν τὰ θνητὰ τοῦ σώματος. Apollodorus says (i. 5. 1), εἰς πῦρ κατετίθει τὸ βρέφος καὶ περιῄρει τὰς θνητὰς σάρκας αὐτοῦ, and again (iii. 13. 6), εἰς τὸ πῦρ ἐγκρυβοῦσα τῆς νυκτὸς ἔφθειρεν ὂ ἦν αὐτῷ θνητὸν πατρῷον. Apollonius Rhodius says,

ἡ μὲν γὰρ βροτέας αἰεὶ περὶ σάρκας ἔδαιεν νύκτα διὰ μέσσην φλογμῷ πυρός.

And Ovid has,

“Inque foco pueri corpus vivente favilla Obruit, humanum purget ut ignis onus.”

On the custom of passing children over a fire as a purification, see my note, “The Youth of Achilles,” Classical Review, vii. (1893) pp. 293 sq. On the purificatory virtue which the Greeks ascribed to fire see also Erwin Rohde, Psyche3 (Tübingen and Leipsic, 1903), ii. 101, note 2. The Warramunga of Central Australia have a tradition of a great man who “used to burn children in the fire so as to make them grow strong” (B. Spencer and F. J. Gillen, The Northern Tribes of Central Australia, London, 1904, p. 429).

Lucian, De dea Syria, 8. The discoloration of the river and the sea was observed by H. Maundrell on 17/27 March 1696/1697. See his Journey from Aleppo to Jerusalem, at Easter, a.d. 1697, Fourth Edition (Perth, 1800), pp. 59 sq.; id., in Bohn's Early Travels in Palestine, edited by Thomas Wright (London, 1848), pp. 411 sq. Renan remarked the discoloration at the beginning of February (Mission de Phénicie, p. 283). In his well-known lines on the subject Milton has laid the mourning in summer:—

“Thammuz came next behind,
Whose annual wound in Lebanon allur'd
The Syrian damsels to lament his fate
In amorous ditties all a summer's day.”

Joannes Lydus, De mensibus, iv. 41. See Robinson Ellis, Commentary on Catullus (Oxford, 1876), pp. 206 sq.; H. Hepding, Attis, pp. 142 sqq.; Fr. Cumont, Les Religions Orientales dans le Paganisme Romain2 (Paris, 1909), pp. 83 sq.

It is held by Prof. A. von Domaszewski that the Claudius who incorporated the Phrygian worship of the sacred tree in the Roman ritual was not the emperor of the first century but the emperor of the third century, Claudius Gothicus, who came to the throne in 268 a.d. See A. von Domaszewski, “Magna Mater in Latin Inscriptions,” The Journal of Roman Studies, i. (1911) p. 56. The later date, it is said, fits better with the slow development of the worship. But on the other hand this view is open to certain objections. (1) Joannes Lydus, our only authority on the point, appears to identify the Claudius in question with the emperor of the first century. (2) The great and widespread popularity of the Phrygian worship in the Roman empire long before 268 a.d. is amply attested by an array of ancient writers and inscriptions, especially by a great series of inscriptions referring to the colleges of Tree-bearers (Dendrophori), from which we learn that one of these colleges, devoted to the worship of Cybele and Attis, existed at Rome in the age of the Antonines, about a century before the accession of Claudius Gothicus. (3) Passages of the Augustan historians (Aelius Lampridius, Alexander Severus, 37; Trebellius Pollio, Claudius, iv. 2) refer to the great spring festival of Cybele and Attis in a way which seems to imply that the festival was officially recognized by the Roman government before Claudius Gothicus succeeded to the purple; and we may hesitate to follow Prof. von Domaszewski in simply excising these passages as the work of an “impudent forger.” (4) The official establishment of the bloody Phrygian superstition suits better the life and character of the superstitious, timid, cruel, pedantic Claudius of the first century than the gallant soldier his namesake in the third century. The one lounged away his contemptible days in the safety of the palace, surrounded by a hedge of lifeguards. The other spent the two years of his brief but glorious reign in camps and battlefields on the frontier, combating the barbarian enemies of the empire; and it is probable that he had as little leisure as inclination to pander to the superstitions of the Roman populace. For these reasons it seems better with Mr. Hepding and Prof. Cumont to acquiesce in the traditional view that the rites of Attis were officially celebrated at Rome from the first century onward.

An intermediate view is adopted by Prof. G. Wissowa, who, brushing aside the statement of Joannes Lydus altogether, would seemingly assign the public institution of the rites to the middle of the second century a.d. on the ground that the earliest extant evidence of their public celebration refers to that period (Religion und Kultus der Römer,2 Munich, 1912, p. 322). But, considering the extremely imperfect evidence at our disposal for the history of these centuries, it seems rash to infer that an official cult cannot have been older than the earliest notice of it which has chanced to come down to us.

Catullus, Carm. lxiii. I agree with Mr. H. Hepding (Attis, p. 140) in thinking that the subject of the poem is not the mythical Attis, but one of his ordinary priests, who bore the name and imitated the sufferings of his god. Thus interpreted the poem gains greatly in force and pathos. The real sorrows of our fellow-men touch us more nearly than the imaginary pangs of the gods.

As the sacrifice of virility and the institution of eunuch priests appear to be rare, I will add a few examples. At Stratonicea in Caria a eunuch held a sacred office in connexion with the worship of Zeus and Hecate (Corpus Inscriptionum Graecarum, No. 2715). According to Eustathius (on Homer, Iliad, xix. 254, p. 1183) the Egyptian priests were eunuchs who had sacrificed their virility as a first-fruit to the gods. In Corea “during a certain night, known as Chu-il, in the twelfth moon, the palace eunuchs, of whom there are some three hundred, perform a ceremony supposed to ensure a bountiful crop in the ensuing year. They chant in chorus prayers, swinging burning torches around them the while. This is said to be symbolical of burning the dead grass, so as to destroy the field mice and other vermin.” See W. Woodville Rockhill, “Notes on some of the Laws, Customs, and Superstitions of Korea,” The American Anthropologist, iv. (Washington, 1891) p. 185. Compare Mrs. Bishop, Korea and her Neighbours (London, 1898), ii. 56 sq. It appears that among the Ekoi of Southern Nigeria both men and women are, or used to be, mutilated by the excision of their genital organs at an annual festival, which is celebrated in order to produce plentiful harvests and immunity from thunderbolts. The victims apparently die from loss of blood. See P. Amaury Talbot, In the Shadow of the Bush (London, 1912), pp. 74 sqq. Mr. Talbot writes to me: “A horrible case has just happened at Idua, where, at the new yam planting, a man cut off his own membrum virile” (letter dated Eket, Nr Calabar, Southern Nigeria, Feb. 7th, 1913). Amongst the Ba-sundi and Ba-bwende of the Congo many youths are castrated “in order to more fittingly offer themselves to the phallic worship, which increasingly prevails as we advance from the coast to the interior. At certain villages between Manyanga and Isangila there are curious eunuch dances to celebrate the new moon, in which a white cock is thrown up into the air alive, with clipped wings, and as it falls towards the ground it is caught and plucked by the eunuchs. I was told that originally this used to be a human sacrifice, and that a young boy or girl was thrown up into the air and torn to pieces by the eunuchs as he or she fell, but that of late years slaves had got scarce or manners milder, and a white cock was now substituted” (H. H. Johnston, “On the Races of the Congo,” Journal of the Anthropological Institute, xiii. (1884) p. 473; compare id., The River Congo, London, 1884, p. 409). In India, men who are born eunuchs or in some way deformed are sometimes dedicated to a goddess named Huligamma. They wear female attire and might be mistaken for women. Also men who are or believe themselves impotent will vow to dress as women and serve the goddess in the hope of recovering their virility. See F. Fawcett, “On Basivis,” Journal of the Anthropological Society of Bombay, ii. 343 sq. In Pegu the English traveller, Alexander Hamilton, witnessed a dance in honour of the gods of the earth. “Hermaphrodites, who are numerous in this country, are generally chosen, if there are enough present to make a set for the dance. I saw nine dance like mad folks for above half-an-hour; and then some of them fell in fits, foaming at the mouth for the space of half-an-hour; and, when their senses are restored, they pretend to foretell plenty or scarcity of corn for that year, if the year will prove sickly or salutary to the people, and several other things of moment, and all by that half hour's conversation that the furious dancer had with the gods while she was in a trance” (A. Hamilton, “A New Account of the East Indies,” in J. Pinkerton's Voyages and Travels, viii. 427). So in the worship of Attis the Archigallus or head of the eunuch priests prophesied; perhaps he in like manner worked himself up to the pitch of inspiration by a frenzied dance. See H. Dessau, Inscriptiones Latinae Selectae, vol. ii. Pars i. pp. 142, 143, Nos. 4130, 4136; G. Wilmanns, Exempla Inscriptionum Latinarum (Berlin, 1873), vol. i. p. 36, Nos. 119a, 120; J. Toutain, Les Cultes Païens dans l'Empire Romain, ii. 93 sq. As to the sacrifice of virility in the Syrian religion compare Th. Nöldeke, “Die Selbstentmannung bei den Syrern,” Archiv für Religionswissenschaft, x. (1907) pp. 150-152.

Firmicus Maternus, De errore profanarum religionum, 22, “Nocte quadam simulacrum in lectica supinum ponitur et per numeros digestis fletibus plangitur: deinde cum se ficta lamentatione satiaverint, lumen infertur: tunc a sacerdote omnium qui flebant fauces unguentur, quibus perunctis hoc lento murmure susurrat:

θαρρεῖτε μύσται τοῦ θέου σεσωσμένου; ἔσται γὰρ ἡμῖν ἐκ πόνων σωτήρια.

Quid miseros hortaris gaudeant? quid deceptos homines laetari compellis? quam illis spem, quam salutem funesta persuasione promittis? Dei tui mors nota est, vita non paret.... Idolum sepelis, idolum plangis, idolum de sepultura proferis, et miser cum haec feceris, gaudes. Tu deum tuum liberas, tu jacentia lapidis membra componis, tu insensibile corrigis saxum.” In this passage Firmicus does not expressly mention Attis, but that the reference is to his rites is made probable by a comparison with chapter 3 of the same writer's work. Compare also Damascius, in Photius's Bibliotheca, p. 345 a, 5 sqq., ed. I. Bekker (Berlin, 1824), τότε τῇ Ἱεραπόλει ἐγκαθευδήσας ἐδόκουν ὄναρ ὁ Ἄττης γένεσθαι, καί μοι ἐπιτελεῖσθαι παρὰ τῆς μητρὸς τῶν θεῶν τὴν τῶν ἱλαρίων καλουμένων ἑορτήν; ὅπερ ἐδήλου τὴν ἐξ ᾅδου γεγονυῖαν ἡμῶν σωτηρίαν. See further Fr. Cumont, Les Religions Orientales dans le Paganisme Romain2 (Paris, 1909), pp. 89 sq.

Spenser St. John, op. cit. i. 204. See further G. A. Wilken, “Iets over de schedelvereering,” Bijdragen tot de Taal- Land- en Volkenkunde van Nederlandsch-Indië, xxxviii. (1889) pp. 89-129; id., Verspreide Geschriften (The Hague, 1912), iv. 37-81. A different view of the purpose of head-hunting is maintained by Mr. A. C. Kruyt, in his essay, “Het koppensnellen der Toradja's van Midden-Celebes, en zijne Beteekenis,” Verslagen en Mededeelingen der koninklijke Akademie van Wetenschappen, Afdeeling Letterkunde, Vierde Reeks, iii. 2 (Amsterdam, 1899), pp. 147 sqq.

The natives of Nias, an island to the west of Sumatra, think it necessary to obtain the heads of their enemies for the purpose of celebrating the final obsequies of a dead chief. Their notion seems to be that the ghost of the deceased ruler demands this sacrifice in his honour, and will punish the omission of it by sending sickness or other misfortunes on the survivors. Thus among these people the custom of head-hunting is based on their belief in human immortality and on their conception of the exacting demands which the dead make upon the living. When the skulls have been presented to a dead chief, the priest prays to him for his blessing on the sowing and harvesting of the rice, on the fruitfulness of women, and so forth. See C. Fries, “Das ‘Koppensnellen’ auf Nias,” Allgemeine Missions-Zeitschrift, February, 1908, pp. 73-88. From this account it would seem that it is not the spirits of the slain men, but the ghost of the dead chief from whom the blessings of fertility and so forth are supposed to emanate. Compare Th. C. Rappard, “Het eiland Nias en zijne bewoners,” Bijdragen tot de Taal- Land- en Volkenkunde van Nederlandsch-Indië, lxii. (1909) pp. 609-611.

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