Footnotes

[1.] See above, vol. i. pp. 16 sqq. [2.] Herodotus, ii. 46; L. Preller, Griechische Mythologie,4 i. (Berlin, 1894), pp. 745 sq.; K. Wernicke, in W. H. Roscher's Lexikon der griech. und röm. Mythologie, iii. 1407 sqq. [3.] L. Preller, Griechische Mythologie,3 i. 600; W. Mannhardt, Antike Wald- und Feldkulte, p. 138. [4.] W. Mannhardt, op. cit. p. 139. [5.] Julius Pollux, iv. 118. [6.] W. Mannhardt, op. cit. pp. 142 sq. [7.] Ovid, Fasti, ii. 361, iii. 312, v. 101; id., Heroides, iv. 49. [8.] Macrobius, Sat. i. 22. 3. [9.] Homer, Hymn to Aphrodite, 262 sqq. [10.] Pliny, Nat. Hist. xii. 3; Ovid, Metam. vi. 392; id., Fasti, iii. 303, 309; Gloss. Isid. Mart. Cap. ii. 167, cited by W. Mannhardt, Antike Wald- und Feldkulte, p. 113. [11.] Pliny, Nat. Hist. xii. 3; Martianus Capella, ii. 167; Augustine, De civitate Dei, xv. 23; Aurelius Victor, Origo gentis Romanae, iv. 6. [12.] Servius on Virgil, Ecl. vi. 14; Ovid, Metam. vi. 392 sq.; Martianus Capella, ii. 167. [13.] W. Mannhardt, Baumkultus, pp. 138 sq.; id., Antike Wald- und Feldkulte, p. 145. [14.] Servius on Virgil, Georg. i. 10. [15.] Above, vol. i. pp. 281 sqq. [16.] Antike Wald- und Feldkulte, ch. iii. pp. 113-211. In the text I have allowed my former exposition of Mannhardt's theory as to ancient semi-goat-shaped spirits of vegetation to stand as before, but I have done so with hesitation, because the evidence adduced in its favour appears to me insufficient to permit us to speak with any confidence on the subject. Pan may have been, as W. H. Roscher and L. R. Farnell think, nothing more than a herdsman's god, the semi-human, semi-bestial representative of goats in particular. See W. H. Roscher's Lexikon der griech. und röm. Mythologie, iii. 1405 sq.; L. R. Farnell, The Cults of the Greek States, v. (Oxford, 1909) pp. 431 sqq. And the Satyrs and Silenuses seem to have more affinity with horses than with goats. See W. H. Roscher's Lexikon der griech. und röm. Mythologie, iv. 444 sqq. [17.] Above, vol. i. pp. 231 sqq. [18.] Above, vol. i. pp. 17 sq. [19.] Above, vol. i. pp. 16 sq. [20.] Above, vol. i. pp. 288 sqq. [21.] A. Lang, Myth, Ritual, and Religion,2 ii. 252. [22.] Compare Totemism and Exogamy, iv. 12 sqq. [23.] Pausanias, i. 24. 4; id., i. 28. 10; Porphyry, De abstinentia, ii. 29 sq.; Aelian, Var. Hist. viii. 3; Scholia on Aristophanes, Peace, 419, and Clouds, 985; Hesychius, Suidas, and Etymologicum Magnum, s.v. βούφονια; Suidas, s.v. Θαύλων; Im. Bekker's Anecdota Graeca (Berlin, 1814-1821), p. 238, s.v. Δυπόλια. The date of the sacrifice (14th Skirophorion) is given by the Scholiast on Aristophanes and the Etymologicum Magnum; and this date corresponds, according to W. Mannhardt (Mythologische Forschungen, p. 68), with the close of the threshing in Attica. No writer mentions the trial of both the axe and the knife. Pausanias speaks of the trial of the axe, Porphyry and Aelian of the trial of the knife. But from Porphyry's description it is clear that the slaughter was carried out by two men, one wielding an axe and the other a knife, and that the former laid the blame on the latter. Perhaps the knife alone was condemned. That the King (as to whom see The Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings, i. 44 sq.) presided at the trial of all lifeless objects, is mentioned by Aristotle (Constitution of Athens, 57) and Julius Pollux (viii. 90, compare viii. 120). [24.] The real import of the name bouphonia was first perceived by W. Robertson Smith. See his Religion of the Semites,2 pp. 304 sqq. In Cos also an ox specially chosen was sacrificed to Zeus Polieus. See Dittenberger, Sylloge Inscriptionum Graecarum,2 No. 616; Ch. Michel, Recueil d'Inscriptions Grecques, No. 716; H. Collitz und F. Bechtel, Sammlung der griechischen Dialekt-Inschriften, iii. pp. 357 sqq., No. 3636; J. de Prott et L. Ziehen, Leges Graecorum Sacrae e Titulis collectae, Fasciculus i. (Leipsic, 1896) pp. 19 sqq., No. 5; M. P. Nilsson, Griechische Feste (Leipsic, 1906), pp. 17-21. A month Bouphonion, corresponding to the Attic Boedromion (September), occurred in the calendars of Delos and Tenos. See E. Bischoff, “De fastis Graecorum antiquioribus,” in Leipziger Studien für classische Philologie, vii. (Leipsic, 1884) p. 414. [25.] Varro, De re rustica, ii. 5. 4. Compare Columella, De re rustica, vi. praef. § 7. Perhaps, however, Varro's statement may be merely an inference drawn from the ritual of the bouphonia and the legend told to explain it. [26.] W. Mannhardt, Baumkultus, p. 409. [27.] See The Dying God, p. 208. [28.] Dittenberger, Sylloge Inscriptionum Graecarum2 (Leipsic, 1898-1901), vol. ii. pp. 246-248, No. 553. As to the identification of the Magnesian month Artemision with the Attic month Thargelion (May), see Dittenberger, op. cit. ii. p. 242, No. 552 note 4. It is interesting to observe that at Magnesia the sowing took place in Cronion, the month of Cronus, a god whom the ancients regularly identified with Saturn, the Italian god of sowing. In Samos, Perinthus, and Patmos, however, the month Cronion seems to have been equivalent to the Attic Scirophorion, a month corresponding to June or July, which could never have been a season of sowing in the hot rainless summers of Greece. See E. Bischoff, “De fastis Graecarum antiquioribus,” in Leipziger Studien für classische Philologie, vii. (1884) p. 400; Dittenberger, Sylloge Inscriptionum Graecarum,2 No. 645 note 14, vol. ii. p. 449. [29.] In thus interpreting the sacrifice of the bull at Magnesia I follow the excellent exposition of Professor M. P. Nilsson, Griechische Feste (Leipsic, 1906), pp. 23-27. [30.] See above, vol. i. pp. 36 sq., 65 sqq. [31.] H. Hecquard, Reise an die Küste und in das Innere von West-Afrika (Leipsic, 1854), pp. 41-43. [32.] See above, vol. i. p. 248. [33.] Above, vol. i. pp. 268, 272. [34.] Franz Cumont, Textes et Monuments figurés relatifs aux Mystères de Mithra (Brussels, 1896-1899), ii. figures 18, 19, 20, 59 (p. 228, corn-stalks issuing from wound), 67, 70, 78, 87, 105, 143, 168, 215, also plates v. and vi. [35.] China Review, i. (July 1872 to June 1873, Hongkong), pp. 62, 154, 162, 203 sq.; Rev. J. Doolittle, Social Life of the Chinese, ed. Paxton Hood (London, 1868), pp. 375 sq.; Rev. J. H. Gray, China (London, 1878), ii. 115 sq. [36.] Ostasiatischer Lloyd, March 14, 1890, quoted by J. D. E. Schmeltz, “Das Pflugfest in China,” Internationales Archiv für Ethnographie, xi. (1898) p. 79. With this account the one given by S. W. Williams (The Middle Kingdom, New York and London, 1848, ii. 109) substantially agrees. In many districts, according to the Ostasiatischer Lloyd, the Genius of Spring is represented at this festival by a boy of blameless character, clad in green. As to the custom of going with one foot bare and the other shod, see Taboo and the Perils of the Soul, pp. 311-313. [37.] R. F. Johnston, Lion and Dragon in Northern China (London, 1910), pp. 180-182. [38.] Ed. Chavannes, Le T'ai Chan, Essai de Monographie d'un Culte Chinois (Paris, 1910), p. 500 (Annales du Musée Guimet, Bibliothèque d'Études, vol. xxi.). [39.] See The Dying God, pp. 240 sq., 250. [40.] J. L. Dutreuil de Rhins, Mission Scientifique dans la Haute Asie, 1890-1895, i. (Paris, 1897) pp. 95 sq. After describing the ceremony as he witnessed it at Kashgar, the writer adds: “Probably the ox was at first a living animal which they sacrificed and distributed the flesh to the bystanders. At the present day the official who acts as pontiff has a number of small pasteboard oxen made, which he sends to the notables in order that they may participate intimately in the sacrifice, which is more than symbolical. The reason for carrying the ox a long distance is that as much as possible of the territory may be sanctified by the passage of the sacred animal, and that as many people as possible may share in the sacrifice, at least with their eyes and good wishes. The procession, which begins very early in the morning, moves eastward, that is, toward the quarter where, the winter being now over, the first sun of spring may be expected to appear, whose divinity the ceremony is intended to render propitious. It is needless to insist on the analogy between this Chinese festival and our Carnival, at which, about the same season, a fat ox is led about. Both festivals have their origin in the same conceptions of ancient natural religion.” [41.] Colonel E. Diguet, Les Annamites, Société, Coutumes, Religions (Paris, 1906), pp. 250-253. [42.] See above, vol. i. pp. 41 sq., and below, pp. [21] sq. [43.] Du Halde, The General History of China, Third Edition (London, 1741), ii. 120-122; Huc, L'Empire Chinois5 (Paris, 1879), ii. 338-343; Rev. J. H. Gray, China (London, 1878), ii. 116-118. Compare The Sacred Books of China, translated by James Legge, Part iii., The Lî Kî (Sacred Books of the East, vol. xxvii., Oxford, 1885), pp. 254 sq.: “In this month [the first month of spring] the son of Heaven on the first day prays to God for a good year; and afterwards, the day of the first conjunction of the sun and moon having been chosen, with the handle and share of the plough in the carriage, placed between the man-at-arms who is its third occupant and the driver, he conducts his three ducal ministers, his nine high ministers, the feudal princes and his Great officers, all with their own hands to plough the field of God. The son of Heaven turns up three furrows, each of the ducal ministers five, and the other ministers and feudal princes nine. When they return, he takes in his hand a cup in the great chamber, all the others being in attendance on him and the Great officers, and says, ‘Drink this cup of comfort after your toil.’ In this month the vapours of heaven descend and those of the earth ascend. Heaven and earth are in harmonious co-operation. All plants bud and grow.” Here the selection of a day in spring when sun and moon are in conjunction is significant. Such conjunctions are regarded as marriages of the great luminaries and therefore as the proper seasons for the celebration of rites designed to promote fertility. See The Dying God, p. 73. [44.] See above, pp. 74, 108. [45.] See above, p. 93. [46.] See above, pp. 94, 109; The Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings, ii. 105 sqq. [47.] As to the European customs, see above, p. [12]. [48.] See above, vol. i. pp. 298 sqq. [49.] Scholiast on Aristophanes, Acharn. 747. [50.] J. Overbeck, Griechische Kunstmythologie, Besonderer Theil, ii. (Leipsic, 1873-1878), p. 493; Müller-Wieseler, Denkmäler der alten Kunst, ii. pl. viii. 94. [51.] Hyginus, Fab. 277; Cornutus, Theologiae Graecae Compendium, 28; Macrobius, Saturn. i. 12. 23; Scholiast on Aristophanes, Acharn. 747; id., on Frogs, 338; id., on Peace, 374; Servius on Virgil, Georg. ii. 380; Aelian, Nat. Anim. x. 16. [52.] See above, vol. i. pp. 22 sq. [53.] As to the Thesmophoria see my article “Thesmophoria” in the Encyclopaedia Britannica, Ninth Edition, vol. xxiii, 295 sqq.; August Mommsen, Feste der Stadt Athen im Altertum (Leipsic, 1898), pp. 308 sqq.; Miss J. E. Harisson, Prolegomena to the Study of Greek Religion2 (Cambridge, 1908), pp. 120 sqq.; M. P. Nilsson, Griechische Feste (Leipsic, 1906), pp. 313 sqq.; L. R. Farnell, The Cults of the Greek States, iii. (Oxford, 1907) pp. 75 sqq. At Thebes and in Delos the Thesmophoria was held in summer, in the month of Metageitnion (August). See Xenophon, Hellenica, v. 2. 29; M. P. Nilsson Griechische Feste, pp. 316 sq. [54.] Photius, Lexicon, s.v. στήνια, speaks of the ascent of Demeter from the lower world; and Clement of Alexandria speaks of both Demeter and Persephone as having been engulfed in the chasm (Protrept. ii. 17). The original equivalence of Demeter and Persephone must be borne steadily in mind. [55.] Plutarch, Isis et Osiris, 69; Photius, Lexicon, s.v. στήνια. [56.] E. Rohde, “Unedirte Lucians-scholien, die attischen Thesmophorien und Haloen betreffend,” Rheinisches Museum, N.F., xxv. (1870) p. 548; Scholia in Lucianum, ed. H. Rabe (Leipsic, 1906), pp. 275 sq. Two passages of classical writers (Clement of Alexandria, Protrept. ii. 17, and Pausanias, ix. 8. 1) refer to the rites described by the scholiast on Lucian, and had been rightly interpreted by Chr. A. Lobeck (Aglaophamus, pp. 827 sqq.) before the discovery of the scholia. [57.] The scholiast speaks of them as megara and adyta. The name megara is thought to be derived from a Phoenician word meaning “cavern,” “subterranean chasm,” the Hebrew מעךה. See F. C. Moyers, Die Phoenizier (Bonn, 1841), i. 220. In Greek usage the megara were properly subterranean vaults or chasms sacred to the gods. See Hesychius, quoted by Movers, l.c. (the passage does not appear in M. Schmidt's minor edition of Hesychius); Porphyry, De antro nympharum, 6; and my note on Pausanias, ii. 2. 1. [58.] We infer this from Pausanias, ix. 8. 1, though the passage is incomplete and apparently corrupt. For ἐν Δωδώνῃ Lobeck (Aglaophamus, pp. 829 sq.) proposed to read ἀναδῦναι or ἀναδοθῆαι. At the spring and autumn festivals of Isis at Tithorea geese and goats were thrown into the adyton and left there till the following festival, when the remains were removed and buried at a certain spot a little way from the temple. See Pausanias, x. 32. 14. This analogy supports the view that the pigs thrown into the caverns at the Thesmophoria were left there till the next festival. [59.] Aelian, De natura animalium, xi. 16; Propertius, v. 8. 3-14. The feeding of the serpent is represented on a Roman coin of about 64 b.c.; on the obverse of the coin appears the head of Juno Caprotina. See E. Babelon, Monnaies de la République Romaine (Paris, 1886), ii. 402. A common type of Greek art represents a woman feeding a serpent out of a saucer. See Adonis, Attis, Osiris, Second Edition, p. 75. [60.] Scholia in Lucianum, ed. H. Rabe, pp. 275 sq. [61.] Ovid, Fasti, iv. 461-466, upon which Gierig remarks, “Sues melius poeta omisisset in hac narratione.” Such is the wisdom of the commentator. [62.] Pausanias, i. 14. 3. [63.] Scholiast on Aristophanes, Frogs, 338. [64.] Above, vol. i. p. 285. [65.] Above, vol. i. p. 290. [66.] Above, vol. i. p. 278. [67.] Above, vol. i. p. 300. [68.] Above, vol. i. pp. 300 sq. [69.] In Clement of Alexandria, Protrept. ii. 17, for μεγαρίζοντες χοίρους ἐκβάλλουσι Lobeck (Aglaophamus, p. 831) would read μεγάροις ζῶντας χοίρους ἐμβάλλουσι. For his emendation of Pausanias, see above, p. [18] note 1. [70.] It is worth nothing that in Crete, which was an ancient seat of Demeter worship (see above, vol. i. p. 131), the pig was esteemed very sacred and was not eaten (Athenaeus, ix. 18, pp. 375 f-376 a). This would not exclude the possibility of its being eaten sacramentally, as at the Thesmophoria. [71.] Pausanias, viii. 42. [72.] Above, vol. i. pp. 292 sqq. [73.] Pausanias, viii. 25 and 42. At the sanctuary of the Mistress (that is, of Persephone) in Arcadia many terracotta statuettes have been found which represent draped women with the heads of cows or sheep. They are probably votive images of Demeter or Persephone, for the ritual of the sanctuary prescribed the offering of images (Dittenberger, Sylloge Inscriptionum Graecarum,2 No. 939, vol. ii. pp. 803 sq.). See P. Perdrizet, “Terres-cuites de Lycosoura, et mythologie arcadienne,” Bulletin de Correspondance Hellénique, xxiii. (1899) p. 635; M. P. Nilsson, Griechische Feste (Leipsic, 1906), pp. 347 sq. On the Phigalian Demeter, see W. Mannhardt, Mythologische Forschungen, pp. 244 sqq. I well remember how on a summer afternoon I sat at the mouth of the shallow cave, watching the play of sunshine on the lofty wooded sides of the ravine and listening to the murmur of the stream. [74.] See Adonis, Attis, Osiris, Second Edition, p. 221. On the position of the pig in ancient Oriental and particularly Semitic religion, see F. C. Movers, Die Phoenizier, i. (Bonn, 1841), pp. 218 sqq. [75.] Adonis, Attis, Osiris, Second Edition, p. 220. [76.] Demosthenes, De corona, p. 313. [77.] The suggestion was made to me in conversation by my lamented friend, the late R. A. Neil of Pembroke College, Cambridge. [78.] See Adonis, Attis, Osiris, Second Edition, p. 8; and to the authorities there cited add Athenaeus, ii. 80, p. 69 b; Cornutus, Theologiae Graecae Compendium, 28; Plutarch, Quaest. Conviv. iv. 5. 3, § 8; Aristides, Apologia, II, p. 107, ed. J. Rendel Harris (Cambridge, 1891); Joannes Lydus, De mensibus, iv. 44; Propertius, iii. 4 (5). 53 sq., ed. F. A. Paley; Lactantius, Divin. Instit. i. 17; Augustine, De civitate Dei, vi. 7; Firmicus Maternus, De errore profanarum religionum, 9; Macrobius, Saturnal. i. 21. 4. See further W. W. Graf Baudissin, Adonis und Esmun (Leipsic, 1911), pp. 142 sqq. [79.] See Adonis, Attis, Osiris, Second Edition, p. 186. [80.] W. Cureton, Spicilegium Syriacum (London, 1855), p. 44. [81.] Lucian, De dea Syria, 54. [82.] The heathen Harranians sacrificed swine once a year and ate the flesh (En-Nedîm, in D. Chwolsohn's Die Ssabier und der Ssabismus, St. Petersburg, 1856, ii. 42). My friend W. Robertson Smith conjectured that the wild boars annually sacrificed in Cyprus on 2nd April (Joannes Lydus, De mensibus, iv. 45) represented Adonis himself. See his Religion of the Semites,2 pp. 290 sq., 411. [83.] Plutarch, Quaest. Conviv. iv. 5. [84.] Isaiah lxv. 3, lxvi. 3, 17. Compare R. H. Kennett, The Composition of the Book of Isaiah in the Light of History and Archaeology (London, 1910) p. 61, who suggests that the eating of the mouse as a sacrament may have been derived from the Greek worship of the Mouse Apollo (Apollo Smintheus). As to the Mouse Apollo see below, pp. 282 sq. [85.] Herodotus, ii. 47; Plutarch, Isis et Osiris, 8; Aelian, Nat. Anim. x. 16. Josephus merely says that the Egyptian priests abstained from the flesh of swine (Contra Apionem, ii. 13). [86.] Herodotus, l.c. [87.] Plutarch and Aelian, ll.cc. [88.] Herodotus, l.c. At Castabus in Chersonese there was a sacred precinct of Hemithea, which no one might approach who had touched or eaten of a pig (Diodorus Siculus, v. 62. 5). [89.] Herodotus, ii. 47 sq.; Aelian and Plutarch, ll.cc. Herodotus distinguishes the sacrifice to the moon from that to Osiris. According to him, at the sacrifice to the moon, the extremity of the pig's tail, together with the spleen and the caul, was covered with fat and burned; the rest of the flesh was eaten. On the evening (not the eve, see H. Stein's note on the passage) of the festival the sacrifice to Osiris took place. Each man slew a pig before his door, then gave it to the swineherd, from whom he had bought it, to take away. [90.] J. G. F. Riedel, De sluik- en kroesharige rassen tusschen Selebes en Papua (The Hague, 1886), pp. 432, 452. [91.] Rev. J. Owen Dorsey, “Omaha Sociology,” Third Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology (Washington, 1884), p. 225; Miss A. C. Fletcher and F. la Flesche, “The Omaha Tribe,” Twenty-seventh Annual Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology (Washington, 1911), p. 144. According to the latter writers, any breach of a clan taboo among the Omahas was supposed to be punished either by the breaking out of sores or white spots on the body of the offender or by his hair turning white. [92.] Rev. J. Owen Dorsey, op. cit. p. 231. [93.] J. Crevaux, Voyages dans l'Amérique du Sud (Paris, 1883), p. 59. [94.] Plutarch, De superstitione, 10; Porphyry, De abstinentia, iv. 15. As to the sanctity of fish among the Syrians, see also Ovid, Fasti, ii. 473 sq.; Diodorus Siculus, ii. 4. [95.] R. Sutherland Rattray, Some Folklore Stories and Songs in Chinyanja (London, 1907), pp. 174 sq. [96.] Rev. H. Cole, “Notes on the Wagogo of German East Africa,” Journal of the Anthropological Institute, xxxii. (1902) p. 307, compare p. 317. [97.] E. Nigmann, Die Wahehe (Berlin, 1908), p. 42. [98.] J. Kohler, “Das Banturecht in Ostafrika,” Zeitschrift für vergleichende Rechtswissenschaft, xv. (1902) pp. 2, 3. [99.] C. W. Hobley, “Anthropological Studies in Kavirondo and Nandi,” Journal of the Anthropological Institute, xxxiii. (1903) p. 347. [100.] Central Provinces, Ethnographic Survey, II. Draft Articles on Uriya Castes (Allahabad, 1907), p. 16. [101.] C. Creighton, s.v. “Leprosy,” Encyclopaedia Biblica, iii. col. 2766. [102.] 2 Kings v. 27; 2 Chronicles xxvi. 16-21. [103.] Leviticus xvi. 23 sq. [104.] Porphyry, De abstinentia, ii. 44. For this and the Jewish examples I am indebted to my friend W. Robertson Smith. Compare his Religion of the Semites,2 pp. 351, 426, 450 sq. [105.] Central Provinces, Ethnographic Survey, VII. Draft Articles on Forest Tribes (Allahabad, 1911), p. 97. [106.] Central Provinces, Ethnographic Survey, I. Draft Articles on Hindustani Castes (Allahabad, 1907), p. 32. [107.] See Taboo and the Perils of the Soul, pp. 133 sq. [108.] Op. cit. pp. 134-136. [109.] E. Casalis, The Basutos (London, 1861), p. 211; D. Livingstone, Missionary Travels and Researches in South Africa (London, 1857), p. 255; John Mackenzie, Ten Years north of the Orange River (Edinburgh, 1871), p. 135 note. See further Totemism and Exogamy, ii. 372. [110.] J. Mackenzie, l.c. [111.] Rev. J. Owen Dorsey, “Omaha Sociology,” Third Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology (Washington, 1884), p. 225. [112.] Ibid. p. 275. [113.] G. Turner, Samoa (London, 1884), p. 76. [114.] Ibid. p. 70. [115.] Captain C. Eckford Luard, in Census of India, 1901, vol. xix. Central India, Part i. (Lucknow, 1902) pp. 299 sq.; also Census of India, 1901, vol. i. Ethnographic Appendices (Calcutta, 1903), p. 163. [116.] Diogenes Laertius, Vitae Philosophorum, viii. 8. [117.] Aelian, Nat. Anim. x. 16. The story is repeated by Pliny, Nat. Hist. xviii. 168. [118.] E. Lefébure, Le Mythe Osirien, Première Partie, Les yeux d'Horus (Paris, 1874), p. 44; The Book of the Dead, English translation by E. A. Wallis Budge (London, 1901), ii. 336 sq., chapter cxii.; E. A. Wallis Budge, The Gods of the Egyptians (London, 1904), i. 496 sq.; id., Osiris and the Egyptian Resurrection (London and New York, 1911), i. 62 sq. [119.] Plutarch, Isis et Osiris, 8. E. Lefébure (op. cit. p. 46) recognises that in this story the boar is Typhon himself. [120.] This important principle was first recognised by W. Robertson Smith. See his article, “Sacrifice,” Encyclopaedia Britannica, Ninth Edition, xxi. 137 sq. Compare his Religion of the Semites,2 pp. 373, 410 sq. [121.] Plutarch, Isis et Osiris, 31. [122.] H. B. Tristram, The Natural History of the Bible, Ninth Edition (London, 1898), pp. 54 sq. [123.] Rev. J. Shooter, The Kafirs of Natal and the Zulu Country (London, 1857), pp. 18-20. [124.] Miss A. Werner, The Natives of British Central Africa (London, 1906), pp. 182 sq. [125.] E. Modigliano, Un Viaggio a Nías (Milan, 1890), pp. 524 sq., 601. [126.] A. E. Jenks, The Bontoc Igorot, (Manilla, 1905), pp. 100, 102. [127.] A. Bastian, “Beiträge zur Kenntniss der Gebirgs-stämme in Kambodia,” Zeitschrift der Gesellschaft für Erdkunde zu Berlin, i. (1866) p. 44. [128.] G. Snouck Hurgronje, Het Gajōland en zijne Bewoners (Batavia, 1903), p. 348. [129.] Ch. Keysser, “Aus dem Leben der Kaileute,” in R. Neuhauss, Deutsch Neu-Guinea (Berlin, 1911), p. 125. [130.] E. Lefébure, Le Mythe Osirien, Première Partie, Les yeux d'Horus (Paris, 1874), pp. 48 sq. [131.] See above, pp. 260 sq.; Adonis, Attis, Osiris, Second Edition, pp. 331, 338. [132.] Plutarch, Isis et Osiris, 33, 73; Diodorus Siculus, i. 88. [133.] Plutarch, Isis et Osiris, 31; Diodorus Siculus, i. 88. Compare Herodotus, ii. 38. [134.] Plutarch, Isis et Osiris, 20, 29, 33, 43; Strabo, xvii. 1. 31; Diodorus Siculus, i. 21, 85; Duncker, Geschichte des Alterthums,5 i. 55 sqq. On Apis and Mnevis, see also Herodotus, ii. 153, with A. Wiedemann's comment, iii. 27 sq.; Ammianus Marcellinus, xxii. 14. 7; Pliny, Nat. Hist. viii. 184 sqq.; Solinus, xxxii. 17-21; Cicero, De natura deorum, i. 29; Augustine, De civitate Dei, xviii. 5; Aelian, Nat. Anim. xi. 10 sq.; Plutarch, Quaest. Conviv. viii. 1. 3; id., Isis et Osiris, 5, 35; Eusebius, Praeparatio Evangelii, iii. 13. 1 sq.; Pausanias, i. 18. 4, vii. 22. 3 sq.; W. Dittenberger, Orientis Graeci Inscriptiones Selectae (Leipsic, 1903-1905), Nos. 56, 90 (vol. i. pp. 98, 106, 159). Both Apis and Mnevis were black bulls, but Apis had certain white spots. See A. Wiedemann, Die Religion der alten Aegypter (Münster i. W., 1890), pp. 95, 99-101. When Apis died, pious people used to put on mourning and to fast, drinking only water and eating only vegetables, for seventy days till the burial. See A. Erman, Die ägyptische Religion (Berlin, 1905), pp. 170 sq. [135.] Diodorus Siculus, i. 21. [136.] On the religious reverence of pastoral peoples for their cattle, and the possible derivation of the Apis and Isis-Hathor worship from the pastoral stage of society, see W. Robertson Smith, Religion of the Semites,2 pp. 296 sqq. [137.] Herodotus, ii. 41. [138.] Herodotus, ii. 41, with A. Wiedemann's commentary; Plutarch, Isis et Osiris, 19; E. A. Wallis Budge, Osiris and the Egyptian Resurrection (London and New York, 1911), i. 8. In his commentary on the passage of Herodotus Prof. Wiedemann observes (p. 188) that “the Egyptian name of the Isis-cow is ḥes-t and is one of the few cases in which the name of the sacred animal coincides with that of the deity.” [139.] Pliny, Nat. Hist. viii. 184; Solinus, xxxii. 18; Ammianus Marcellinus, xxii. 14. 7. The spring or well in which he was drowned was perhaps the one from which his drinking-water was procured; he might not drink the water of the Nile (Plutarch, Isis et Osiris, 5). [140.] Plutarch, Isis et Osiris, 56. [141.] G. Maspero, Histoire ancienne4 (Paris, 1886), p. 31. Compare Duncker, Geschichte des Alterthums,5 i. 56. It has been conjectured that the period of twenty-five years was determined by astronomical considerations, that being a period which harmonises the phases of the moon with the days of the Egyptian year. See L. Ideler, Handbuch der mathematischen und technischen Chronologie (Berlin, 1825-1826), i. 182 sq.; F. K. Ginzel, Handbuch der mathematischen und technischen Chronologie, i. (Leipsic, 1906), pp. 180 sq. [142.] G. Schweinfurth, The Heart of Africa, Third Edition (London, 1878), i. 59 sq. [143.] E. de Pruyssenaere, Reisen und Forschungen im Gebiete des Weissen und Blauen Nil (Gotha, 1877), pp. 22 sq. (Petermann's Mittheilungen, Ergänzungsheft, No. 50). [144.] Ernst Marno, Reisen im Gebiete des Blauen und Weissen Nil (Vienna, 1874), p. 343. The name Nyeledit is explained by the writer to mean “very great and mighty.” It is probably equivalent to Nyalich, which Dr. C. G. Seligmann gives as a synonym for Dengdit, the high god of the Dinka. According to Dr. Seligmann, Nyalich is the locative of a word meaning “above” and, literally translated, signifies, “in the above.” See C. G. Seligmann, s.v. “Dinka,” in Encyclopaedia of Religion and Ethics, edited by J. Hastings, D.D., vol. iv. (Edinburgh, 1911), p. 707. The Sakalava of Ampasimene, in Madagascar, are said to worship a black bull which is kept in a sacred enclosure in the island of Nosy Be. On the death of the sacred bull another is substituted for it. See A. van Gennep, Tabou et Totémisme à Madagascar (Paris, 1904), pp. 247 sq., quoting J. Carol, Chez les Hova (Paris, 1898), pp. 418 sq. But as the Sakalava are not, so far as I know, mainly or exclusively a pastoral people, this example of bull-worship does not strictly belong to the class illustrated in the text. [145.] See The Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings, i. 19 sqq. [146.] See above, vol. i. pp 292-294. [147.] Athenaeus, xiii. 51, p. 587 a; Pliny, Nat. Hist. viii. 204. Compare W. Robertson Smith, in Encyclopaedia Britannica, Ninth Edition, article “Sacrifice,” vol. xxi. p. 135. [148.] Varro, De agri cultura, i. 2. 19 sq.: “hoc nomine etiam Athenis in arcem non inigi, praeterquam semel ad necessarium sacrificium.” By semel Varro probably means once a year. [149.] The force of this inference is greatly weakened, if not destroyed, by a fact which I had overlooked when I wrote this book originally. A goat was sacrificed to Brauronian Artemis at her festival called the Brauronia (Hesychius, s.v. Βραυρωνίοις; compare Im. Bekker's Anecdota Graeca, p. 445, lines 6 sqq.). As the Brauronian Artemis had a sanctuary on the Acropolis of Athens (Pausanias, i. 23. 7), it seems probable that the goat sacrificed once a year on the Acropolis was sacrificed to her and not to Athena. (Note to Second Edition of The Golden Bough.) [150.] Herodotus, ii. 42. [151.] It is worth noting that Hippolytus, with whom Virbius was identified, is said to have dedicated horses to Aesculapius, who had raised him from the dead (Pausanias, ii. 27. 4). [152.] Festus, ed. C. O. Müller, pp. 178, 179, 220; Plutarch, Quaestiones Romanae, 97; Polybius, xii. 4 b. The sacrifice is referred to by Julian, Orat. v. p. 176 d (p. 228 ed. F. C. Hertlein). It is the subject of a valuable essay by W. Mannhardt, whose conclusions I summarise in the text. See W. Mannhardt, Mythologische Forschungen (Strasburg, 1884), pp. 156-201. [153.] Ovid, Fasti, iv. 731 sqq., compare 629 sqq.; Propertius, v. 1. 19 sq. [154.] The Huzuls of the Carpathians attribute a special virtue to a horse's head. They think that fastened on a pole and set up in a garden it protects the cabbages from caterpillars. See R. F. Kaindl, Die Huzulen (Wienna, 1894), p. 102. At the close of the rice-harvest the Garos of Assam celebrate a festival in which the effigy of a horse plays an important part. When the festival is over, the body of the horse is thrown into a stream, but the head is preserved for another year. See Note at the end of the volume. [155.] Above, pp. [9] sq. [156.] Above, vol. i. pp. 268, 272. [157.] Above, vol. i. pp. 141, 155, 156, 158, 160 sq., 301. [158.] Livy, ii. 5. [159.] Festus, ed. C. O. Müller, pp. 130, 131. [160.] Dittenberger, Sylloge Inscriptionum Graecarum,2 No. 560 (vol. ii. pp. 259-261); Ch. Michel, Recueil d'Inscriptions Grecques (Brussels, 1900), No. 434, pp. 323 sq.; P. Cauer, Delectus Inscriptionum Graecarum propter dialectum memorabilium2 (Leipsic, 1883), No. 177, pp. 117 sq. As to Alectrona or Alectryona, daughter of the Sun, see Diodorus Siculus, v. 65. 5. [161.] Festus, s.v. “October equus,” p. 181 ed. C. O. Müller. See The Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings, i. 315. [162.] G. Zündel, “Land und Volk der Eweer auf der Sclavenküste in West-afrika,” Zeitschrift für Erdkunde zu Berlin, xii. (1877) pp. 415 sq. [163.] Rev. W. Ellis, History of Madagascar (London, preface dated 1838), i. 402 sq. [164.] Dittenberger, Sylloge Inscriptionum Graecarum,2 No. 939 (vol. ii. p. 803). [165.] Pausanias, viii. 37. 7. [166.] W. Mannhardt, Mythologische Forschungen (Strasburg, 1884), p. 179. [167.] W. Mannhardt, Der Baumkultus der Germanen und ihrer Nachbarstämme (Berlin, 1875), p. 205. It is not said that the dough-man is made of the new corn; but probably this is, or once was, the case. [168.] M. Praetorius, Deliciae Prussicae oder Preussische Schaubuhne, im wörtlichen Auszüge aus dem Manuscript herausgegeben von Dr. William Pierson (Berlin, 1871), pp. 60-64; W. Mannhardt, Antike Wald- und Feldkulte (Berlin, 1877), pp. 249 sqq. Mathaeus Praetorius, the author to whom we owe the account in the text, compiled a detailed description of old Lithuanian manners and customs in the latter part of the seventeenth century at the village of Niebudzen, of which he was Protestant pastor. The work, which seems to have occupied him for many years and to have been finished about 1698, exists in manuscript but has never been published in full. Only excerpts from it have been printed by Dr. W. Pierson. Praetorius was born at Memel about 1635 and died in 1707. In the later years of his life he incurred a good deal of odium by joining the Catholic Church. [169.] A. Bezzenberger, Litauische Forschungen (Göttingen, 1882), p. 89. [170.] Simon Grunau, Preussischer Chronik, herausgegeben von Dr. M. Perlbach, i. (Leipsic, 1876) p. 91. [171.] J. B. Holzmayer, “Osiliana,” Verhandlungen der gelehrten Estnischen Gesellschaft zu Dorpat, vii. Heft 2 (Dorpat, 1872), p. 108. [172.] On iron as a charm against spirits, see Taboo and the Perils of the Soul, pp. 232 sqq. [173.] Folk-lore Journal, vii. (1889) p. 54. [174.] Communicated by the Rev. J. J. C. Yarborough, of Chislehurst, Kent. See Folk-lore Journal, vii. (1889) p. 50. [175.] Von Haxthausen, Studien über die innern Zustände, das Volksleben und insbesondere die ländliche Einrichtungen Russlands, i. 448 sq. [176.] J. G. Georgi, Beschreibung aller Nationen des Russischen Reichs (St. Petersburg, 1776), p. 37. [177.] Rev. J. Batchelor, The Ainu and their Folk-lore (London, 1901), pp. 204, 206. [178.] “Native Stories from Santa Cruz and Reef Islands,” translated by the Rev. W. O'Ferrall, Journal of the Anthropological Institute, xxxiv. (1904) p. 230. [179.] Glaumont, “La culture de l'igname et du taro en Nouvelle-Calédonie,” L'Anthropologie, viii. (1897) pp. 43-45. [180.] G. A. Wilken, “Bijdragen tot de kennis der Alfoeren van het eiland Boeroe,” p. 26 (Verhandelingen van het Bataviaasch Genootschap van Kunsten en Wetenschappen vol. xxxviii., Batavia, 1875). [181.] P. N. Wilken, “Bijdragen tot de kennis van de zeden en gewoonten der Alfoeren in de Minahassa,” Mededeelingen van wege het Nederlandsche Zendelinggenootschap, vii. (1863) p. 127. [182.] N. P. Wilken en J. A. Schwarz, “Allerlei over het land en volk van Bolaang Mongondou,” Mededeelingen van wege het Nederlandsche Zendelinggenootschap, xi. (1867) pp. 369 sq. [183.] J. Boot, “Korte schets der noordkust van Ceram,” Tiidschrift van het Nederlandsch Aardrijkskundig Genootschap, Tweede Serie, x. (1893) pp. 671 sq. [184.] See above, vol. i. pp. 184 sqq. [185.] A. W. Nieuwenhuis, In Centraal Borneo (Leyden, 1900), i. 156; id., Quer durch Borneo (Leyden, 1904-1907), i. 117 sq. In the latter passage “ist jeder” is a misprint for “isst jeder”; the Dutch original is “eet ieder.” [186.] H. Harkness, Description of a Singular Aboriginal Race inhabiting the Summit of the Neilgherry Hills (London, 1832), pp. 56 sq. [187.] Ch. E. Gover, The Folk-songs of Southern India (London, 1872), pp. 105 sqq.; “Coorg Folklore,” Folk-lore Journal, vii. (1889) pp. 302 sqq. [188.] Gover, “The Pongol Festival in Southern India,” Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, N.S., v. (1871) pp. 91 sqq. [189.] From notes sent to me by my friend Mr. W. Crooke. [190.] Major J. Biddulph, Tribes of the Hindoo Koosh (Calcutta, 1880), p. 103. [191.] E. Aymonier, “Les Tchames et leurs religions,” Revue de l'histoire des Religions, xxiv. (1891) pp. 272-274. [192.] S. Crowther and J. C. Taylor, The Gospel on the Banks of the Niger (London, 1859), pp. 287 sq. Mr. Taylor's information is repeated in West African Countries and Peoples, by J. Africanus B. Horton (London, 1868), pp. 180 sq. [193.] J. Spieth, Die Ewe-Stämme (Berlin, 1906), pp. 304-310, 340; compare id. pp. 435, 480, 768. The “slaves of the Earth-gods” are children whom women have obtained through prayers offered to Agbasia, the greatest of the Earth-gods. When such a child is born, it is regarded as the slave of Agbasia; and the mother dedicates it to the service of the god, as in similar circumstances Hannah dedicated Samuel to the Lord (1 Samuel i.). If the child is a girl, she is married to the priest's son; if it is a boy, he serves the priest until his mother has given birth to a girl whom she exchanges for the boy. See J. Spieth, op. cit. pp. 448-450. In all such cases the original idea probably was that the child has been begotten in the woman by the god and therefore belongs to him as to his father, in the literal sense of the word. [194.] T. E. Bowdich, Mission from Cape Coast Castle to Ashantee, New Edition (London, 1873), pp. 226-229. [195.] A. B. Ellis, The Tshi-speaking Peoples of the Gold Coast (London, 1887), pp. 229 sq. [196.] J. C. Reichenbach, “Etude sur le royaume d'Assinie,” Bulletin de la Société de Géographie (Paris), vii.ème Série, xi. (1890) p. 349. [197.] Ramseyer and Kühne, Four Years in Ashantee (London, 1875), pp. 147-151; E. Perregaux, Chez les Achanti (Neuchatel, 1906), pp. 158-160. [198.] H. Ling Roth, Great Benin (Halifax, England, 1903), pp. 76 sq. [199.] A. C. Hollis, The Nandi (Oxford, 1909), pp. 46 sq. [200.] Rev. J. Roscoe, The Baganda (London, 1911), p. 428. [201.] F. Speckmann, Die Hermannsburger Mission in Afrika (Hermannsburg, 1876), pp. 150 sq. [202.] L. Grout, Zulu-land (Philadelphia, n.d.), p. 161. [203.] (South African) Folk-lore Journal, i. (1879) p. 135; Rev. H. Callaway, Religious System of the Amazulu, Part iii. p. 389 note. [204.] Rev. J. Macdonald, Light in Africa, Second Edition (London, 1890), pp. 216 sq. On the conception of the two fire-sticks as husband and wife, see The Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings, ii. 208 sqq. [205.] J. Shooter, The Kafirs of Natal (London, 1857), p. 27; N. Isaacs, Travels and Adventures in Eastern Africa (London, 1836), ii. 293; Dudley Kidd, The Essential Kafir (London, 1904), pp. 270, 271. [206.] J. Macdonald, op. cit. p. 189. [207.] Rev. J. Macdonald, Religion and Myth (London, 1893), pp. 136-138, from manuscript notes furnished by J. Sutton. Mr. Macdonald has described the custom more briefly in his Light in Africa, Second Edition (London, 1890), p. 189. [208.] N. Isaacs, Travels and Adventures in Eastern Africa (London, 1836), ii. 292. [209.] A. Delegorgue, Voyage dans l'Afrique Australe (Paris, 1847), ii. 237. [210.] Above, vol. i. p. 240. [211.] See The Dying God, pp. 36 sq. On the Zulu festival of first-fruits see also T. Arbousset et F. Daumas, Voyage d'Exploration au Nord-Est de la Colonie du Cap de Bonne Espérance (Paris, 1843), pp. 308 sq.; G. Fritsch, Die Eingeborenen Süd-Afrikas (Breslau, 1872), p. 143. Fritsch mentions that after executing a grotesque dance in the presence of the assembled multitude the king gives formal permission to eat of the new fruits by dashing a gourd or calabash to the ground. This ceremony of breaking the calabash is mentioned also by J. Shooter (Kafirs of Natal, p. 27), L. Grout (Zulu-land, p. 162), and Mr. Dudley Kidd (The Essential Kafir, p. 271). According to this last writer the calabash is filled with boiled specimens of the new fruits, and the king sprinkles the people with the cooked food, frequently spitting it out on them. Mr. Grout tells us (l.c.) that at the ceremony a bull is killed and its gall drunk by the king and the people. In killing it the warriors must use nothing but their naked hands. The flesh of the bull is given to the boys to eat what they like and burn the rest; the men may not taste it. See L. Grout, op. cit. p. 161. According to Shooter, two bulls are killed; the first is black, the second of another colour. The boys who eat the beef of the black bull may not drink till the next morning, else the king would be defeated in war or visited with some personal misfortune. See Shooter, op. cit. pp. 26 sq. According to another account the sacrifice of the bull, performed by the warriors of a particular regiment with their bare hands, takes place several weeks before the festival of first-fruits, and “the strength of the bull is supposed to enter into the king, thereby prolonging his health and strength.” See D. Leslie, Among the Zulus and Amatongas2 (Edinburgh, 1875), p. 91. For a general account of the Caffre festival of first-fruits, see Dudley Kidd, The Essential Kafir (London, 1904), pp. 270-272. [212.] Rev. W. C. Willoughby, “Notes on the Totemism of the Becwana,” Journal of the Anthropological Institute, xxxv. (1905) pp. 311-313. It is very remarkable that among several Bantu tribes the cohabitation of husband and wife is enjoined as a religious or magical rite on a variety of solemn occasions, such as after the death of a son or daughter, the circumcision of a child, the first menstruation of a daughter, the occupation of a new house or of a new village, etc. For examples see C. W. Hobley, Ethnology of A-Kamba and other East African Tribes (Cambridge, 1910), pp. 58, 59, 60, 65, 67, 69, 74; H. A. Junod, “Les Conceptions physiologiques des Bantou Sud-Africains et leurs tabous,” Revue d'Ethnographie et de Sociologie, i. (1910) p. 148; Rev. J. Roscoe, The Baganda (London, 1911), pp. 48, 144, 357, 363, 378, 428, etc.; id., “Further Notes on the Manners and Customs of the Baganda,” Journal of the Anthropological Institute, xxxii. (1902) pp. 59, 61. Among the Baganda the act of stepping or leaping over a woman is regarded as equivalent to cohabitation with her, and is accepted as a ritual substitute for it (J. Roscoe, The Baganda, p. 357 note). The ideas on which this custom of ceremonial cohabitation is based are by no means clear. [213.] Ch. Croonenberghs, S.J., “La fête de la Grande Danse dans le haut Zambeze,” Les Missions Catholiques, xiv. (1882) pp. 230-234; L. Decle, Three Years in Savage Africa (London, 1898), pp. 157 sq. The two accounts supplement each other. I have combined features from both in the text. [214.] H. Tönjes, Ovamboland, Land, Leute, Mission (Berlin, 1911), pp. 200 sq. [215.] V. Frič and P. Radin, “Contributions to the Study of the Bororo Indians,” Journal of the Anthropological Institute, xxxvi. (1906) p. 392. [216.] The ceremony is described independently by James Adair, History of the American Indians (London, 1775), pp. 96-111; W. Bartram, Travels through North and South Carolina, Georgia, East and West Florida (London, 1792), pp. 507 sq.; A. Hodgson, Letters from North America (London, 1824), i. 131 sq.; B. Hawkins, “Sketch of the Creek Country,” in Collections of the Georgia Historical Society, iii. (Savannah, 1848) pp. 75-78; A. A. M'Gillivray, in H. R. Schoolcraft's Indian Tribes of the United States (Philadelphia, 1853-1856), v. 267 sq.; F. G. Speck, Ethnology of the Yuchi Indians (Philadelphia, 1909), pp. 112-131. The fullest descriptions are those of Adair and Speck. In the text I have chiefly followed Adair, our oldest authority. A similar ceremony was observed by the Cherokees. See the description (from an unpublished MS. of J. H. Payne, author of Home, Sweet Home) in “Observations on the Creek and Cherokee Indians, by William Bartram, 1789, with prefatory and supplementary notes by E. G. Squier,” Transactions of the American Ethnological Society, vol. iii. Part i. (1853) p. 75. The Indians of Alabama also held a great festival at their harvest in July. They passed the day fasting, lit a new fire, purged themselves, and offered the first-fruits to their Manitoo: the ceremony ended with a religious dance. See Bossu, Nouveaux Voyages aux Indes occidentales (Paris, 1768), ii. 54. These Indians of Alabama were probably either the Creeks or the Cherokees. [217.] W. Bartram, Travels, p. 507. [218.] So amongst the Cherokees, according to J. H. Payne, an arbour of green boughs was made in the sacred square; then “a beautiful bushy-topped shade-tree was cut down close to the roots, and planted in the very centre of the sacred square. Every man then provided himself with a green bough.” [219.] So Adair. Bartram, on the other hand, as we have seen, says that the people provided themselves with new household utensils. [220.] B. Hawkins, “Sketch,” etc., p. 76. [221.] F. G. Speck, Ethnology of the Yuchi Indians (Philadelphia, 1909), pp. 86-89, 105-107, 112-131. [222.] Th. Waitz, Anthropologie der Naturvölker, iii. (Leipsic, 1862) p. 42; A. S. Gatschet, A Migration Legend of the Creek Indians, i. (Philadelphia, 1884) pp. 66 sqq.; Totemism and Exogamy, iii. 167. [223.] C. MacCauley, “Seminole Indians of Florida,” Fifth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology (Washington, 1887), pp. 522 sq. [224.] That is, the grand chief of the nation. All the chiefs of the Natchez were called Suns and were connected with the head chief or Great Sun, who bore on his breast an image of the sun and claimed to be descended from the luminary. See Bossu, Nouveaux Voyages aux Indes occidentales (Paris, 1768), i. 42. [225.] Le Page Du Pratz, History of Louisiana, or of the western parts of Virginia and Carolina, translated from the French, New Edition (London, 1774), pp. 338-341. See also J. R. Swanton, Indian Tribes of the Lower Mississippi Valley (Washington, 1911), pp. 110 sqq., where the passage of Du Pratz is translated in full from the original French. From Mr. Swanton's translation it appears that the English version of Du Pratz, which I have quoted in the text, is a good deal abridged. On the festival of first-fruits among the Natchez see also Lettres édifiantes et curieuses, Nouvelle Édition, vii. (Paris, 1781) p. 19; Charlevoix, Histoire de la Nouvelle France (Paris, 1744), vi. 183; De Tonti, “Relation de la Louisiane et du Mississippi,” Recueil de Voyages au Nord, v. (Amsterdam, 1734) p. 122; Le Petit, “Relation des Natchez,” ibid. ix. 13 sq. (reprint of the account in the Lettres édifiantes cited above); Bossu, Nouveaux Voyages aux Indes occidentales (Paris, 1768), i. 43. According to Charlevoix, Le Petit, and Bossu the festival fell in July. For Chateaubriand's description of the custom, see below, pp. 135 sqq. [226.] C. Hill-Tout, The Far West, the Home of the Salish and Déné (London, 1907), pp. 168-170. [227.] J. Teit, The Thompson Indians of British Columbia, p. 349 (The Jesup North Pacific Expedition, Memoir of the American Museum of Natural History, April, 1900). [228.] See above, p. [52]. [229.] See above, pp. [50], [53], [65], [66], [72], [81]. [230.] See above, pp. [59], [60], [63], [69] sq., [71], [73], [75] sq., [82]. [231.] Joseph Thomson, Through Masai Land (London, 1885), p. 430; P. Reichard, Deutsch-Ostafrika (Leipsic, 1892), p. 288; O. Baumann, Durch Massailand zur Nilquelle (Berlin, 1894), p. 162; M. Merker, Die Masai (Berlin, 1904), p. 33; M. Weiss, Die Völkerstämme im Norden Deutsch-Ostafrikas (Berlin, 1910), p. 380. However, the motive which underlies the taboo appears to be a fear of injuring by sympathetic magic the cows from which the milk is drawn. See my essay “Folk-lore in the Old Testament,” in Anthropological Essays presented to E. B. Tylor (Oxford, 1907), pp. 164 sq. According to Reichard the warriors may partake of honey both with meat and with milk. Thomson does not mention honey and speaks of a purgative only. The periods during which meat and milk are alternately consumed vary, according to Reichard, from twelve to fifteen days. We may conjecture, therefore, that two of them, making up a complete cycle, correspond to a lunar month, with reference to which the diet is perhaps determined. [232.] M. W. H. Beech, The Suk, their Language and Folklore (Oxford, 1911), p. 9. In both cases the motive, as with the Masai, is probably a fear of injuring the cattle, and especially of causing the cows to loose their milk. This is confirmed by other taboos of the same sort observed by the Suk. Thus they think that to eat the flesh of a certain forest pig would cause the cattle of the eater to run dry, and that if a rich man ate fish his cows would give no milk. See M. W. H. Beech, op. cit. p. 10. [233.] O. Baumann, Durch Massailand zur Nilquelle (Berlin, 1894), p. 171. [234.] Fr. Boas, “The Central Eskimo,” Sixth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology (Washington, 1888), p. 595; id., “The Eskimo of Baffin Land and Hudson Bay,” Bulletin of the American Museum of Natural History, vol. xv. part i. (New York, 1901) pp. 122-124. For more details see Taboo and the Perils of the Soul, pp. 208 sqq. [235.] Rev. R. H. Codrington, The Melanesians (Oxford, 1891), p. 134. [236.] Pausanias, v. 13. 3. We may assume, though Pausanias does not expressly say so, that persons who sacrificed to Telephus partook of the sacrifice. [237.] Dittenberger, Sylloge Inscriptionum Graecarum,2 No. 576 (vol. ii. p. 267); Ch. Michel, Recueil d'Inscriptions Grecques, No. 723, p. 622. Further, no one who had suffered a domestic bereavement might enter the sanctuary for forty days. Hence the pollution of death was clearly deemed more virulent, or at all events more lasting, than the pollution of food. [238.] Diodorus Siculus, v. 62. 5. [239.] See above, pp. [51] sq., [54], [58], [60] sq., [64], [74]. [240.] See below, pp. [109] sqq. [241.] J. de Acosta, Natural and Moral History of the Indies, bk. v. ch. 24, vol. ii. pp. 356-360 (Hakluyt Society, London, 1880). I have modernised the old translator's spelling. Acosta's authority, which he followed without acknowledgment, was an anonymous writer of about the middle of the sixteenth century, whose manuscript, written in Spanish, was found in the library of the Franciscan monastery at Mexico in 1856. A French translation of it has been published. See Manuscrit Ramirez, Histoire de l'Origine des Indiens qui habitent la Nouvelle-Espagne selon leurs traditions, publié par D. Charnay (Paris, 1903), pp. 149-154. Acosta's description is followed by A. de Herrera (General History of the vast Continent and Islands of America, translated by Capt. John Stevens (London, 1725-1726), iii. 213-215). [242.] The Satapatha-Brâhmana, translated by J. Eggeling, Part i. (Oxford, 1882) p. 51 (Sacred Books of the East, vol. xii.). [243.] Op. cit. pp. 51 sq., with the translator's note. [244.] See above, pp. [73] sqq. [245.] Above, p. [68], note 3. [246.] H. H. Bancroft, Native Races of the Pacific States (London, 1875-1876), iii. 297-300 (after Torquemada); F. S. Clavigero, History of Mexico, translated by Ch. Cullen (London, 1807), i. 309 sqq.; B. de Sahagun, Histoire générale des choses de la Nouvelle-Espagne, traduite et annotée par D. Jourdanet et R. Siméon (Paris, 1880), pp. 203 sq.; J. G. Müller, Geschichte der amerikanischen Urreligionen (Bâle, 1867), p. 605; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Histoire des Nations civilisées du Mexique et de l'Amérique Centrale (Paris, 1857-1859), iii. 531-534. [247.] F. S. Clavigero, op. cit. i. 311; B. de Sahagun, op. cit. pp. 74, 156 sq.; J. G. Müller, op. cit. p. 606; H. H. Bancroft, op. cit. iii. 316; Brasseur de Bourbourg, op. cit. iii. 535. This festival took place on the last day of 16th month (which extended from 23rd December to 11th January). At another festival the Mexicans made the semblance of a bone out of paste and ate it sacramentally as the bone of the god. See Sahagun, op. cit. p. 33. [248.] Brasseur de Bourbourg, op. cit. iii. 539. [249.] G. F. de Oviedo, Histoire du Nicaragua (Paris, 1840), p. 219. Oviedo's account is borrowed by A. de Herrera (General History of the vast Continent and Islands of America, translated by Capt. John Stevens, iii. 301). [250.] J. de Torquemada, Monarquia Indiana, lib. x. cap. 14, vol. ii. pp. 259 sqq. (Madrid, 1723); Brasseur de Bourbourg, op. cit. iii. 510-512. [251.] C. Lumholtz, Unknown Mexico (London, 1903), ii. 166-171. When Mr. Lumholtz revisited the temple in 1898, the idol had disappeared. It has probably been since replaced by another. The custom of abstaining both from salt and from women as a mode of ceremonial purification is common among savage and barbarous peoples. See above, p. [75] (as to the Yuchi Indians), and Totemism and Exogamy, iv. 224 sqq. [252.] E. Thurston, Castes and Tribes of Southern India (Madras, 1909), iv. 357 sq. [253.] Graf Paul von Hoensbroech, 14 Jahre Jesuit (Leipsic, 1909-1910), i. 25 sq. The practice was officially sanctioned by a decree of the Inquisition, 29th July 1903. [254.] See The Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings, i. 22. [255.] Festus, ed. C. O. Müller, pp. 128, 129, 145. The reading of the last passage is, however, uncertain (“et Ariciae genus panni fieri; quod manici † appelletur”). [256.] Varro, De lingua latina, ix. 61; Arnobius, Adversus nationes, iii. 41; Macrobius, Saturn. i. 7. 35; Festus, p. 128, ed. C. O. Müller. Festus speaks of the mother or grandmother of the larvae; the other writers speak of the mother of the lares. [257.] Macrobius, l.c.; Festus, pp. 121, 239, ed. C. O. Müller. The effigies hung up for the slaves were called pilae, not maniae. Pilae was also the name given to the straw-men which were thrown to the bulls to gore in the arena. See Martial, Epigr. ii. 43. 5 sq.; Asconius, In Cornel. p. 55, ed. Kiessling and Schoell. [258.] The ancients were at least familiar with the practice of sacrificing images made of dough or other materials as substitutes for the animals themselves. It was a recognised principle that when an animal could not be easily obtained for sacrifice, it was lawful to offer an image of it made of bread or wax. See Servius on Virgil, Aen. ii. 116; compare Pausanias, x. 18. 5. Poor people who could not afford to sacrifice real animals offered dough images of them (Suidas, s.v. βοῦς ἕβδομος; compare Hesychius, s.vv. βοῦς, ἕβδομος βοῦς). Hence bakers made a regular business of baking cakes in the likeness of all the animals which were sacrificed to the gods (Proculus, quoted and emended by Chr. A. Lobeck, Aglaophamus, p. 1079). When Cyzicus was besieged by Mithridates and the people could not procure a black cow to sacrifice at the rites of Persephone, they made a cow of dough and placed it at the altar (Plutarch, Lucullus, 10). In a Boeotian sacrifice to Hercules, in place of the ram which was the proper victim, an apple was regularly substituted, four chips being stuck in it to represent legs and two to represent horns (Julius Pollux, i. 30 sq.). The Athenians are said to have once offered to Hercules a similar substitute for an ox (Zenobius, Cent. v. 22). And the Locrians, being at a loss for an ox to sacrifice, made one out of figs and sticks, and offered it instead of the animal (Zenobius, Cent. v. 5). At the Athenian festival of the Diasia cakes shaped like animals were sacrificed (Schol. on Thucydides, i. 126, p. 36, ed. Didot). We have seen above (p. [25]) that the poorer Egyptians offered cakes of dough instead of pigs. The Cheremiss of Russia sometimes offer cakes in the shape of horses instead of the real animals. See P. v. Stenin, “Ein neuer Beitrag zur Ethnographie der Tscheremissen,” Globus, lviii. (1890) pp. 203 sq. Similarly a North-American Indian dreamed that a sacrifice of twenty elans was necessary for the recovery of a sick girl; but the elans could not be procured, and the girl's parents were allowed to sacrifice twenty loaves instead. See Relations des Jésuites, 1636, p. 11 (Canadian reprint, Quebec, 1858). [259.] See The Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings, i. 55 sqq. [260.] L. A. Waddell, The Buddhism of Tibet (London, 1895), pp. 484-486. [261.] W. Ellis, Polynesian Researches, Second Edition (London, 1832-1836), i. 402. [262.] M. J. van Baarda, “Fabelen, Verhalen en Overleveringen der Galelareezen,” Bijdragen tot de Taal- Land- en Volkenkunde van Nederlandsch-Indië, xlv. (1895) p. 539. [263.] Rev. R. H. Codrington, The Melanesians (Oxford, 1891), p. 275. [264.] J. Kubary, “Die Religion der Pelauer,” in A. Bastian's Allerlei aus Volks- und Menschenkunde (Berlin, 1888), i. 9. [265.] W. M. Donselaar, “Aanteekeningen over het eiland Saleijer,” Mededeelingen van wege het Nederlandsche Zendelinggenootschap, i. (1857) p. 290. [266.] Le Comte C. N. de Cardi, “Ju-ju laws and customs in the Niger Delta,” Journal of the Anthropological Institute, xxix. (1899) p. 58. [267.] A. B. Ellis, The Yoruba-speaking Peoples of the Slave Coast (London, 1894), p. 80. [268.] Miss Mary H. Kingsley, Travels in West Africa (London, 1897), p. 473. [269.] S. Crowther and J. C. Taylor, The Gospel on the Banks of the Niger (London, 1859), pp. 250 sq. [270.] J. Macdonald, “East Central African Customs,” Journal of the Anthropological Institute, xxii. (1893) pp. 114 sq.; id., Myth and Religion (London, 1893), pp. 155 sq. (from MS. notes of Dr. Elmslie). [271.] B. Schwarz, Kamerun (Leipsic, 1886), pp. 256 sq.; E. Reclus, Nouvelle Géographie Universelle, xiii. 68 sq. [272.] J. Fraser, “The Aborigines of New South Wales,” Journal and Proceedings of the Royal Society of New South Wales, xvi. (1882) p. 229; A. W. Howitt, Native Tribes of South-East Australia (London, 1904), p. 467. [273.] This I learned from Dr. Burton Brown (formerly of 3 Via Venti Setembri, Rome), who lived for some time among the Nagas. [274.] Strabo, xvii. 1. 23, p. 803; Plutarch, Isis et Osiris, 18. [275.] Panjab Notes and Queries, ii. p. 39, § 240 (December 1884). [276.] Some examples of this vicarious use of images as substitutes for the sick have been given in an earlier part of this work. See Taboo and the Perils of the Soul, pp. 62 sq. [277.] N. Graafland, De Minahassa, (Rotterdam, 1869), i. 326. [278.] P. J. Veth, Borneo's Wester-Afdeeling (Zaltbommel, 1854-56), ii. 309. [279.] F. Grabowsky, “Ueber verschiedene weniger bekannte Opfer bei den Oloh Ngadju in Borneo,” Internationales Archiv für Ethnographie, i. (1888) pp. 132 sq. [280.] E. L. M. Kühr, “Schetsen uit Borneo's Westerafdeeling,” Bijdragen tot de Taal- Land- en Volkenkunde van Nederlandsch-Indië, xlvii. (1897) pp. 60 sq. For another mode in which these same Dyaks seek to heal sickness by means of an image, see Taboo and the Perils of the Soul, pp. 55 sq. [281.] J. G. F. Riedel, De sluik- en kroesharige rassen tusschen Selebes en Papua (The Hague, 1886), p. 465. [282.] H. Ling Roth, “Low's Natives of Borneo,” Journal of the Anthropological Institute, xxi. (1892) p. 117. [283.] B. Hagen, “Beiträge zur Kenntniss der Battareligion,” Tijdschrift voor Indische Taal- Land- en Volkenkunde, xxviii. (1883) p. 531. [284.] M. Joustra, “Het leven, de zeden en gewoonten der Bataks,” Mededeelingen van wege het Nederlandsche Zendelinggenootschap, xlvi. (1902) pp. 413 sq. [285.] N. Annandale and H. C. Robinson, “Some Preliminary Results of an Expedition to the Malay Peninsula,” Journal of the Anthropological Institute, xxxii. (1902) p. 416. [286.] Fr. Kramer, “Der Götzendienst der Niasser,” Tijdschrift voor Indische Taal- Land- en Volkenkunde, xxxiii. (1890) p. 489. [287.] A. Bastian, Die Völkerstämme am Brahmaputra (Berlin, 1883), p. 73. [288.] Sarat Chandra Das, Journey to Lhasa and Central Tibet (London, 1902), p. 134. [289.] Shway Yoe, The Burman (London, 1882), ii. 138. [290.] Pallegoix, Description du Royaume Thai ou Siam (Paris, 1854), ii. 48 sq. Compare A. Bastian, Die Völker des östlichen Asien (Leipsic and Jena, 1866-1871), iii. 293, 486; E. Young, The Kingdom of the Yellow Robe (Westminster, 1898), p. 121. [291.] J. Moura, Le Royaume du Cambodge (Paris, 1883), i. 176. [292.] A. Woldt, “Die Kultus-Gegenstände der Golden und Giljaken,” Internationales Archiv für Ethnographie, i. (1888) pp. 102 sq. [293.] J. J. M. de Groot, The Religious System of China, vi. (Leyden, 1910) pp. 1103 sq.; for a description of the effigies or “substitutes for a person” see id., vol. v. (Leyden, 1907) p. 920. Can the monkish and clerical tonsure have been originally designed in like manner to let out the evil influence through the top of the head? [294.] T. Watters, “Some Corean Customs and Notions,” Folk-lore, vi. (1895) pp. 82 sq. [295.] N. v. Seidlitz, “Die Abchasen,” Globus, lxvi. (1894) p. 54. [296.] J. Spieth, Die Ewe-Stämme (Berlin, 1906), pp. 502-506, 512, 513, 838, 848, 910. It is a disputed point in Ewe theology whether there are many spiritual mothers in heaven or only one. Some say that there are as many spiritual mothers as there are individual men and women; others doubt this and say that there is only one spiritual mother, and that she is the wife of God (Mawu) and gave birth to all spirits that live in heaven, both men and women. [297.] G. Binetsch, “Beantwortung mehrerer Fragen über unser Ewe-Volk und seine Anschauungen,” Zeitschrift für Ethnologie, xxxviii. (1906) p. 37. [298.] The Illustrated Missionary News, April 1st, 1891, pp. 59 sq. [299.] As to the custom see Varro, De lingua latina, v. 45; Ovid, Fasti, v. 621 sqq.; Dionysius Halicarnasensis, Antiquit. Roman. i. 38; Plutarch, Quaestiones Romanae, 32 and 86. For various explanations which have been proposed, see L. Preller, Römische Mythologie,3 ii. 134 sqq.; W. Mannhardt, Antike Wald- und Feldkulte, pp. 265 sqq.; Journal of Philology, xiv. (1885) p. 156 note; R. von Ihering, Vorgeschichte der Indoeuropäer, pp. 430-434; W. Warde Fowler, The Roman Festivals of the Period of the Republic (London, 1899), pp. 111 sqq.; id., The Religious Experience of the Roman People (London, 1911), pp. 54 sq., 321 sqq.; G. Wissowa, Gesammelte Abhandlungen zur römischen Religions- und Stadtgeschichte (Munich, 1904), pp. 211-229. The ceremony was observed on the fifteenth of May. [300.] See The Golden Bough, Second Edition, iii. 107. [301.] Plutarch, Quaest. Roman. 86. [302.] See above, vol. i. pp. 231 sqq. [303.] H. Tönjes, Ovamboland, Land, Leute, Mission (Berlin, 1911), p. 195. [304.] Rev E. Casalis, The Basutos (London, 1861), pp. 251 sq. [305.] Ibid. p. 252. [306.] Ibid. pp. 252 sq. In the southern province of Ceylon “the threshers behave as if they were in a temple of the gods when they put the corn into the bags.” See C. J. R. Le Mesurier, “Customs and Superstitions connected with the Cultivation of Rice in the Southern Province of Ceylon,” Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, N.S. xvii. (1885), p. 371. [307.] L. Decle, Three Years in Savage Africa (London, 1898), p. 173. [308.] G. McCall Theal, Records of South-Eastern Africa, vii. (1901) p. 397. [309.] “Der Muata Cazembe und die Völkerstämme der Maravis, Chevas, Muembas, Lundas und andere von Süd-Afrika,” Zeitschrift für allgemeine Erdkünde (Berlin), vi. (1856) pp. 272, 273. [310.] Rev. A. Hetherwick, “Some Animistic Beliefs among the Yaos of British Central Africa,” Journal of the Anthropological Institute, xxxii. (1902) pp. 94 sq. [311.] Rev. A. Hetherwick, op. cit. pp. 91-94. [312.] Dr. J. A. Chisholm, “Notes on the Manners and Customs of the Winamwanga and Wiwa,” Journal of the African Society, vol. ix. No. 36 (July 1910), pp. 366 sq. Among the Winamwanga, as among the Yaos, the human soul or spirit is called muzimu (op. cit. p. 363). [313.] C. Gouldsbury and H. Sheane, The Great Plateau of Northern Rhodesia (London, 1911), pp. 294 sq. [314.] C. W. Hobley, Ethnology of A-Kamba and other East African Tribes (Cambridge, 1910), pp. 66, 85 sq. [315.] Rev. J. Roscoe, The Baganda (London, 1911), p. 428. [316.] Annales de la Propagation de la Foi, lx. (1888) p. 57. The account is extracted from the letter of a Catholic priest, himself a Dinka. The name of God, according to him, is Den-dit, meaning “Great Rain.” The form of the name agrees closely, and the interpretation of it agrees exactly, with the results of Dr. C. G. Seligmann's independent enquiries, according to which the name of the Dinka God is Dengdit, “Great Rain,” the word for rain being deng. See Dr. C. G. Seligmann, in Dr. J. Hastings' Encyclopaedia of Religion and Ethics, s.v. “Dinka,” vol. iv. (Edinburgh, 1911) p. 707. [317.] “Coutumes étranges des indigènes du Djebel-Nouba (Afrique centrale), notes communiquées par les missionnaires de Vérone,” Les Missions Catholiques, xiv. (1882) p. 459. As to the Nubas and their pontiff see further Stanislas Carceri, “Djebel-Nouba,” Les Missions Catholiques, xv. (1883) pp. 448-452. [318.] A. F. Mockler-Ferryman, Up the Niger (London, 1892), pp. 141 sq. [319.] Ch. Partridge, Cross River Natives (London, 1905), pp. 266 sq. [320.] J. Spieth, Die Ewe-Stämme (Berlin, 1906), pp. 795 sq. [321.] J. Spieth, op. cit. p. 344. As to the goddess Mawu Sodza, see ibid. pp. 424 sq. [322.] H. Klose, Togo unter deutscher Flagge (Berlin, 1899), p. 504. [323.] L. Conradt, “Das Hinterland der deutschen Kolonie Togo,” Petermanns Mittheilungen, xlii. (1896) p. 18. [324.] G. A. Shaw, “The Betsileo,” Antananarivo Annual and Madagascar Magazine, Reprint of the First Four Numbers (Antananarivo, 1885), p. 346. [325.] J. Cameron, “On the Early Inhabitants of Madagascar,” Antananarivo Annual and Madagascar Magazine, Reprint of the First Four Numbers (Antananarivo, 1885), p. 263. [326.] A. Bastian, Die Völker des östlichen Asien, ii. (Leipsic, 1866), p. 105. [327.] A. van Gennep, Tabou et Totémisme à Madagascar (Paris, 1904), p. 97. [328.] E. T. Dalton, Descriptive Ethnology of Bengal (Calcutta, 1872), p. 91. [329.] Major A. Playfair, The Garos (London, 1909), p. 94. [330.] E. T. Dalton, op. cit. p. 198; (Sir) H. H. Risley, Tribes and Castes of Bengal, Ethnographic Glossary (Calcutta, 1891-1892), ii. 104. [331.] Rev. P. Dehon, S.J., Religion and Customs of the Uraons (Calcutta, 1906), p. 137 (Memoirs of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, vol. i. No. 9). [332.] North Indian Notes and Queries, i. 57, No. 428, quoting Moorcroft and Trebeck, Travels in the Himalayan Provinces, i. 317 sq. [333.] E. T. Atkinson, The Himalayan Districts of the North-Western Provinces of India, ii. (Allahabad, 1884) p. 825. As to Bhumiya see further W. Crooke, Popular Religion and Folk-lore of Northern India (Westminster, 1896), i. 105-107, who observes (pp. 106 sq.): “To illustrate the close connection between this worship of Bhûmiya as the soil godling with that of the sainted dead, it may be noted that in some places the shrine of Bhûmiya is identified with the Jathera, which is the ancestral mound, sacred to the common ancestor of the village or tribe.” [334.] Thomas Shaw, “The Inhabitants of the Hills near Rajamahall,” Asiatic Researches, iv. (London, 1807) pp. 56 sq. [335.] Panjab Notes and Queries, i. p. 60, § 502 (February 1884). [336.] Central Provinces, Ethnographic Survey, iii. Draft Articles on Forest Tribes (Allahabad, 1907) p. 45. [337.] Op. cit. iii. 73. [338.] Op. cit. v. (Allahabad, 1911) p. 66. [339.] Op. cit. vii. (Allahabad, 1911) p. 102. [340.] The practice is curiously unlike the custom of ancient Italy, in most parts of which women were forbidden by law to walk on the highroads twirling a spindle, because this was supposed to injure the crops (Pliny, Nat. Hist. xxviii. 28). The purpose of the Indian custom may be to ward off evil influences from the field, as Mr. W. Crooke suggests (Popular Religion and Folk-lore of Northern India, ii. 305, “This forms a sacred circle which repels evil influence from the crop”). Compare The Magic Art and Evolution of Kings, i. 113 sq. [341.] D. C. J. Ibbetson, Outlines of Panjab Ethnography (Calcutta, 1883), p. 119. [342.] The Satapatha Brâhmana, translated by Julius Eggeling, Part i. (Oxford, 1882), pp. 369-373 (Sacred Books of the East, vol. xii.). [343.] (Sir) J. G. Scott and J. P. Hardiman, Gazetteer of Upper Burma and the Shan States, Part i. vol. i. (Rangoon, 1900), pp. 425 sq. [344.] Rev. G. Whitehead, “Notes on the Chins of Burma,” Indian Antiquary, xxxvi. (1907) p. 207. [345.] A. Bourlet, “Les Thay,” Anthropos, ii. (1907) pp. 627-629. [346.] Ch. Dallet, Histoire de l'Eglise de Corée (Paris, 1874), i. p. xxiv. [347.] Fr. Junghuhn, Die Battaländer auf Sumatra (Berlin, 1847), ii. 312. [348.] Spenser St. John, Life in the Forests of the Far East2 (London, 1863), i. 191. [349.] B. F. Matthes, Beknopt Verslag mijner reizen in de Binnenlanden van Celebes, in de jaren 1857 en 1861, p. 5 (Verzameling van Berigten betreffende de Bijbelverspreiding, Nos. 96-99). [350.] N. Graafland, De Minahassa (Rotterdam, 1869), i. 165. [351.] J. G. F. Riedel, De sluik- en kroesharige rassen tusschen Selebes en Papua (The Hague, 1886), p. 107. [352.] Riedel, op. cit. pp. 281, 296 sq. [353.] Fr. Valentyn, Oud en nieuw Oost-Indiën (Dordrecht and Amsterdam, 1724-1726), iii. 10. [354.] C. M. Pleyte, “Ethnographische Beschrijving der Kei-Eilanden,” Tijdschrift van het Nederlandsch Aardrijkskundig Genootschap, Tweede Serie, x. (1893) p. 801. [355.] Fr. Kramer, “Der Götzendienst der Niasser,” Tijdschrift voor Indische Taal- Land- en Volkenkunde, xxxiii. (1890) p. 482. [356.] C. Semper, Die Philippinen und ihre Bewohner (Würzburg, 1869), p. 56. [357.] F. Blumentritt, “Das Stromgebiet des Rio Grande de Mindano,” Petermanns Mittheilungen, xxxvii. (1891) p. 111. [358.] Stefan Lehner, “Bukaua,” in R. Neuhauss's Deutsch Neu-Guinea, iii. (Berlin, 1911) pp. 434-436. [359.] Rev. Lorimer Fison, “The Nanga, or Sacred Stone Enclosure, of Wainimala, Fiji,” Journal of the Anthropological Institute, xiv. (1885) p. 27. [360.] J. E. Erskine, Journal of a Cruise among the Islands of the Western Pacific (London, 1853), p. 252. [361.] G. Turner, Samoa (London, 1884), pp. 318 sq. [362.] Rev. R. H. Codrington, The Melanesians (Oxford, 1891), pp. 132 sq. [363.] C. M. Woodford, A Naturalist among the Head-hunters, being an Account of Three Visits to the Solomon Islands (London, 1890), pp. 26-28. [364.] Rev. R. H. Codrington, The Melanesians, p. 138. [365.] Horatio Hale, United States Exploring Expedition, Ethnology and Philology (Philadelphia, 1846), p. 97. [366.] The malái is “a piece of ground, generally before a large house, or chief's grave, where public ceremonies are principally held” (W. Mariner, Tonga Islands, Vocabulary). [367.] The mataboole is “a rank next below chiefs or nobles” (ibid.). [368.] W. Mariner, Account of the Natives of the Tonga Islands, Second Edition (London, 1818), ii. 78, 196-203. As to the divine chief Tooitonga see Taboo and the Perils of the Soul, p. 21. [369.] Ch. Wilkes,. Narrative of the United States Exploring Expedition, New Edition (New York, 1851), ii. 133. [370.] G. Turner, Samoa, pp. 70 sq. [371.] W. Ellis, Polynesian Researches, Second Edition (London, 1832-1836), i. 350. [372.] D. Tyerman and G. Bennet, Journal of Voyages and Travels (London, 1831), i. 284. [373.] Geiseler, Die Oster-Insel (Berlin, 1883), p. 31. [374.] E. Tregear, “The Maoris of New Zealand,” Journal of the Anthropological Institute, xix. (1890) p. 110; R. Taylor, Te Ika A Maui, or New Zealand and its Inhabitants, Second Edition (London, 1870), pp. 165 sq.; Old New Zealand, by a Pakeha Maori (London, 1884), pp. 103 sq. [375.] Chr. Hartknoch, Alt und neues Preussen (Frankfort and Leipsic, 1684), p. 161; id., Dissertationes historicae de variis rebus Prussicis, p. 163 (appended to his edition of P. de Dusburg's Chronicon Prussiae, Frankfort and Leipsic, 1679). Compare W. Mannhardt, Die Korndämonen (Berlin, 1868), p. 27. [376.] See above, vol. i. pp. 53 sqq. [377.] Plutarch, Theseus, 6. [378.] Hyginus, Fabulae, 130. [379.] Festus, s.v. “Sacrima,” p. 319, ed. C. O. Müller; Pliny, Nat. Hist. xviii. 8. [380.] Varro, De lingua Latina, vi. 16, ed. C. O. Müller. [381.] James Teit, The Thompson Indians of British Columbia, p. 345 (The Jesup North Pacific Expedition, Memoir of the American Museum of Natural History, May, 1900). [382.] C. Hill Tout, “Report on the Ethnology of the Okanaken of British Columbia,” Journal of the R. Anthropological Institute, xli. (1911) p. 132. [383.] Brasseur de Bourbourg, Histoire des Nations civilisées du Mexique et de l'Amérique-Centrale (Paris, 1857-1859), ii. 566. [384.] Annales de l'Association de la Propagation de la Foi, i. (Paris and Lyons, 1826) p. 386. [385.] Above, pp. [77] sqq. [386.] Chateaubriand, Voyage en Amérique, pp. 130-136 (Michel Lévy, Paris, 1870). [387.] See The Dying God, pp. 9 sqq. [388.] James Adair, History of the American Indians (London, 1775), p. 133. [389.] Alfred Simson, Travels in the Wilds of Ecuador (London, 1887), p. 168; id., in Journal of the Anthropological Institute, vii. (1878) p. 503. [390.] A. Thevet, Les Singularitez de la France Antarctique, autrement nommée Amerique (Antwerp, 1558), p. 55; id., La Cosmographie Universelle (Paris, 1575), ii. pp. 929, [963], 940 [974]; J. Lerius, Historia Navigationis in Brasiliam, quae et America dicitur (1586), pp. 126 sq. [391.] Rochefort, Histoire Naturelle et Morale des Iles Antilles, Seconde Edition (Rotterdam, 1665), p. 465. [392.] C. Cuny, “De Libreville au Cameroun,” Bulletin de la Société de Géographie (Paris), vii. Série, xvii. (1896) p. 342. [393.] R. Southey, History of Brazil, ii. (London, 1817) p. 373; id., iii. (London, 1819) p. 164. [394.] P. Lozano, Descripcion Chorographica del Gran Chaco (Cordova, 1733), p. 90. [395.] M. Dobrizhoffer, Historia de Abiponibus (Vienna, 1784), i. 289 sq. [396.] J. Teit, The Thompson Indians of British Columbia, p. 348 (The Jesup North Pacific Expedition, Memoir of the American Museum of Natural History, April, 1900). [397.] W. H. I. Bleek and C. L. Lloyd, Specimens of Bushman Folklore (London, 1911), pp. 271-275. [398.] A. Bertrand, The Kingdom of the Barotsi, Upper Zambezia (London, 1899), p. 277, quoting the description given by the French missionary M. Coillard. [399.] Theophilus Hahn, Tsuni-Goam, the Supreme Being of the Khoi-Khoi (London, 1881), p. 106. [400.] W. H. I. Bleek and L. C. Lloyd, Specimens of Bushman Folklore (London, 1911), p. 373. [401.] Rev. H. Cole, “Notes on the Wagogo of German East Africa,” Journal of the Anthropological Institute, xxxii. (1902) p. 318. [402.] Sir Harry Johnston, The Uganda Protectorate, Second Edition (London, 1904), ii. 787. [403.] Rev. J. Macdonald, Light in Africa, Second Edition (London, 1890), p. 174; id., in Journal of the Anthropological Institute, xix. (1890) p. 282. [404.] Rev. H. Callaway, Religious System of the Amazulu, p. 438, note 16. [405.] O. Baumann, Usambara und seine Nachbargebiete (Berlin, 1891), p. 128. [406.] Sir H. H. Johnston, British Central Africa (London, 1897), p. 438; J. Buchanan, The Shire Highlands, p. 138. [407.] M. W. H. Beech, The Suk, their Language and Folklore (Oxford, 1911), p. 11. [408.] J. Shooter, The Kafirs of Natal and the Zulu Country (London, 1857), p. 399. [409.] A. B. Ellis, The Ewe-speaking Peoples of the Slave Coast of West Africa (London, 1890), p. 99. [410.] M. Merker, Rechtsverhältnisse und Sitten der Wadschagga (Gotha, 1902), p. 38 (Petermanns Mitteilungen, Ergänzungsheft, No. 138). [411.] Rev. H. Callaway, Nursery Tales, Traditions, and Histories of the Zulus (Natal and London, 1868), p. 175 note. [412.] Ovid, Metam. vii. 271 sqq. As to the supposed longevity of deer and crows, see L. Stephani, in Compte Rendu de la Commission Archéologique (St. Petersburg), 1863, pp. 140 sq., and my note on Pausanias, viii. 10. 10. [413.] Pliny, Nat. Hist. viii. 119. [414.] Porphyry, De Abstinentia, ii. 48: οἱ γοῦν ζώων μαντικῶν ψυχὰς δέξασθαι βουλόμενοι εἰς ἑαυτούς, τὰ κυριώτατα μόρια καταπιόντες, οἷον καρδίας κοράκων ἢ ἀσπαλάκων ἢ ἱεράκων, ἔχουσι παριοῦσαν τὴν ψυχὴν καὶ χρηματίζουσαν ὡς θεὸν καὶ εἰσιοῦσαν εἰς αὐτοὺς ἄμα τῇ ἐνθέσει τῇ τοῦ σώματος. Pliny also mentions the custom of eating the heart of a mole, raw and palpitating, as a means of acquiring skill in divination (Nat. Hist. xxx. 19). [415.] Spenser St. John, Life in the Forests of the Far East, Second Edition (London, 1863), i. 186, 206. [416.] W. H. Furness, Home-life of Borneo Head-hunters (Philadelphia, 1902), p. 71; compare id., pp. 166 sq. [417.] Rev. J. Batchelor, The Ainu and their Folk-lore (London, 1901), pp. 511-513. [418.] Rev. J. Batchelor, op. cit. p. 337. [419.] W. Crooke, Popular Religion and Folk-lore of Northern India (Westminster, 1896), i. 279. [420.] Bossu, Nouveaux Voyages aux Indes occidentales (Paris, 1768), i. 112. [421.] H. R. Schoolcraft, Indian Tribes of the United States, ii. (Philadelphia, 1853) pp. 79 sq. [422.] J. G. F. Riedel, De sluik- en kroesharige rassen tusschen Selebes en Papua (The Hague, 1886), pp. 10, 262. [423.] James Chalmers, Pioneering in New Guinea (London, 1887), p. 166. [424.] Journal of the Anthropological Institute, xxiv. (1895) p. 179. [425.] E. T. Dalton, Descriptive Ethnology of Bengal (Calcutta, 1872), p. 33. [426.] Proceedings of the Royal Geographical Society, N.S., viii. (1886) p. 307. [427.] J. Henderson, “The Medicine and Medical Practice of the Chinese,” Journal of the North China Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, New Series, i. (Shanghai, 1865) pp. 35 sq. Compare Mrs. Bishop, Korea and her Neighbours (London, 1898), i. 79. [428.] Mrs. S. S. Allison, “Account of the Similkameen Indians of British Columbia,” Journal of the Anthropological Institute, xxi. (1892) p. 313. [429.] P. E. Müller on Saxo Grammaticus, Historia Danica (Copenhagen, 1839-1858), vol. ii. p. 60. [430.] Die Edda, übersetzt von K. Simrock8 (Stuttgart, 1882), pp. 180, 309. [431.] Pliny, Hist. Natur. x. 137, xxix. 72. [432.] Philostratus, Vita Apollonii, i. 20, iii. 9. [433.] Saxo Grammaticus, Historia Danica, ed. P. E. Müller (Copenhagen, 1839-1858), i. 193 sq. [434.] P. E. Müller, note in his edition of Saxo Grammaticus, vol. ii. p. 146. [435.] A. Wuttke, Der deutsche Volksaberglaube2 (Berlin, 1869), p. 110, § 153; J. V. Grohmann, Aberglauben und Gebräuche aus Böhmen und Mähren (Prague and Leipsic, 1864), p. 230, § 1658. [436.] Grimm, Kinder- und Hausmärchen, No. 17; id., Deutsche Sagen2 (Berlin, 1865-1866), No. 132 (vol. i. pp. 174-176); A. Kuhn und W. Schwartz, Norddeutsche Sagen, Märchen und Gebräuche (Leipsic, 1848), p. 154; A. Waldau, Böhmisches Märchenbuch (Prague, 1860), pp. 13 sqq.; Von Alpenburg, Mythen und Sagen Tirols (Zurich, 1857), pp. 302 sqq.; W. von Schulenburg, Wendische Volkssagen und Gebräuche aus dem Spreewald (Leipsic, 1880), p. 96; P. Sébillot, Traditions et Superstitions de la Haute-Bretagne (Paris, 1882), ii. 224; W. Grant Stewart, The Popular Superstitions and Festive Amusements of the Highlanders of Scotland, New Edition (London, 1851), pp. 53, 56; J. F. Campbell, Popular Tales of the West Highlands, New Edition (Paisley and London, 1890), No. 47, vol. ii. pp. 377 sqq.; E. Prym und A. Socin, Syrische Sagen und Maerchen (Göttingen, 1881), pp. 150 sq. On the serpent in relation to the acquisition by men of the language of animals, see further my article, “The Language of Animals,” The Archaeological Review, i. (1888) pp. 166 sqq. Sometimes serpents have been thought to impart a knowledge of the language of animals voluntarily by licking the ears of the seer. See Apollodorus, Bibliotheca, i. 9. 11 sq.; Porphyry, De abstinentia, iii. 4. [437.] A. Leared, Morocco and the Moors (London, 1876), p. 281. [438.] M. Quedenfelt, “Aberglaube und halb-religiöse Bruderschaft bei den Marokkanarn,” Verhandlungen der Berliner Gesellschaft für Anthropologie, Ethnologie und Urgeschichte, 1886, p. 682 (bound up with the Zeitschrift für Ethnologie, xviii. 1886). [439.] H. Vambery, Das Türkenvolk (Leipsic, 1885), p. 218. [440.] Charlevoix, Histoire de la Nouvelle France (Paris, 1744), vi. 8. [441.] P. J. Veth, “De leer der Signatuur,” Internationales Archiv für Ethnographie, vii. (1894) pp. 140 sq. [442.] R. W. Felkin, “Notes on the For Tribe of Central Africa,” Proceedings of the Royal Society of Edinburgh, xiii. (1884-1886) p. 218. [443.] Rev. J. Macdonald, “Manners, Customs, etc., of the South African Tribes,” Journal of the Anthropological Institute, xx. (1891) p. 116; id., Light in Africa (London, 1890), p. 212. Compare Rev. E. Casalis, The Basutos (London, 1861), pp. 257 sq.; Dudley Kidd, The Essential Kafir (London, 1904), p. 309. [444.] Rev. J. Macdonald, in Journal of the Anthropological Institute, xx. (1891) p. 138; id., Light in Africa, p. 220. [445.] H. Schinz, Deutsch Südwest-Afrika (Oldenburg and Leipsic, preface dated 1891), p. 320. [446.] J. Macdonald, “East Central African Customs,” Journal of the Anthropological Institute, xxii. (1893) p. 111. Compare J. Buchanan, The Shire Highlands, p. 138; Sir H. H. Johnston, British Central Africa (London, 1897), p. 438. [447.] A. C. Hollis, The Nandi (Oxford, 1909), p. 27. [448.] Rev. H. Cole, “Notes on the Wagogo of German East Africa,” Journal of the Anthropological Institute, xxxii. (1902) p. 318. [449.] Rev. J. L. Wilson, Western Africa (London, 1856), pp. 167 sq. [450.] A. B. Ellis, The Ewe-speaking Peoples of the Slave Coast (London, 1890), pp. 99 sq. [451.] A. B. Ellis, The Yoruba-speaking Peoples of the Slave Coast (London, 1894), p. 69. [452.] A. Caulin, Historia Coro-graphica natural y evangelica dela Nueva Andalucia (1779), p. 98. [453.] A. de Herrera, General History of the vast Continent and Islands of America, translated by Capt. J. Stevens (London, 1725-1726), vi. 187. [454.] F. de Castelnau, Expédition dans les parties centrales de l'Amérique du Sud (Paris, 1850-1851), iv. 382. [455.] James Adair, History of the American Indians (London, 1775), p. 135. [456.] Rev. J. Roscoe, “Notes on the Manners and Customs of the Baganda,” Journal of the Anthropological Institute, xxxi. (1901) pp. 129 sq.; id., “Further Notes on the Manners and Customs of the Baganda,” Journal of the Anthropological Institute, xxxii. (1902) p. 45. [457.] E. W. Nelson, “The Eskimo about Bering Strait,” Eighteenth Annual Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology, Part i. (Washington, 1899) p. 328. [458.] E. Clement, “Ethnographical Notes on the Western Australian Aborigines,” Internationales Archiv für Ethnographie, xvi. (1904) p. 8. [459.] O. Opigez, “Aperçu général sur la Nouvelle-Calédonie,” Bulletin de la Société de Géographie (Paris), vii. Série, vii. (1886) p. 433. [460.] A. W. Howitt, Native Tribes of South-East Australia (London, 1904), p. 753. [461.] A. W. Howitt, op. cit. p. 752. [462.] S. Gason, in Journal of the Anthropological Institute, xxiv. (1895) p. 172. [463.] Rev. W. Ridley, Kamilaroi (Sydney, 1875), p. 160. [464.] Annales de la Propagation de la Foi, xi. (Lyons, 1838-1839) p. 258. [465.] J. Henderson, “The Medicine and Medical Practice of the Chinese,” Journal of the North China Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, New Series, i. (Shanghai, 1865) pp. 35 sq. [466.] A. C. Kruyt, “Het koppensnellen der Toradja's van Midden-Celebes, en zijne Beteekenis,” Verslagen en Mededeelingen der koninklijke Akademie van Wetenschappen, Afdeeling Letterkunde, Vierde Reeks, iii. (Amsterdam, 1899) p. 201. [467.] N. Adriani en A. C. Kruijt, “Van Posso naar Mori,” Mededeelingen van wege het Nederlandsche Zendelinggenootschap, xliv. (1900) p. 162. [468.] F. Blumentritt, “Der Ahnencultus und die religiösen Anschauungen der Malaien des Philippinen-Archipels,” Mittheilungen der Wiener Geograph. Gesellschaft, 1882, p. 154; id., Versuch einer Ethnographie der Philippinen (Gotha, 1882), p. 32 (Petermann's Mittheilungen, Ergänzungsheft, No. 67). [469.] Ch. Keysser, “Aus dem Leben der Kaileute,” in R. Neuhauss's Deutsch Neu-Guinea, iii. (Berlin, 1911) p. 131. [470.] L. Magyar, Reisen in Süd-Afrika in den Jahren 1849-1857 (Buda-Pesth and Leipsic, 1859), pp. 273-276. [471.] Rev. J. Shooter, The Kafirs of Natal (London, 1857), p. 216. [472.] Rev. H. Callaway, Nursery Tales, Traditions and Histories of the Zulus (Natal and London, 1868), p. 163 note. [473.] A. C. Haddon, “The Ethnography of the Western Tribe of Torres Straits,” Journal of the Anthropological Institute, xix. (1890) p. 414, compare p. 312; Reports of the Cambridge Anthropological Expedition to Torres Straits, v. (Cambridge, 1904) p. 301. [474.] A. C. Haddon, op. cit. p. 420; Reports of the Cambridge Anthropological Expedition to Torres Straits, v. (Cambridge, 1904) pp. 301 sq. [475.] S. J. Hickson, A Naturalist in North Celebes (London, 1889), p. 216. [476.] R. Taylor, Te Ika a Maui, or New Zealand and its Inhabitants, Second Edition (London, 1870), p. 352. Compare ibid. p. 173; W. Ellis, Polynesian Researches, Second Edition (London, 1831-1836), i. 358; J. Dumont D'Urville, Voyage autour du Monde et à la recherche de la Pérouse sur la corvette Astrolabe (Paris, 1832-1833), ii. 547; E. Tregear, “The Maoris of New Zealand,” Journal of the Anthropological Institute, xix. (1890) p. 108. [477.] A. C. Kruyt, “Het koppensnellen der Toradja's van Midden-Celebes, en zijne Beteekenis,” Verslagen en Mededeelingen der koninklijke Akademie van Wetenschappen, Afdeeling Letterkunde, Vierde Reeks, iii. (Amsterdam, 1899) p. 166. [478.] The Spectator, No. 316, March 3, 1712; Gibbon, Decline and Fall, ch. lxvii. [479.] Ph. Paulitschke, Ethnographie Nordost-Afrikas: die geistige Cultur der Danâkil, Galla und Somâl (Berlin, 1896), p. 56. [480.] For examples of the blood-covenant see H. C. Trumbull, The Blood Covenant (London, 1887). The custom is particularly common in Africa. [481.] Rev. J. H. Bernau, Missionary Labours in British Guiana (London, 1847), pp. 57 sq.; R Schomburgk, Reisen in Britisch-Guiana (Leipsic, 1847-1848), ii. 497. [482.] A. C. Hollis, The Nandi (Oxford, 1909), p. 27. [483.] A. G. Leonard, The Lower Niger and its Tribes (London, 1906), pp. 180, 181 sq. [484.] Mrs. Leslie Milne, Shans at Home (London, 1910), p. 192. [485.] The Kukis of north-eastern India believe that the ghost of an animal as well as of a man will haunt its slayer and drive him mad unless he performs a ceremony called ai. For example, a man who has killed a tiger must dress himself up as a woman, put flints into the tiger's mouth, and eat eggs himself, after which he makes a speech to the tiger and gives it three cuts over the head with a sword. During this performance the principal performer must keep perfectly grave. Should he accidentally laugh, he says, “The porcupine laughed,” referring to a real porcupine which he carries in his arms for the purpose. See Lieut.-Colonel J. Shakespeare, “The Kuki-Lushai Clans,” Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute, xxxix. (1909) pp. 380 sq. [486.] J. Dumont D'Urville, Voyage autour du Monde et à la recherche de la Pérouse (Paris, 1832-1833), iii. 305. [487.] Vincenzo Dorsa, La Tradizione greco-latina negli usi e nelle credenze popolari della Calabria Citeriore (Cosenza, 1884), p. 138. [488.] F. de Castelnau, Expédition dans les parties centrales de l'Amérique du Sud (Paris, 1850-1851), iv. 382. [489.] Some of the evidence has already been cited by me in Psyche's Task, pp. 56-58. [490.] A. R. Wallace, Travels on the Amazon and Rio Negro, Second Edition (London, 1889), ch. xvii. pp. 346 sq. [491.] R. Southey, History of Brazil, iii. (London, 1819) p. 722. [492.] R. Southey, op. cit. iii. 204. [493.] A. de Herrera, The General History of the Vast Continent and Islands of America, translated by Capt. John Stevens (London, 1725-1726), iv. 45. [494.] A. Reich und F. Stegelmann, “Bei den Indianern des Urubamba und des Envira,” Globus, lxxxiii. (1903) p. 137. On similar custom practised by the American Indians see further De la Borde, Relation de l'Origine, Mœurs, Coustumes, Religion, Guerres et Voyages des Caraibes Sauvages, p. 37 (forming part of the Recueil de divers Voyages faits en Afrique et en l'Amerique, Paris, 1684); J. F. Lafitau, Mœurs des Sauvages Ameriquains (Paris, 1724), ii. 444-446; A. N. Cabeça de Vaca, Relation et Naufrages (Paris, 1837), p. 109 (in Ternaux Compans' Voyages, Relations et Mémoires originaux pour servir à l'Histoire de la Découverte de l'Amérique); R. Southey, History of Brazil, i. (Second Edition, London, 1822), Supplemental Notes, p. xxxvi.; F. de Castelnau, Expédition dans les parties centrales de l'Amérique du Sud (Paris, 1850-1851), iv. 380; J. G. Müller, Geschichte der amerikanischen Urreligionen (Bâle, 1867), pp. 289 sq.; H. A. Coudreau, La France Équinoxiale (Paris, 1887), ii. 173; Theodor Koch, “Die Anthropophagie der südamerikanischen Indianer,” Internationales Archiv für Ethnographie, xii. (1899) pp. 78-110; Th. Koch-Grünberg, Zwei Jahre unter den Indianern (Berlin, 1909-1910), ii. 152. Some Indians of Guiana rubbed their limbs with water in which the ashes of their dead were mingled. See A. Biet, Voyage de la France Equinoxiale en l'Isle de Cayenne (Paris, 1664), p. 392. [495.] Aulus Gellius, Noctes Atticae, x. 18; Valerius Maximus, iv. 6. 5. [496.] C. Gouldsbury and H. Sheane, The Great Plateau of Northern Rhodesia (London, 1911), p. 55. [497.] See above, p. [154] sqq. [498.] Rev. E. Casalis, The Basutos, (London, 1861), pp. 256 sq. [499.] E. Holub, Sieben Jahre in Süd Afrika (Vienna, 1881), ii. 361. [500.] See above, p. [148]. [501.] J. Macdonald, “Manners, Customs, etc., of South African Tribes,” Journal of the Anthropological Institute, xx. (1891) p. 133. The Barolong, a Bechuana tribe, observe a custom of this sort. See W. Joest, “Bei den Barolong,” Das Ausland, 16th June 1884, p. 464. [502.] Col. Maclean, A Compendium of Kafir Laws and Customs (Cape Town, 1866), p. 82. [503.] Father Porte, “Les reminiscences d'un missionnaire du Basutoland,” Les Missions Catholiques, xxviii. (1896) p. 149. [504.] Dudley Kidd, Savage Childhood (London, 1906), p. 70, compare p. 43. [505.] Lieut. H. Pope-Hennessy, “Notes on the Jukos and other Tribes of the Middle Benue,” Anthropological Reviews and Miscellanea, p. (30); appended to Journal of the Anthropological Institute, xxx. (1900). [506.] Rev. H. Callaway, Religious System of the Amazulu, pp. 380-382. [507.] Col. Maclean, A Compendium of Kafir Laws and Customs (Cape Town, 1866), pp. 83 sq. [508.] Du Tertre, Histoire generale des Isles de S. Christophe, de la Guadeloupe, de la Martinique et autres dans l'Amerique (Paris, 1654), pp. 417 sq.; id., Histoire generale des Antilles (Paris, 1667-1671), ii. 377; Rochefort, Histoire Naturelle et Morale des Iles Antilles2 (Rotterdam, 1665), p. 556. [509.] R. Brough Smith, Aborigines of Victoria (Melbourne and London, 1878), i. p. xxix., ii. 313; A. W. Howitt, Native Tribes of South-East Australia (London, 1904), pp. 367 sqq. [510.] Rev. W. Ridley, Kamilaroi (Sydney, 1875), p. 160. [511.] A. W. Howitt, Native Tribes of South-East Australia (London, 1904), pp. 467, 468. [512.] J. Chalmers and W. W. Gill, Work and Adventure in New Guinea (London, 1885), pp. 130, 265, 308; J. G. F. Riedel, De sluik- en kroesharige rassen tusschen Selebes en Papua (The Hague, 1886), p. 308; Rev. J. Sibree, The Great African Island (London, 1880), p. 241. Other or the same peoples sometimes drink the juices of the decaying bodies of their kinsfolk, doubtless for a similar reason. See Reports of the Cambridge Anthropological Expedition to Torres Straits, vi. (Cambridge, 1906) p. 159; J. Chalmers and W. Gill, op. cit. pp. 27, 265; Ch. Wilkes, Narrative of the United States Exploring Expedition, New Edition (New York, 1851), ii. 139; J. G. F. Riedel, op. cit. p. 267; A. Bastian, Indonesien, ii. (Berlin, 1885) p. 95; id., Die Völker des Ostlichen Asien, v. (Jena, 1869) p. 91; P. J. Veth, Borneo's Westerafdeeling (Zaltbommel, 1854-1856), ii. 270; J. Jacobs, Eenigen Tijd onder de Baliers (Batavia, 1883), p. 53. [513.] Rev. J. L. Wilson, Western Africa (London, 1856), p. 394. [514.] Mgr. Le Roy, “Les Pygmées,” Les Missions Catholiques, xxix. (1897) p. 210. [515.] “Mourning for the Dead among the Digger Indians,” Journal of the Anthropological Institute, iii. (1874) p. 530. [516.] E. H. Man, Aboriginal Inhabitants of the Andaman Islands, p. 66. [517.] Jerome Becker, La Vie en Afrique (Paris and Brussels, 1887), ii. 366. [518.] Th. Koch-Grünberg, Zwei Jahre unter den Indianern (Berlin, 1909-1910), ii. 153. [519.] T. Arbousset et F. Daumas, Voyage d'Exploration au Nord-est de la Colonie du Cap de Bonne-Espérance (Paris, 1842), pp. 349 sq. [520.] Spencer and Gillen, Native Tribes of Central Australia (London, 1899), pp. 204 sq. Men of other totem clans also partake of their totems sacramentally at these Intichiuma ceremonies (Spencer and Gillen, op. cit. pp. 202-206). As to the Intichiuma ceremonies, see The Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings, i. 85 sqq. Another Central Australian mode of communicating qualities by external application is seen in the custom of beating boys on the calves of their legs with the leg-bone of an eagle-hawk; strength is supposed to pass thereby from the bone into the boy's leg. See Spencer and Gillen, op. cit. p. 472; Report on the Work of the Horn Scientific Expedition to Central Australia, Part iv. (London and Melbourne, 1896), p. 180. [521.] Manuscrit Ramirez, Histoire de l'Origine des Indiens qui habitent la Nouvelle Espagne selon leurs traditions, publié par D. Charnay (Paris, 1903), pp. 171-173; J. de Acosta, Natural and Moral History of the Indies (Hakluyt Society, London, 1880), ii. 364-367; E. Seler, Altmexikanische Studien, ii. (Berlin, 1899), pp. 43 sq. (Veröffentlichungen aus dem königlichen Museum für Völkerkunde). [522.] Dudley Kidd, Savage Childhood (London, 1906), pp. 12 sq. [523.] Dudley Kidd, op. cit. pp. 20 sq. [524.] On the custom of eating a god, see also a paper by Felix Liebrecht, “Der aufgegessene Gott,” Zur Volkskunde (Heilbronn, 1879), pp. 436-439; and especially W. R. Smith, article “Sacrifice,” Encyclopaedia Britannica, Ninth Edition, vol. xxi. pp. 137 sq. On wine as the blood of a god, see Taboo and the Perils of the Soul, pp. 248 sqq. [525.] Cicero, De natura deorum, iii. 16. 41. [526.] This does not refer to the Californian peninsula, which is an arid and treeless wilderness of rock and sand. [527.]

Father Geronimo Boscana, “Chinigchinich; a historical account of the origin, customs, and traditions of the Indians at the missionary establishment of St. Juan Capistrano, Alta California,” appended to Alfred Robinson's Life in California (New York, 1846), pp. 291 sq.; H. H. Bancroft, Native Races of the Pacific States, iii. 168. The mission station of San Juan Capistrano is described by R. H. Dana (Two Years before the Mast, chaps. xviii. and xxiv.). A favourable picture of the missions is drawn by H. von Langsdorf (Reise um die Welt, Frankfort, 1812, ii. pp. 134 sqq.), by Duflos de Mofras (“Fragment d'un Voyage en Californie,” Bulletin de la Société de Géographie (Paris), ii. Série, xix. (1843) pp. 9-13), and by a writer (H. H.) in The Century Magazine, May, 1883, pp. 2-18. But the severe discipline of the Spanish monks is noticed by other travellers. We are told that the Indians laboured during the day in the fields to support their Spanish masters, were driven to church twice or thrice a day to hear service in a language which they did not understand, and at night were shut up in crowded and comfortless barracks, without windows and without beds. When the monks desired to make new proselytes, or rather to capture new slaves, they called in the aid of the soldiery, who attacked the Indian villages by night, lassoed the fugitives, and dragged them back at their horses' tails to slavery in the missions. See O. von Kotzebue, Reise um die Welt (Weimar, 1830), ii. 42 sqq.; F. W. Beechey, Narrative of a Voyage to the Pacific and Beering's Strait (London, 1831), ii. chap. i.; A. Schabelski, “Voyage aux colonies russes de l'Amérique,” Bulletin de la Société de Géographie (Paris), ii. Série, iv. (1835) pp. 216-218. A poet has described with prosaic accuracy the pastoral crook by which these good shepherds brought back their strayed lambs to the spiritual fold:—

“Six horses sprang across the level ground
As six dragoons in open order dashed;
Above their heads the lassos circled round,
In every eye a pious fervour flashed;
They charged the camp, and in one moment more
They lassoed six and reconverted four.”

(Bret Harte, Friar Pedro's Ride.)

In the verses inscribed The Angelus, heard at the Mission Dolores, 1868, and beginning

“Bells of the Past, whose long-forgotten music
Still fills the wide expanse,”

the same poet shews that he is not insensible to the poetical side of those old Spanish missions, which have long passed away.