Contents
Pages
Chapter I
Spencer Pratt, Consul-General of the United States at Singapore, in the British Straits Settlements, finding Aguinaldo a political refugee at that place at the outbreak of our war with Spain, April 21, 1898, arranges by cable with Admiral Dewey, then at Hong Kong with his squadron, for Aguinaldo to come to Hong Kong and thence to Manila, to co-operate by land with Admiral Dewey against the Spaniards, Pratt promising Aguinaldo independence, without authority. Mr. Pratt is later quietly separated from the consular service.
Chapter II
[Dewey and Aguinaldo] 16–45
After the battle of Manila Bay, May 1, 1898, Admiral Dewey brings Aguinaldo down from Hong Kong, whither he had proceeded from Singapore, lands him at Cavite, and chaperones his insurrection against the Spaniards until the American troops arrive, June 30th.
Chapter III
[Anderson and Aguinaldo] 46–66
General Anderson’s official dealings with Aguinaldo from June 30, 1898, until General Merritt’s arrival, July 25th,
Chapter IV
[Merritt and Aguinaldo] 67–87
General Merritt’s five weeks’ sojourn in the Islands, from July 25, 1898, to the end of August, including fall of Manila, August 13th, and our relations with Aguinaldo during period indicated.
Chapter V
[Otis and Aguinaldo] 88–106
Dealings and relations between, September–December, 1898.
Chapter VI
[The Wilcox-Sargent Trip] 107–120
Two American naval officers make an extended tour through the interior of Luzon by permission of Admiral Dewey and with Aguinaldo’s consent, in October–November, 1898, while the Paris peace negotiations were in progress. What they saw and learned.
Chapter VII
[The Treaty of Paris] 121–138
An account of the negotiations, October-December, 1898. How we came to pay Spain $20,000,000 for a $200,000,000 insurrection. Treaty signed December 10, 1898.
Chapter VIII
[The Benevolent Assimilation Proclamation] 139–151
President McKinley’s celebrated proclamation of December 21, 1898, cabled out to the Islands, December 27, 1898, after the signing of the Treaty of Paris on the 10th, and intended as a fire-extinguisher, in fact acted merely as a firebrand, the Filipinos perceiving that Benevolent Assimilation meant such measure of slaughter as might be necessary to “spare them from the dangers of” the independence on which they were bent.
Chapter IX
[The Iloilo Fiasco] 152–163
By order of President McKinley, General Otis abstains from hostilities to await Senate action on Treaty of Paris.
Chapter X
[Otis and Aguinaldo] (Continued) 164–185
Still waiting for the Senate to act.
Chapter XI
[Otis and the War] 186–223
Covering the period from the outbreak of February 4, 1899, until the fall of that year.
Chapter XII
[Otis and the War] (Continued) 224–269
From the fall of 1899 to the spring of 1900.
Chapter XIII
[Macarthur and the War] 270–281
Carries the story up to the date of the arrival of the Taft Commission, sent out in the spring of 1900, to help General MacArthur run the war.
Chapter XIV
[The Taft Commission] 282–344
Shows how the Taft Commission, born of the McKinley Benevolent Assimilation theory that there was no real fundamental opposition to American rule, lived up to that theory, in their telegrams sent home during the presidential campaign of 1900, and in 1901 set up a civil government predicated upon their obstinate but opportune delusions of the previous year.
“The papers ’id it ’andsome
But you bet the army knows.”
Chapter XV
[Governor Taft]—1901–2 345–402
Shows the prematurity of a civil government set up under pressure of political expediency, and the disorders which followed.
Chapter XVI
[Governor Taft]—1903 403–436
Shows divers serious insurrections in various provinces amounting to what the Commission itself termed, in one instance, “a reign of terror”—situations so endangering the public safety that to fail to order out the army to quell the disturbances was neglect of plain duty, such neglect being due to a set policy of preserving the official fiction that peace prevailed, and that Benevolent Assimilation was a success.
Chapter XVII
[Governor Taft]—1903 (Continued) 437–445
Shows the essentially despotic, though theoretically benevolent, character of the Taft civil government of the Philippines, and its attitude toward the American business community in the Islands.
Chapter XVIII
[Governor Wright]—1904 446–498
Shows the change of the tone of the government under Governor Taft’s successor, his consequent popularity with his fellow-country men in the Islands, and his corresponding unpopularity with the Filipinos. Shows also a long series of massacres of pacificos by enemies of the American government between July and November, 1904, permitted out of super-solicitude lest ordering out the army and summarily putting a stop to said massacres might affect the presidential election in the United States unfavorably to Mr. Roosevelt, by reviving the notion that neither the Roosevelt Administration nor its predecessor had ever been frank with the country concerning the state of public order in the Islands.
Chapter XIX
[Governor Wright]—1905 499–514
Shows the prompt ordering of the army to the scene of the disturbances after the presidential election of 1904 was safely over, and the nature and extent of the insurrections of 1905.
Chapter XX
[Governor Ide]—1906 515–523
Describes the last outbreak prior to the final establishment of a state of general and complete peace.
Chapter XXI
[Governor Smith]—1907–9 524–557
Describes divers matters, including a certificate made March 28, 1907, declaring that a state of general and complete peace had prevailed for the two years immediately the preceding. Describes also the formal opening of First Philippine Assembly by Secretary of War Taft in October, 1907, and his final announcement to them that he had no authority to end the uncertainty concerning their future which is the corner-stone of the Taft policy of Indefinite Tutelage, and that Congress only could end that uncertainty.
Chapter XXII
[Governor Forbes]—1909–12 558–570
Suggests the hypocrisy of boasting about “the good we are doing” the Filipinos when predatory special interests are all the while preying upon the Philippine people even more shamelessly than they do upon the American people, and by the same methods, viz.: legislation placed or kept on the statute-books of the United States for their special benefit, the difference being that the American people can help themselves if they will, but the Philippine people cannot.
Chapter XXIII
[“Non-Christian” Worcester] 571–586
Professor Worcester, the P. T. Barnum of the “non-Christian tribe” industry, and his menagerie of certain rare and interesting wild tribes still extant in the Islands, specimens of which you saw at the St. Louis Exposition of 1903–4; by which device the American people have been led to believe the Igorrotes, Negritos, etc., to be samples of the Filipino people.
Chapter XXIV
[The Philippine Civil Service] 587–594
Showing how imperatively simple justice demands that Americans, who go out to enter the Philippine Civil Service should, after a tour of duty out there, be entitled, as matter of right, to be transferred back to the Civil Service in the United States, instead of being left wholly dependent on political influence to “place” them after their final return home.
Chapter XXV
[Cost of the Philippines] 595–603
In life, and money, together with certain consolatory reflections thereon.
Chapter XXVI
[Congressional Legislation] 604–622
Showing how a small group of American importers of Manila hemp—hemp being to the Philippines what cotton is to the South—have so manipulated the Philippine hemp industry as to depress the market price of the main source of wealth of the Islands below the cost of production; also other evils of taxation without representation.
Chapter XXVII
[The Rights of Man] 623–632
Industrial slavery to predatory interests and physical slavery compared.
Chapter XXVIII
[The Road to Autonomy] 633–646
Shows how entirely easy would be the task of evolving the American Ireland we have laid up for ourselves in the Philippines into complete Home Rule by 1921, the date proposed for Philippine independence in the pending Jones bill, introduced in the House of Representatives in March, 1912.
Chapter XXIX
[The Way Out] 647–655
Shows how, by neutralization treaties with the other powers, as proposed in many different resolutions, of both Republican and Democratic origin, now pending in Congress, whereby the other powers should agree not to annex the Islands after we give them their independence, the Philippines can be made permanently neutral territory in Asiatic politics exactly as both Switzerland and Belgium have been for nearly a hundred years in European politics.
[Index] 657