THE ARAPAHO

TRIBAL SYNONYMY

Ähyä′to—Kiowa name; meaning unknown; the Kiowa call the wild plum by the same name.

Ano′s-anyotskano—Kichai name.

Ärä′păho—popular name; derivation uncertain; but, perhaps, as Dunbar suggests, from the Pawnee word tirapihu or larapĭhu, “he buys or trades,” in allusion to the Arapaho having formerly been the trading medium between the Pawnee, Osage, and others on the north, and the Kiowa, Comanche, and others to the southwest (Grinnell letter).

Äräpăkata—Crow name, from word Arapaho.

Bĕtidĕĕ—Kiowa Apache name.

Detseka′yaa—Caddo name, “dog eaters.”

Hitäniwo′ĭv—Cheyenne name, “cloud men.”

Inûna-ina—proper tribal name, “our people,” Or “people of our kind.”

Kaninahoic or Kanină′vish—Ojibwa name; meaning unknown.

Komse′ka-K̔iñahyup—former Kiowa name; “men of the worn-out leggings;” from komse′, “smoky, soiled, worn out;” kati, “leggings;” k̔̔iñahyup, “men.”

Maqpi′ăto—Sioux name, “blue cloud,” i. e., clear sky; reason unknown.

Niă′rharĭ′s-kûrikiwă′s-hûski—Wichita name.

Sani′ti′ka—Pawnee name, from the Comanche name.

Särĕtĭka—Comanche and Shoshoni name, “dog eaters,” in allusion to their special liking for dog flesh.

Sarĕtika—Wichita name, from the Comanche name.

TRIBAL SIGNS

Southern Arapaho, “rub noses;” northern Arapaho, “mother people;” Gros Ventres of the Prairie, “belly people.”

SKETCH OF THE TRIBE

The Arapaho, with their subtribe, the Gros Ventres, are one of the westernmost tribes of the wide-extending Algonquian stock. According to their oldest traditions they formerly lived in northeastern Minnesota and moved westward in company with the Cheyenne, who at that time lived on the Cheyenne fork of Red river. From the earliest period the two tribes have always been closely confederated, so that they have no recollection of a time when they were not allies. In the westward migration the Cheyenne took a more southerly direction toward the country of the Black hills, while the Arapaho continued more nearly westward up the Missouri. The Arapaho proper probably ascended on the southern side of the river, while the Gros Ventres went up the northern bank and finally drifted off toward the Blackfeet, with whom they have ever since been closely associated, although they have on several occasions made long visits, extending sometimes over several years, to their southern relatives, by whom they are still regarded as a part of the “Inûna-ina.” The others continued on to the great divide between the waters of the Missouri and those of the Columbia, then turning southward along the mountains, separated finally into two main divisions, the northern Arapaho continuing to occupy the head streams of the Missouri and the Yellowstone, in Montana and Wyoming, while the southern Arapaho made their camps on the head of the Platte, the Arkansas, and the Canadian, in Colorado and the adjacent states, frequently joining the Comanche and Kiowa in their raids far down into Mexico. From their earliest recollection, until put on reservations, they have been at war with the Shoshoni, Ute, Pawnee, and Navaho, but have generally been friendly with their other neighbors. The southern Arapaho and Cheyenne have usually acted in concert with the Comanche, Kiowa, and Kiowa Apache.

They recognize among themselves five original divisions, each having a different dialect. They are here given in the order of their importance:

1. Na′kasinĕ′na, Ba′achinĕna or Northern Arapaho. Nakasinĕna, “sagebrush men,” is the original name of this portion of the tribe and the divisional name used by themselves. The name Baachinĕna, by which they are commonly known to the rest of the tribe, is more modern and may mean “red willow (i. e., kinikinik) men,” or possibly “blood-pudding men,” the latter meaning said to have been an allusion to a kind of sausage formerly made by this band. They are commonly known as northern Arapaho, to distinguish them from the other large division living now in Oklahoma. The Kiowa distinguished them as Tägyä′ko, “sagebrush people,” a translation of their proper name, Baachinĕna. Although not the largest division, the Baachinĕna claim to be the “mother people” of the Arapaho, and have in their keeping the grand medicine of the tribe, the sĕicha or sacred pipe.

2. Na′wunĕna, “southern men,” or Southern Arapaho, called Nawathi′nĕha, “southerners,” by the northern Arapaho. This latter is said to be the archaic form. The southern Arapaho, living now in Oklahoma, constitute by far the larger division, although subordinate in the tribal sociology to the northern Arapaho. In addition to their everyday dialect, they are said to have an archaic dialect, some words of which approximate closely to Cheyenne.

3. Aä′ninĕna, Hitu′nĕna, or Gros Ventres of the Prairie. The first name, said to mean “white clay people” (from aäti, “white clay”), is that by which they call themselves. Hitunĕna or Hitunĕnina, “begging men,” “beggars,” or, more exactly, “spongers,” is the name by which they are called by the other Arapaho, on account, as these latter claim, of their propensity for filling their stomachs at the expense of someone else. The same idea is intended to be conveyed by the tribal sign, which signifies “belly people,” not “big bellies” (Gros Ventres), as rendered by the French Canadian trappers. The Kiowa call them Bot-k̔iñ′ago, “belly men.” By the Shoshoni, also, they are known as Sä′pani, “bellies,” while the Blackfeet call them Atsina, “gut people.” The Ojibwa call them Bahwetegow-ēninnewug, “fall people,” according to Tanner, whence they have sometimes been called Fall Indians or Rapid Indians, from their former residence about the rapids of the Saskatchewan. To the Sioux they are known as Sku′tani. Lewis and Clark improperly call them “Minnetarees of Fort de Prairie.” The Hidatsa or Minitari are sometimes known as Gros Ventres of the Missouri.

4. Bä′sawunĕ′na, “wood lodge men,” or, according to another authority, “big lodge people.” These were formerly a distinct tribe and at war with the other Arapaho. They are represented as having been a very foolish people in the old times, and many absurd stories are told of them, in agreement with the general Indian practice of belittling conquered or subordinate tribes. They have been incorporated with the northern Arapaho for at least a hundred and fifty years, according to the statements of the oldest men of that band. Their dialect is said to have differed very considerably from the other Arapaho dialects. There are still about one hundred of this lineage among the northern Arapaho, and perhaps a few others with the two other main divisions. Weasel Bear, the present keeper of the sacred pipe, is of the Bäsawunĕna.

5. Ha’nahawunĕna or Aanû’hawă (meaning unknown). These, like the Bäsawunĕna, lived with the northern Arapaho, but are now practically extinct.

There seems to be no possible trace of a clan or gentile system among the Arapaho, and the same remark holds good of the Cheyenne, Kiowa, and Comanche. It was once assumed that all Indian tribes had the clan system, but later research shows that it is lacking over wide areas in the western territory. It is very doubtful if it exists at all among the prairie tribes generally. Mr Ben Clark, who has known and studied the Cheyenne for half a lifetime, states positively that they have no clans, as the term is usually understood. This agrees with the result of personal investigations and the testimony of George Bent, a Cheyenne half-blood, and the best living authority on all that relates to his tribe. With the eastern tribes, however, and those who have removed from the east or the timbered country, as the Caddo, the gentile system is so much a part of their daily life that it is one of the first things to attract the attention of the observer.

In regard to the tribal camping circle, common to most of the prairie tribes, the Arapaho state that on account of their living in three main divisions they have had no common camping circle within their recollection, but that each of these three divisions constituted a single circle when encamped in one place.

Among the northern Arapaho, on the occasion of every grand gathering, the sacred pipe occupied a special large tipi in the center of the circle, and the taking down of this tipi by the medicine keeper was the signal to the rest of the camp to prepare to move. On the occasion of a visit of several hundred Cheyenne and Arapaho to the Kiowa and Comanche at Anadarko, in the summer of 1892, each of the visiting tribes camped in a separate circle adjacent to the other. The opening of the circle, like the door of each tipi, always faces the east.

Under the name of Kanenăvish the Arapaho proper are mentioned by Lewis and Clark in 1805, as living southwest of the Black hills. As a tribe they have not been at war with the whites since 1868, and took no part in the outbreak of the Cheyenne, Kiowa, and Comanche in 1874. At present they are in three main divisions. First come the Gros Ventres, numbering 718 in 1892, associated with the Asiniboin on Fort Belknap reservation in Montana. There are probably others of this band with the Blackfeet on the British side of the line. Next come the northern Arapaho, numbering 829, associated with the Shoshoni on Wind River reservation in Wyoming. They were placed on this reservation in 1876, after having made peace with the Shoshoni, their hereditary enemy, in 1869. They are divided into three bands, the “Forks of the River Men” under Black Coal, the head chief of the whole division; the “Bad Pipes” under Short Nose, and the “Greasy Faces” under Spotted Horse. The third division, the southern Arapaho, associated with the Cheyenne in Oklahoma, constitute the main body of the tribe and numbered 1,091 in 1892. They have five bands: 1, Wa′quithi, “bad faces,” the principal band and the one to which the head chief, Left Hand, belongs; 2, Aqa′thinĕ′na, “pleasant men;” 3, Gawunĕ′na or Ga′wunĕhäna (Kawinahan, “black people”—Hayden), “Blackfeet,” so called because said to be of part Blackfoot blood, the same name being applied to the Blackfoot tribe; 4, Ha′qihana, “wolves,” because they had a wolf (not coyote) for medicine; 5, Säsa′bä-ithi, “looking up,” or according to another authority, “looking around, i. e., watchers or lookouts.” Under the treaty of Medicine Lodge in 1867, they and the southern Cheyenne were placed on the reservation which they sold in 1890 to take allotments and become citizens. Their present chief is Left Hand (Nawat), who succeeded the celebrated Little Raven (Hosa) a few years ago. The whole number of the Arapaho and Gros Ventres, including a few in eastern schools, is about 2,700.

Fig. 88—Arapaho tipi and windbreak.

Until very recently the Arapaho have been a typical prairie tribe, living in skin tipis and following the buffalo in its migrations, yet they retain a tradition of a time when they were agricultural. They are of a friendly, accommodating disposition, religious and contemplative, without the truculent, pugnacious character that belongs to their confederates, the Cheyenne, although they have always proven themselves brave warriors. They are also less mercenary and more tractable than the prairie Indians generally, and having now recognized the inevitable of civilization have gone to work in good faith to make the best of it. Their religious nature has led them to take a more active interest in the Ghost dance, which, together with the rhythmic character of their language, has made the Arapaho songs the favorite among all the tribes of Oklahoma. The chief study of the Ghost dance was made among the Arapaho, whom the author visited six times for this purpose. One visit was made to those in Wyoming, the rest of the time being spent with the southern branch of the tribe.

SONGS OF THE ARAPAHO

1. Opening Song—Eyehe′! nä′nisa′na.

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Eyehe′! nä′nisa′na,

Hi′nä chä′să′ äticha′nĭ′na He′eye′!

Na′hăni nä′nithä′tuhŭ′na He′eye′!

Bi′taa′wu′ da′naa′bäna′wa He′eye′!

Translation

O, my children! O, my children!

Here is another of your pipes—He′eye′!

Look! thus I shouted—He′eye′!

When I moved the earth—He′eye′!

This opening song of the Arapaho Ghost dance originated among the northern Arapaho in Wyoming and was brought down to the southern branch of the tribe by the first apostles of the new religion. By “another pipe” is probably meant the newer revelation of the messiah, the pipe being an important feature of all sacred ceremonies, and all their previous religious tradition, having centered about the sĕicha or flat pipe, to be described hereafter. The pipe, however, was not commonly carried in the dance, as was the case among the Sioux. In this song, as in many others of the Ghost dance, the father or messiah, Hesûna′nin, is supposed to be addressing “my children,” nänisa′na. The tune is particularly soft and pleasing, and the song remains a standard favorite. The second reference is to the new earth which is supposed to be already moving rapidly forward to slide over and take the place of this old and worn-out creation.

2. Sĕ′icha hei′ta′wuni′na

Sĕ′icha′ hei′ta′wuni′na—E′yahe′eye,

Sĕ′icha′ hei′ta′wuni′na—E′yahe′eye.

He′sûna′nini—Yahe′eye′,

He′sûna′nini—Yahe′eye′.

Ûtnitha′wuchä′wahănänina—E′yahe′eye′,

Ûtnitha′wuchä′wahănänina—E′yahe′eye′.

He′sana′nini—E′yahe′eye,

He′sana′nini—E′yahe′eye.

Translation

The sacred pipe tells me—E′yahe′eye!

Our father—Yahe′eye′!

We shall surely be put again (with our friends)—E′yahe′eye!

Our father—E′yahe′eye!

The sĕicha or flat pipe is the sacred tribal medicine of the Arapaho. According to the myth it was given to their ancestors at the beginning of the world after the Turtle had brought the earth up from under the water. It was delivered to them by the Duck, which was discovered swimming about on the top of the water after the emergence of the land. At the same time they were given an ear of corn, from which comes all the corn of the world. The Arapaho lost the art of agriculture when they came out upon the buffalo plains, but the sacred pipe the Turtle long since changed to stone, and the first ear of corn, also transformed to stone, they have cherished to this day as their great medicine. The pipe, turtle, and ear of corn are preserved among the northern Arapaho in Wyoming, who claim to be the “mother people” of the tribe. They are handed down in the keeping of a particular family from generation to generation, the present priestly guardian being Se′hiwûq, “Weasel Bear” (from sea, weasel, and wûq, bear; the name has also been rendered “Gray Bear,” from se, gray, and wûq, bear), of the Bäsawunĕ′na division.

The three sacred things are preserved carefully wrapped in deerskins, and are exposed only on rare occasions, always within the sacred tipi and in the presence of but a small number of witnesses, who take this opportunity to smoke the sacred pipe and pray for the things which they most desire. The pipe itself is of stone, and is described as apparently made in double, one part being laid over the other like the bark of a tree, the outer part of both bowl and stem being of the regular red pipestone, while the inner part of both is of white stone. The stem is only about 10 inches long, while the bowl is large and heavy, with the characteristic projection for resting the end upon the ground. Both bowl and stem are rounded, but with a flange of perhaps an inch in width along each side of the stem and up along the bowl. From this comes its name of sĕicha, or “flat pipe.” When exposed on such occasions, the devotees sit around the fire in a circle, when the bundle is opened upon the ground so that all may see the sacred objects. The medicine keeper then lights the pipe and after taking one or two whiffs passes it to the one next him, who takes a single whiff and passes it on to the next. It thus goes sunwise (?) around the circle. In taking the sĕicha the devotees do not grasp the stem, as when smoking on other occasions, but receive it upon the outstretched palm of the right hand, smoke, and pass it on around the circle. The flanges along the side of the pipe allow it to rest flat upon the hand. After all have smoked, the priest recites the genesis myth of the origin of the land, and the manner in which the pipe and the corn were given to their ancestors. The corresponding myth of the Cheyenne occupies “four smokes” (i. e., four consecutive nights) in the delivery, but I am unable to state whether or not this is the case with the Arapaho. So sacred is this tradition held that no one but the priest of the pipe dares to recite it, for fear of divine punishment should the slightest error be made in the narration. At the close of the recital the devotees send up their prayers for the blessings of which they stand most in need, after which the priest again carefully wraps up the sacred objects in the skins. Before leaving the lodge the worshipers cover the bundle with their offerings of blankets or other valuables, which are taken by the medicine keeper as his fee.

When encamped in the tribal circle, the sacred pipe and its keeper occupied a large tipi, reserved especially for this purpose, which was set up within the circle and near its western line, directly opposite the doorway on the east. In the center of the circle, between the doorway and the sacred tipi, was erected the sweat-house of the Chi′nachichinĕ′na or old men of the highest degree of the warrior order. The taking down of the sacred tipi by the attendants of the pipe keeper was the signal for moving camp, and no other tipi was allowed to be taken down before it. When on the march, the pipe keeper proceeded on foot—never on horse—carrying the sacred bundle upon his back and attended by a retinue of guards. As a matter of course, the sacred pipe was not carried by war parties or on other expeditions requiring celerity of movement. Of late years the rules have so far relaxed that its present guardian sometimes rides on horseback while carrying the pipe, but even then he carries the bundle upon his own back instead of upon the saddle. He never rides in a wagon with it. Since the tribe is permanently divided under the modern reservation system, individuals or small parties of the southern Arapaho frequently make the long journey by railroad and stage to the reservation in Wyoming in order to see and pray over the sĕicha, as it is impossible, on account of the ceremonial regulations, for the keeper to bring it down to them in the south.

So far as known, only one white man, Mr J. Roberts, formerly superintendent of the Arapaho school in Wyoming, has ever seen the sacred pipe, which was shown to him on one occasion by Weasel Bear as a special mark of gratitude in return for some kindness. After having spent several months among the southern Arapaho, from whom I learned the songs of the pipe with much as to its sacred history, I visited the messiah in Nevada and then went to the northern Arapaho in Wyoming, with great hope of seeing the sĕicha and hearing the tradition in full. On the strength of my intimate acquaintance with their relatives in the south and with their great messiah in the west, the chiefs and head-men were favorable to my purpose and encouraged me to hope, but on going out to the camp in the mountains, where nearly the whole tribe was then assembled cutting wood, my hopes were dashed to the ground the first night by hearing the old priest, Weasel Bear, making the public announcement in a loud voice throughout the camp that a white man was among them to learn about their sacred things, but that these belonged to the religion of the Indian and a white man had no business to ask about them. The chief and those who had been delegates to the messiah came in soon after to the tipi where I was stopping, to express their deep regret, but they were unable to change the resolution of Weasel Bear, and none of themselves would venture to repeat the tradition.

3. Ate′bĕ tiăwu′nănu′

Ate′bĕ tiăwu′nănu′, nä′nisa′nă,

Ni′athu′ă′, Ni′athu′ă′,

Ni′binu′ ga′awa′ti′na,

Ni′binu′ ga′awa′ti′na.

Translation

My children, when at first I liked the whites,

I gave them fruits,

I gave them fruits.

This song referring to the whites was composed by Nawat or Left Hand, chief of the southern Arapaho, and can hardly be considered dangerous or treasonable in character. According to his statement, in his trance vision of the other world the father showed him extensive orchards, telling him that in the beginning all these things had been given to the whites, but that hereafter they would be given to his children, the Indians. Nia′tha, plural Nia′thuă, the Arapaho name for the whites, signifies literally, expert, skillful, or wise.

4. A′bä′ni′hi′

A′bä′ni′hi′,

Ätichä′bi′näsänă,

Chi′chita′nĕ,

Chi′chita′nĕ.

Translation

My partner, my partner,

Let us go out gambling,

At chi′chita′nĕ, at chi′chita′nĕ.

Chi′chita′nĕ is a favorite game of contest with the boys, in which the player, while holding in his hands a bow and an arrow ready to shoot, keeps in the hand which grasps the string a small wisp of grass bound with sinew. He lets this drop and tries to shoot it with the arrow before it touches the ground. The wisp is about the size of a man’s finger.

The song came from the north, and was suggested by a trance vision in which the dreamer saw his former boy friends playing this game in the spirit world.

5. A′-nisûna′a′hu Ächĭshinĭ′qahi′na

A′-nisûna′a′hu′,

Ä′chĭshinĭ′qahi′na,

E′hihä′sina′kăwu′hu′nĭt,

E′hihä′sina′kăwu′hu′nĭt.

Translation

My father, my father,

While he was taking me around,

He turned into a moose,

He turned into a moose.

This song relates the trance experience of Waqui′si or “Ugly Face Woman.” In his vision of the spirit world he went into a large Arapaho camp, where he met his dead father, who took him around to the various tipis to meet others of his departed friends. While they were thus going about, a change came o’er the spirit of his dream, as so often happens in this fevered mental condition, and instead of his father he found a moose standing by his side. Such transformations are frequently noted in the Ghost-dance songs.

PL. CXX

ARAPAHO BED

6. E′yehe′! Wû′nayu′uhu′

E′yehe′! Wû′nayu′uhu′—

A′ga′nă′,

A′ga′nă′.

Translation

E′yehe′! they are new—

The bed coverings,

The bed coverings.

The composer of this song is a woman who, in her trance, was taken to a large camp where all the tipis were of clean new buffalo skins, and the beds and interior furniture were all in the same condition.

Fig. 89—Bed of the prairie tribes.

Fig. 90—Shinny stick and ball.

Fig. 91—Wakuna or head-feathers.

The bed of the prairie tribes is composed of slender willow rods, peeled, straightened with the teeth, laid side by side and fastened together into a sort of mat by means of buckskin or rawhide strings passed through holes at the ends of the rods. The bed is stretched upon a platform raised about a foot above the ground, and one end of the mat is raised up in hammock fashion by means of a tripod and buckskin hanger. The rods laid across the platform, forming the bed proper, are usually about 3½ or 4 feet long (the width of the bed), while those forming the upright part suspended from the tripod are shorter as they approach the top, where they are only about half that length. The bed is bordered with buckskin binding fringed and beaded, and the exposed rods are painted in bright colors. The hanging portion is distinct from the part resting upon the platform, and in some cases there is a hanger at each end of the bed. Over the platform portion are spread the buckskins and blankets, which form a couch by day and a bed by night. A pillow of buckskin, stuffed with buffalo hair and elaborately ornamented with beads or porcupine quills, is sometimes added. The bed is placed close up under the tipi. In the largest tipis there are usually three beds, one being opposite the doorway and the others on each side, the fire being built in a hole scooped out in the ground in the center of the lodge. They are used as seats during waking hours, while the ground, with a rawhide spread upon it, constitutes the only table at meal time ([plate cxxi]; [figure 89]). In going to bed there is no undressing, each person as he becomes sleepy simply stretching out and drawing a blanket over himself, head and all, while the other occupants of the tipi continue their talking, singing, or other business until they too lie down to pleasant dreams.

7. Hi′sähi′hi

Hi′sähi′hi, Hi′sähi′hi,

Ha′nä ta′wŭnä ga′awă′ha,

Ha′nä ta′wŭnä ga′awă′ha.

A′tanä′tähinä′na,

A′tanä′tähinä′na.

Translation

My partner! My partner!

Strike the ball hard—

Strike the ball hard.

I want to win,

I want to win.

This song refers to the woman’s game of gû‛gă′hawa′t or “shinny,” played with curved sticks and a ball like a baseball, called gaawă′ha, made of (buffalo) hair and covered with buckskin ([figure 90]). Two stakes are set up as goals at either end of the ground, and the object of each party is to drive the ball through the goals of the other. Each inning is a game. The song was composed by a woman, who met her former girl comrade in the spirit world and played this game with her against an opposing party.

8. Ä′-nani′ni′bi′nä′si waku′na

Nä′nisa′na, Nä′nisa′na,

Ä′-nani′ni′bi′nä′si waku′na,

Ä′-nani′ni′bi′nä′si waku′na.

Nä′nisa′na, Nä′nisa′na.

Translation

My children, my children,

The wind makes the head-feathers sing—

The wind makes the head-feathers sing.

My children, my children.

By the wakuna or head-feathers ([figure 91]) is meant the two crow feathers mounted on a short stick and worn on the head by the leaders of the dance, as already described.

9. He′! Näne′th bi′shiqa′wă

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He′! näne′th bi′shiqa′wă,

Nä′nisa′na, Nä′nisa′na,

Nä′ina′ha′tdä′bä′naq,

Nä′ina′ha′tdä′bä′naq.

Translation

He! When I met him approaching—

My children, my children—

I then saw the multitude plainly,

I then saw the multitude plainly.

This song was brought from the north to the southern Arapaho by Sitting Bull. It refers to the trance vision of a dancer, who saw the messiah advancing at the head of all the spirit army. It is an old favorite, and is sung with vigor and animation.

10. Häna′na′wunănu ni′tawu′na′na′

Nä′nisa′na, nä′nisa′na,

Häna′na′wunănu ni′tawu′na′na′,

Di′chin niănita′wa′thi,

Di′chin niănita′wa′thi.

Nithi′na hesûna′nĭn,

Nithi′na hesûna′nĭn.

Translation

My children, my children,

I take pity on those who have been taught,

Because they push on hard,

Because they push on hard.

Says our father,

Says our father.

This is a message from the messiah to persevere in the dance. In the expressive idiom of the prairie tribes, as also in the sign language, the term for persevering signifies to “push hard.”

11. A-ni′qu wa′wanä′nibä′tia′

A-ni′qu wa′wanä′nibä′tia′—Hi′ni′ni′!

Hi′niqa′agayetu′sa,

Hi′ni ni′nitu′sa nibä′tia—Hi′ni′ni′!

Translation

Father, now I am singing it—Hi′ni′ni!

That loudest song of all,

That loudest song of all—

That resounding song—Hi′ni′ni!

This is another of the old favorites. The rolling effect of the vocalic Arapaho syllables renders it particularly sonorous when sung by a full chorus. Ni′qa or a-ni′qu, “father,” is a term of reverential affection, about equivalent to “our father” in the Lord’s prayer. The ordinary word is hesûna′nin, from nisû′na, “my father.”

12. Ha′yana′-usi′ya′

Ha′yana′-usi′ya′!

Bi′ga ta′cha′wagu′na,

Bi′ga ta′cha′wagu′na.

Translation

How bright is the moonlight!

Tonight as I ride with my load of buffalo beef,

Tonight as I ride with my load of buffalo beef.

The author of this song, on meeting his friends in the spirit world, found them preparing to go on a great buffalo hunt, the prairies of the new earth being covered with the countless thousands of buffalo that have been swept from the plains since the advent of the white man. They returned to camp at night, under the full moonlight, with their ponies loaded down with fresh beef. There is something peculiarly touching in this dream of the old life—this Indian heaven where—

“In meadows wet with moistening dews,

In garments for the chase arrayed,

The hunter still the deer pursues—

The hunter and the deer a shade.”

13. Ha′ti ni′bät—E′he′eye′

Ha′ti ni′bät—E′he′eye′!

Nä′nibä′tawa′,

He′yäya′ahe′ye!

Translation

The cottonwood song—E′he′eye′!

I am singing it,

He′yäya′ahe′ye!

The cottonwood (Populus monilifera) is the most characteristic tree of the plains and of the arid region between the Rockies and the Sierras. It is a species of poplar and takes its name from the white downy blossom fronds, resembling cotton, which come out upon it in the spring. The cottonwood and a species of stunted oak, with the mesquite in the south, are almost the only trees to be found upon the great plains extending from the Saskatchewan southward into Texas. As it never grows out upon the open, but always close along the borders of the few streams, it is an unfailing indication of water either on or near the surface, in a region well-nigh waterless. Between the bark and the wood there is a sweet milky juice of which the Indians are very fond—as one who had been educated in the east said, “It is their ice cream”—and they frequently strip off the bark and scrape the trunk in order to procure it. Horses also are fond of this sweet juice, and in seasons when the grass has been burned off or is otherwise scarce, the Indian ponies sometimes resort to the small twigs and bark of the cottonwood to sustain life. In extreme cases their owners have sometimes been driven to the same shift. In winter the camps of the prairie tribes are removed from the open prairie to the shelter of the cottonwood timber along the streams. The tree is held almost sacred, and the sun-dance lodge is usually or always constructed of cottonwood saplings.

14. Eyehe′! A′nie′sa′na

Eyehe′! A′nie′sa′na′,

He′ee′ä′ehe′yuhe′yu!

A′-baha′ ni′esa′na′,

A′-baha′ ni′esa′na′.

Translation

Eyehe′! The young birds,

He′ee′ä′ehe′yuhe′yu!

The young Thunderbirds,

The young Thunderbirds.

Among the Algonquian tribes of the east, the Sioux, Cheyenne, Arapaho, Kiowa, Comanche, and prairie tribes generally, as well as among those of the northwest coast and some parts of Mexico, thunder and lightning are produced by a great bird, whose shadow is the thunder cloud, whose flapping wings make the sound of thunder, and whose flashing eyes rapidly opening or closing send forth the lightning. Among some tribes of the northwest this being is not a bird, but a giant who puts on a dress of bird skin with head, wings, and all complete, by means of which he flies through the air when in search of his prey. The myth is not found among the Iroquois or the Cherokee, or, perhaps, among the Muskhogean tribes.

The Thunderbird usually has his dwelling on some high mountain or rocky elevation of difficult access. Within the territory of the myth several places are thus designated as the Thunder’s Nest. Thunder bay of Lake Huron, in lower Michigan, derives its name in this way. Such a place, known to the Sioux as Waqkiñ′a-oye′, “The Thunder’s Nest,” is within the old territory of the Sisseton Sioux in eastern South Dakota in the neighborhood of Big Stone lake. At another place, near the summit of the Coteau des Prairies, in eastern South Dakota, a number of large round bowlders are pointed out as the eggs of the Thunderbird. According to the Comanche there is a place on upper Red river where the Thunderbird once alighted on the ground, the spot being still identified by the fact that the grass remains burned off over a space having the outline of a large bird with outstretched wings. The same people tell how a hunter once shot and wounded a large bird which fell to the ground. Being afraid to attack it alone on account of its size, he returned to camp for help, but on again approaching the spot the hunters heard the thunder rolling and saw flashes of lightning shooting out from the ravine where the bird lay wounded. On coming nearer, the lightning blinded them so that they could not see the bird, and one flash struck and killed a hunter. His frightened companions then fled back to camp, for they knew it was the Thunderbird.

Fig. 92—The Thunderbird.

With both Cheyenne and Arapaho the thunder (ba′a′) is a large bird, with a brood of smaller ones, and carries in its talons a number of arrows with which it strikes the victim of lightning. For this reason they call the eagle on our coins baa. When it thunders, they say ba′a′ nänitŭ′hut, “the thunder calls.” In Indian pictography the Thunderbird is figured with zigzag lines running out from its heart to represent the lightning. A small figure of it (represented in [figure 92]), cut from rawhide and ornamented with beads, is frequently worn on the heads of the dancers.

15. A′he′sûna′nini năya′qûti′hi

A′he′sûna′nini năya′qûti′hi,

Hä′ni′nihiga′hŭna′,

He′sûna′nin hä′ni na′ha′waŭ′.

Translation

Our father, the Whirlwind,

Our father, the Whirlwind—

By its aid I am running swiftly,

By which means I saw our father,

By which means I saw our father.

The idea expressed in this song is that the dreamer “rides the whirlwind” in order sooner to meet the messiah and the spirit hosts. Father or grandfather are terms of reverence and affection, applied to anything held sacred or awful.

16. A′he′sûna′nini năya′qûti′

A′he′sûna′nini năya′qûti′,

Wa′wă chä′niĭ′nagu′nĭti hu′na,

Wa′wă chä′niĭ′nagu′nĭti hu′na.

Translation

Our father, the Whirlwind,

Now wears the headdress of crow feathers,

Now wears the headdress of crow feathers.

In this song the Whirlwind, personified, wears on his head the two crow feathers, by which the dancers are to be borne upward to the new spirit world.

17. Ninaä′niahu′na

Ninaä′niahu′na,

Ninaä′niahu′na

Bi′taa′wu hä′näi′säĭ,

Hi′năä′thi nä′niwu′hună,

Hi′năä′thi nä′niwu′hună.

Translation

I circle around—

I circle around

The boundaries of the earth,

The boundaries of the earth—

Wearing the long wing feathers as I fly,

Wearing the long wing feathers as I fly.

This song probably refers to the Thunderbird. There is an energetic swing to the tune that makes it a favorite. In Indian belief the earth is a circular disk, usually surrounded on all sides by water, and the sky is a solid concave hemisphere coming down at the horizon to the level of the earth. In Cherokee and other Indian myth the sky is continually lifting up and coming down again to the earth, like the upper blade of the scissors. The sun, which lives upon the outside of this hemisphere, comes through from the east in the morning while there is a momentary opening between the earth and the edge of the sky, climbs along upon the underside of the sky from east to west, and goes out at the western horizon in the evening, to return during the night to its starting point in the east.

18. Ha′nahawu′nĕn bĕni′ni′na

Ha′nahawu′nĕn bĕni′ni′na,

Hina′wûn ga′na′ni′na,

Hina′wûn ga′na′ni′na.

Translation

The Hanahawunĕn gave to me,

His paint—He made me clean,

His paint—He made me clean.

The author of this song met in the spirit world a man of the now extinct Arapaho band of the Hanahawunĕna, who washed the face of the visitor and then painted him afresh with some of the old-time mineral paint of the Indians. In accord with the Indian belief, all the extinct and forgotten tribes have now their home in the world of shades.

19. Ate′be′tana′-ise′ti he′sûna′nini′

Ate′be′tana′-ise′ti he′sûna′nini′—Ahe′eye′!

Na′waa′tănû′, Na′waa′tănû,

Danatinĕnawaŭ,

Nita-isa, nita-isa,

He′yahe′eỹe′!

Translation

When first our father came—Ahe′eye′!

I prayed to him, I prayed to him—

My relative, my relative—

He′yahe′eỹe′!

This song was composed by Paul Boynton (Bääku′ni, “Red Feather”), a Carlisle student, after having been in a trance. His brother had died some time before, and being told by the Indians that he might be able to see and talk with him by joining the dance, Paul went to Sitting Bull, the leader of the dance, at the next gathering, and asked him to help him to see his dead brother. The result was that he was hypnotized by Sitting Bull, fell to the ground in a trance, and saw his brother. While talking with him, however, he suddenly awoke, much to his regret, probably from some one of the dancers having touched against him as he lay upon the ground. According to his statement, the words were spoken by him in his sleep after coming from the dance and were overheard by some companions who questioned him about it in the morning, when he told his experience and put the words into a song. The “father” here referred to is Sitting Bull, the great apostle of the Arapaho Ghost dance. It was from Paul’s statement, intelligently told in good English before I had yet seen the dance, that I was first led to suspect that hypnotism was the secret of the trances.

20. A-ni′änĕ′thăhi′nani′na nisa′na

A-ni′änĕ′thăhi′nani′na nisa′na,

A-ni′änĕ′thăhi′nani′na nisa′na.

He′chä′ na′hăbi′na,

Hewa-u′sa häthi′na,

Hewa-u′sa häthi′na.

Translation

My father did not recognize me (at first),

My father did not recognize me (at first).

When again he saw me,

He said, “You are the offspring of a crow,”

He said, “You are the offspring of a crow.”

This song was composed by Sitting Bull, the Arapaho apostle of the dance, and relates his own experience in the trance, in which he met his father, who had died years before. The expression, “You are the child of a crow,” may refer to his own sacred character as an apostle, the crow being regarded as the messenger from the spirit world.

21. Ni′-athu′-a-u′ a′hakä′nith′iĭ

I′yehe′! anä′nisa′nă′—Uhi′yeye′heye′!

I′yehe′! ha′dawn′hana′—Eye′ăe′yuhe′yu!

Ni′athu′-a-u′ a′hakä′nith′iĭ—Ahe′yuhe′yu!

Translation

I′yehe′! my children—Uhi′yeye′heye′!

I′yehe′! we have rendered them desolate—Eye′ăe′yuhe′yu!

The whites are crazy—Ahe′yuhe′yu!

In this song the father tells his children of the desolation, in consequence of their folly and injustice, that would come upon the whites when they will be left alone upon the old world, while the Indians will be taken up to the new earth to live in happiness forever.

22. Na′ha′ta bitaa′wu

Nä′nisa′nă, nä′nisa′nă,

Na′ha′ta bi′taa′wu hätnaa′waa′-u′hu′,

Na′ha′ta bi′taa′wu hätnaa′waa′-u′hu′.

Häthi′na hi′nisû′na-hu′,

Häthi′na hi′nisû′na-hu′.

Translation

My children, my children,

Look! the earth is about to move,

Look! the earth is about to move.

My father tells me so,

My father tells me so.

In this song the dreamer tells his friends, on the authority of the messiah, that the predicted spiritual new earth is about to start to come over and cover up this old world. It was also taught, as appears from the messiah’s letter, that at the moment of contact this world would tremble as in an earthquake.

23. Ahe′sûna′nini Ächiqa′hă′wa-ü′

Ahe′sûna′nini, ahe′sûna′nini,

Ächiqa′hă′wa-ŭ′, Ächiqa′hă′wa-ŭ′,

E′hihä′sĭni′ĕhi′nĭt,

E′hihä′sĭni′ĕhi′nĭt.

Translation

My father, my father—

I am looking at him,

I am looking at him.

He is beginning to turn into a bird,

He is beginning to turn into a bird.

In this, as in the fifth Arapaho song, we have a transformation. According to the story of the author, his father is transformed into a bird even while he looks at him. The song is sung in quick time to hasten the trance.

24. Ha′ănake′i

Ha′ănake′i, ha′ănake′i,

Dä′nasa′ku′tăwa′,

He′sûna′nin hä′ni na′ha′waŭ′,

He′sûna′nin hä′ni na′ha′waŭ′.

Translation

The rock, the rock,

I am standing upon it,

I am standing upon it.

By its means I saw our father,

By its means I saw our father.

This is one of the old songs now obsolete, and its meaning is not clear. It may mean simply that the author of it climbed a rock in order to be able to see farther, but it is more likely that it contains some mythic reference.

25. Wa′wa′na′danä′diă′

Nä′nisa′naăŭ′, nä′nisa′naăŭ′,

Wa′wa′na′danä′diă′.

Wa′wa′na′danä′diă′,

Nänisa′na, nänisa′na.

Translation

My children, my children,

I am about to hum,

I am about to hum.

My children, my children.

Fig. 93—Hummer and bull-roarer.

The author of this song saw her children in the other world playing with the hätiku′tha, or hummer. On going home after awaking from her trance, she made the toy and carried it with her to the next dance and twirled it in the air while singing the song. The hätiku′tha, or hummer, is used by the boys of the prairie tribes as our boys use the “cut-water,” a circular tin disk, suspended on two strings passed through holes in the middle, and set in rapid revolution, so as to produce a humming sound, by alternately twisting the strings upon each other and allowing them to untwist again. One of these which I examined consists of a bone from a buffalo hoof, painted in different colors, with four buckskin strings tied around the middle and running out on each side and fastened at each end to a small peg, so as to be more firmly grasped by the fingers. It was carried in the dance in 1890 by an old Arapaho named Tall Bear, who had had it in his possession for twenty years. Another specimen, shown in [figure 93], a, now in possession of the National Museum, is similar in construction, but with only one string on each side.

A kindred toy—it can hardly be considered a musical instrument—is that known among the whites as the “bull-roarer.” It is found among most of the western tribes, as well as among our own children and primitive peoples all over the world. It is usually a simple flat piece of wood, about 6 inches long, sometimes notched on the edges and fancifully painted, attached to a sinew or buckskin string of convenient length. It is held in one hand, and when twirled rapidly in the air produces a sound not unlike the roaring of a bull or of distant thunder. With most tribes it is simply a child’s toy, but among the Hopi, according to Fewkes, and the Apache, according to Bourke, it has a sacred use to assist the prayers of the medicine-man in bringing on the storm clouds and the rain.

26. A-te′bĕ′ dii′nĕtita′niĕg

A-te′bĕ′ dii′nĕtita′niĕg—I′yehe′eye′!

Nii′te′gu be′na nĕ′chäi′hit—I′yehe′eye′!

Bi′taa′wuu—I′yahe′eye′!

Nii′te′gu be′na nĕ′chäi′hit—I′yehe′eye′!

Bi′taa′wuu—I′yahe′eye′!

De′tawu′ni′na ni′sa′na′—Ahe′eye′-he′eye′!

Translation

At the beginning of human existence—I′yehe′eye′!

It was the turtle who gave this grateful gift to me—

The earth—I′yehe′eye′!

It was the turtle who gave this grateful gift to me—

The earth—I′yehe′eye′!

(Thus) my father told me—Ahe′eye′-he′eye′!

In the mythology of many primitive nations, from the ancient Hindu to our own Indian tribes, the turtle or tortoise is the supporter of the earth, the Atlas on whose back rests the burden of the whole living universe. A reason for this is found in the amphibious character of the turtle, which renders it equally at home on land and in the water, and in its peculiar shape, which was held to be typical of the world, the world itself being conceived as a huge turtle swimming in a limitless ocean, the dome of the sky being its upper shell, and the flat surface of the earth being the bony breastplate of the animal, while inclosed between them was the living body, the human, animal, and vegetal creation. In Hindu mythology, when the gods are ready to destroy mankind, the turtle will grow weary and sink under his load and then the waters will rise and a deluge will overwhelm the earth. (Fiske.)

The belief in the turtle as the upholder of the earth was common to all the Algonquian tribes, to which belong the Arapaho and Cheyenne, and to the northern Iroquoian tribes. Earthquakes were caused by his shifting his position from time to time. In their pictographs the turtle was frequently the symbol of the earth, and in their prayers it was sometimes addressed as mother. The most honored clan was the Turtle clan; the most sacred spot in the Algonquian territory was Mackinaw, the “Island of the Great Turtle;” the favorite medicine bowl of their doctors is the shell of a turtle; the turtle is pictured on the ghost shirts of the Arapaho, and farther south in Oklahoma it is the recognized stock brand by which it is known that a horse or cow belongs to one of the historic Delaware tribe.

27. Tahu′na′änä′nia′huna

Nä′nisa′na, nä′nisa′na,

Nä′näni′na ta′hu′na′änä′nia′hună′,

Tahu′na′änä′nia′huna,

Nä′nisa′na, nä′nisa′na,

Nä′näni′na ta′hĕti′nia′hună′,

Ta′hĕti′nia′hună′.

Translation

My children, my children,

It is I who make the thunder as I circle about—

The thunder as I circle about.

My children, my children,

It is I who make the loud thunder as I circle about—

The loud thunder as I circle about.

This song evidently refers to the Thunderbird. It is one of the old favorites from the north, and is sung to a sprightly tune in quick time. It differs from the others in having only a part instead of all of the line repeated.

28. Ani′qu ne′chawu′nani′

[[audio/mpeg]] [MusicXML]]

Ani′qu ne′chawu′nani′,

Ani′qu ne′chawu′nani′;

Awa′wa biqăna′kaye′na,

Awa′wa biqăna′kaye′na;

Iyahu′h ni′bithi′ti,

Iyahu′h ni′bithi′ti.

Translation

Father, have pity on me,

Father, have pity on me;

I am crying for thirst,

I am crying for thirst;

All is gone—I have nothing to eat,

All is gone—I have nothing to eat.

This is the most pathetic of the Ghost-dance songs. It is sung to a plaintive tune, sometimes with tears rolling down the cheeks of the dancers as the words would bring up thoughts of their present miserable and dependent condition. It may be considered the Indian paraphrase of the Lord’s prayer.

29. A-ni′niha′niahu′na

A-ni′niha′niahu′na,

Yeni′s-iti′na ku′niahu′na,

Hi′chäbä′i—He′e′e′!

Translation

I fly around yellow,

I fly with the wild rose on my head,

On high—He′e′e′!

The meaning of this song is not clear. It may refer to the Thunderbird or to the Crow, the sacred bird of the Ghost dance. The ye′nis or wild rose is much esteemed among the prairie tribes for its red seed berries, which are pounded into a paste and dried for food. It is frequently mentioned in the ghost songs, and is sometimes pictured on the ghost shirts. Although rather insipid, the berries possess nutritive qualities. They are gathered in winter, and are sometimes eaten raw, but more generally are first boiled and strained to get rid of the seeds. This dough-like substance is sometimes mixed with marrow from broken bones and pasted around sticks and thus roasted before the fire. It is never packed away for future use. The Cherokee call the same plant by a name which means “rabbit food,” on account of this animal’s fondness for the berries.

30. Niha′nata′yeche′ti

He′yoho′ho′! He′yoho′ho′!

Niha′nata′yeche′ti, na′naga′qanĕ′tihi,

Wa′waga′thänŭhu,

Wa′wa ne′hawa′wŭna′nahu′,

Wa′wa ne′hawa′wŭna′nahu′.

He′yoho′ho′! He′yoho′ho′!

Translation

He′yoho′ho′! He′yoho′ho′!

The yellow-hide, the white-skin (man).

I have now put him aside—

I have no more sympathy with him,

I have no more sympathy with him.

He′yoho′ho′! He′yoho′ho′!

This is another song about the whites, who are spoken of as “yellow hides” or “white skins.” The proper Arapaho name for a white man is Nia′tha, “skillful.” A great many names are applied to the whites by the different Indian tribes. By the Comanche, Shoshoni, and Paiute they are called Tai′vo, “easterners;” by the Hopi, of the same stock as the three tribes mentioned, they are known as Paha′na, “eastern water people;” by the Kiowa they are called Be′dălpago, “hairy mouths,” or Ta‛ka′-i, “standing ears.” It is very doubtful if the “pale face” of romance ever existed in the Indian mind.

31. A-bää′thina′hu

A-bää′thina′hu, a-bää′thina′hu,

Ha′tnithi′aku′ta′na,

Ha′-bätä′nani′hi,

Ha′-bätä′nani′hi.

Ha′tnithi′aku′ta′na,

Ha′tnithi′aku′ta′na.

Translation

The cedar tree, the cedar tree,

We have it in the center,

We have it in the center

When we dance,

When we dance.

We have it in the center,

We have it in the center.

The Kiowa, the Sioux, and perhaps some other tribes performed the Ghost dance around a tree set up in the center of the circle. With the Kiowa this tree was a cedar, and such was probably the case with the other tribes, whenever a cedar could be obtained, as it is always a sacred tree in Indian belief and ceremonial. The southern Arapaho and Cheyenne never had a tree in connection with the Ghost dance, so that this song could not have originated among them. The cedar is held sacred for its evergreen foliage, its fragrant smell, its red heart wood, and the durable character of its timber. On account of its fine grain, and enduring qualities the prairie tribes make their tipi poles of its wood, which will not warp through heat or moisture. Their flageolets or flutes are also made of cedar, and in the mescal and other ceremonies its dried and crumbled foliage is thrown upon the fire as incense. In Cherokee and Yuchi myth the red color of the wood comes from the blood of a wizard who was killed and decapitated by a hero, and whose head was hung in the top of several trees in succession, but continued to live until, by the advice of a medicine-man, the people hung it in the topmost branches of a cedar tree, where it finally died. The blood of the severed head trickled down the trunk of the tree and thus the wood was stained.

32. Wa′wa nû′nanû′naku′ti

Nä′nisa′na, nä′nisa′na,

Wa′wa nû′nanû′naku′ti waku′hu,

Wa′wa nû′nanû′naku′ti waku′hu.

Hi′yu nä′nii′bä′-i,

Hi′yu nä′nii′bä′-i.

Hä′tä-i′naku′ni häthi′na nisû′nahu,

Hä′tä-i′naku′ni häthi′na nisû′nahu.

Translation

My children, my children,

Now I am waving an eagle feather,

Now I am waving an eagle feather.

Here is a spotted feather for you,

Here is a spotted feather for you.

You may have it, said my father,

You may have it, said my father.

While singing this song the author of it waved in his right hand an eagle feather prepared for wearing in the hair, while he carried a spotted hawk feather in the other hand. In his trance vision he had received such a spotted feather from the messiah.

33. A-ni′qana′ga

A-ni′qana′ga,

Ha′tăni′i′na′danĕ′na,

Ha′tăni′i′na′danĕ′na.

Translation

There is a solitary bull,

There is a solitary bull—

I am going to use him to “make medicine,”

I am going to use him to “make medicine.”

From the buffalo they had food, fuel, dress, shelter, and domestic furniture, shields for defense, points for their arrows, and strings for their bows. As the old Spanish chronicles of Coronado put it: “To be short, they make so many things of them as they have need of, or as many as suffice them in the use of this life.”

Among Indians the professions of medicine and religion are inseparable. The doctor is always a priest, and the priest is always a doctor. Hence, to the whites in the Indian country the Indian priest-doctor has come to be known as the “medicine-man,” and anything sacred, mysterious, or of wonderful power or efficacy in Indian life or belief is designated as “medicine,” this term being the nearest equivalent of the aboriginal expression in the various languages. To “make medicine” is to perform some sacred ceremony, from the curing of a sick child to the consecration of the sun-dance lodge. Among the prairie tribes the great annual tribal ceremony was commonly known as the “medicine dance,” and the special guardian deity of every warrior was spoken of as his “medicine.”

The buffalo was to the nomad hunters of the plains what corn was to the more sedentary tribes of the east and south—the living, visible symbol of their support and existence; the greatest gift of a higher being to his children. Something of the buffalo entered into every important ceremony. In the medicine dance—or sun dance, as it is frequently called—the head and skin of a buffalo hung from the center pole of the lodge, and in the fearful torture that accompanied this dance among some tribes, the dancers dragged around the circle buffalo skulls tied to ropes which were fastened to skewers driven through holes cut in their bodies and limbs. A buffalo skull is placed in front of the sacred sweat-lodge, and on the battlefield of Wounded Knee I have seen buffalo skulls and plates of dried meat placed at the head of the graves. The buffalo was the sign of the Creator on earth as the sun was his glorious manifestation in the heavens. The hair of the buffalo was an important element in the preparation of “medicine,” whether for war, hunting, love, or medicine proper, and for such purpose the Indian generally selected a tuft taken from the breast close under the shoulder of the animal. When the Kiowa, Comanche, and Apache delegates visited Washington in the spring of 1894, they made an earnest and successful request for some buffalo hair from the animals in the Zoological Park, together with some branches from the cedars in the grounds of the Agricultural Department, to take home with them for use in their sacred ceremonies.

PL. CXXI

Mary Irvin Wright

THE SWEAT-LODGE—KIOWA CAMP ON THE WASHITA

34. A-nĕä′thibiwă′hană

A′-nĕä′thibiwă′hană,

A′-nĕä′thibiwă′hană—

Thi′äya′nĕ,

Thi′äya′nĕ.

Translation

The place where crying begins,

The place where crying begins—

The thi′äya,

The thi′äya.

This song refers to the sweat-lodge already described in treating of the Ghost dance among the Sioux. In preparing the sweat-lodge a small hole, perhaps a foot deep, is dug out in the center of the floor space, to serve as a receptacle for the heated stones over which the water is poured to produce the steam. The earth thus dug out is piled in a small hillock a few feet in front of the entrance to the sweat-lodge, which always faces the east. This small mound is called thi′äya in the Arapaho language, the same name being also applied to a memorial stone heap or to a stone monument. It is always surmounted by a buffalo skull, or in these days by the skull of a steer, placed so as to face the doorway of the lodge. The thi′äya is mentioned in several of the Ghost-dance songs, and usually, as here, in connection with crying or lamentation, as though the sight of these things in the trance vision brings up sad recollections.

35. Thi′äya he′năă′awă′

Thi′äya′ he′năă′awă′—

Thi′äya′ he′năă′awă′,

Nä′hibiwa′huna′,

Nä′hibiwa′huna′.

Translation

When I see the thi′äya—

When I see the thi′äya,

Then I begin to lament,

Then I begin to lament.

This song refers to a trance vision in which the dreamer saw a sweat-lodge, with the thi′äya, or mound, as described in the preceding song.

36. A-hu′hu ha′geni′sti′ti ba′hu

A-hu′hu ha′geni′sti′ti ba′hu,

Ha′geni′sti′ti ba′hu.

Hä′nisti′ti,

Hä′nisti′ti.

Hi′nisa′nă,

Hi′nisa′nă—

Ne′a-i′qaha′ti,

Ne′a-i′qaha′ti.

Translation

The crow is making a road,

He is making a road.

He has finished it,

He has finished it.

His children,

His children—

Then he collected them,

Then he collected them (i. e., on the farther side).

The crow (ho) is the sacred bird of the Ghost dance, being revered as the messenger from the spirit world because its color is symbolic of death and the shadow land. The raven, which is practically a larger crow, and which lives in the mountains, but occasionally comes down into the plains, is also held sacred and regarded as a bringer of omens by the prairie tribes, as well as by the Tlinkit and others of the northwest coast and by the Cherokee in the east. The crow is depicted on the shirts, leggings, and moccasins of the Ghost dancers, and its feathers are worn on their heads, and whenever it is possible to kill one, the skin is stuffed as in life and carried in the dance, as shown in the picture of Black Coyote ([plate cv)]. At one time the dancers in Left Hand’s camp had a crow which it was claimed had the power of speech and prophetic utterance, and its hoarse inarticulate cries were interpreted as inspired messages from the spirit world. Unfortunately the bird did not thrive in confinement, and soon took its departure for the land of spirits, leaving the Arapaho once more dependent on the guidance of the trance revelations. The eagle, the magpie, and the sage-hen are also sacred in the Ghost dance, the first being held in veneration by Indians, as well as by other peoples throughout the world, while the magpie and the sage-hen are revered for their connection with the country of the messiah and the mythology of his tribe.

The crow was probably held sacred by all the tribes of the Algonquian race. Roger Williams, speaking of the New England tribes, says that although the crows sometimes did damage to the corn, yet hardly one Indian in a hundred would kill one, because it was their tradition that this bird had brought them their first grain and vegetables, carrying a grain of corn in one ear and a bean in the other, from the field of their great god Cautantouwit in Sowwani′u, the southwest, the happy spirit world where dwelt the gods and the souls of the great and good. The souls of the wicked were not permitted to enter this elysium after death, but were doomed to wander without rest or home. (Williams, Key into the Language of America, 1643.)

In Arapaho belief, the spirit world is in the west, not on the same level with this earth of ours, but higher up, and separated also from it by a body of water. In their statement of the Ghost-dance mythology referred to in this song, the crow, as the messenger and leader of the spirits who had gone before, collected their armies on the other side and advanced at their head to the hither limit of the shadow land. Then, looking over, they saw far below them a sea, and far out beyond it toward the east was the boundary of the earth, where lived the friends they were marching to rejoin. Taking up a pebble in his beak, the crow then dropped it into the water and it became a mountain towering up to the land of the dead. Down its rocky slope he brought his army until they halted at the edge of the water. Then, taking some dust in his bill, the crow flew out and dropped it into the water as he flew, and it became a solid arm of land stretching from the spirit world to the earth. He returned and flew out again, this time with some blades of grass, which he dropped upon the land thus made, and at once it was covered with a green sod. Again he returned, and again flew out, this time with some twigs in his bill, and dropping these also upon the new land, at once it was covered with a forest of trees. Again he flew back to the base of the mountain, and is now, for the fourth time, coming on at the head of all the countless spirit host which has already passed over the sea and is marshaling on the western boundary of the earth.

37. Bi′taa′wu hu′hu′

Bi′taa′wu hu′hu′,

Bi′taa′wu hu′hu′—

Nû′nagûna′-ua′ti hu′hu′,

Nû′nagûna′-ua′ti hu′hu′—

A′hene′heni′ă′ă′! A′he′yene′hene′!

Translation

The earth—the crow,

The earth—the crow—

The crow brought it with him,

The crow brought it with him—

A′hene′heni′ă′ă′! A′he′yene′hene′!

The reference in this song is explained under the song immediately preceding.

38. Ni′nini′tubi′na hu′hu′—I

Ni′nini′tubi′na hu′hu′,

Ni′nini′tubi′na hu′hu′.

Nana′thina′ni hu′hu′,

Nana′thina′ni hu′hu′.

Ni′nita′naû,

Ni′nita′naû.

Translation

The crow has called me,

The crow has called me.

When the crow came for me,

I heard him,

I heard him.

The reference in this song is explained under number 36. The song is somewhat like the former closing song, number 52.

39. Nû′nanû′naa′tăni′na hu′hu′—I

Nû′nanû′naa′tăni′na hu′hu′,

Nû′nanû′naa′tăni′na hu′hu′.

Da‛chi′nathi′na hu′hu′,

Da‛chi′nathi′na hu′hu′.

Translation

The crow is circling above me,

The crow having come for me,

The crow having come for me.

The author of this song, in his trance vision, saw circling above his head a crow, the messenger from the spirit world, to conduct him to his friends who had gone before. The song is a favorite one, and is sung with a quick forcible tune when the excitement begins to grow more intense, in order to hasten the trances, the idea conveyed to the dancers being that their spirit friends are close at hand.

40. I′yu hä′thäbĕ′nawa′

Ä′näni′sa′na—E′e′ye′!

I′yu hä′thäbĕ′nawa′.

Bi′taa′wu—E′e′ye′!

Translation

My children—E′e′ye′!

Here it is, I hand it to you.

The earth—E′e′ye′!

In this song the father speaks to his children and gives them the new earth.

41. Ha′naĕ′hi ya′ga′ahi′na

Ha′naĕ′hi ya′ga′ahi′na—

Să′niya′gu′nawa′—Ahe′e′ye′!

Nä′yu hä′nina′ta i′tha′q,

Nä′yu hä′nina′ta i′tha′q.

Translation

Little boy, the coyote gun—

I have uncovered it—Ahe′e′ye′!

There is the sheath lying there,

There is the sheath lying there.

This song was composed by Nakash, or “Sage,” one of the northern Arapaho delegates to the messiah. It evidently refers to one of his trance experiences in the other world, and has to do with an interesting feature in the sociology of the Arapaho and other prairie tribes. The ga′ahinĕ′na or gaahi′na, “coyote men,” were an order of men of middle age who acted as pickets or lookouts for the camp. When the band encamped in some convenient situation for hunting or other business, it was the duty of these men, usually four or six in a band, to take their stations on the nearest hills to keep watch and give timely warning in case of the approach of an enemy. It was an office of danger and responsibility, but was held in corresponding respect. When on duty, the gaahi′nĕn wore a white buffalo robe and had his face painted with white clay and carried in his hand the ya′haga′ahi′na or “coyote gun,” a club decorated with feathers and other ornaments and usually covered with a sheath of bear gut (i′tha′q). He must be unmarried and remain so while in office, finally choosing his own successor and delivering to him the “coyote gun” as a staff of authority. They were never all off duty at the same time, but at least half were always on guard, one or more coming down at a time to the village to eat or sleep. They built no shelter on the hills, but slept there in their buffalo robes, or sometimes came down in turn and slept in their own tipis. They usually, however, preferred to sleep alone upon the hills in order to receive inspiration in dreams. If attacked or surprised by the enemy, they were expected to fight. The watcher was sometimes called higa′ahi′na-ĭt, “the man with the coyote gun.” The corresponding officer among the Cheyenne carried a bow and arrows instead of a club.

42. He′sûna′ na′nahatha′hi

He′sûna′ na′nahatha′hi,

He′sûna′ na′nahatha′hi.

Ni′itu′qawigû′niĕ′,

Ni′itu′qawigû′niĕ′.

Translation

The father showed me,

The father showed me.

Where they were coming down,

Where they were coming down.

In his trance vision the author of this song saw the spirit hosts descending from the upper shadow land to the earth, along the mountain raised up by the crow, as already described in song number 36. The song comes from the northern Arapaho.

43. Nänisa′tăqu′thi Chĭnachi′chibä′iha′

Nänisa′tăqu′thi Chĭnachi′chibä′iha′,

Nänisa′tăqu′thi Chĭnachi′chibä′iha′—

Ni′nahawa′na,

Ni′nahawa′na.

Nibäi′naku′nithi—

Ä-bäna′änahu′u′,

Ä-bäna′änahu′u′.

Nä′hibi′wahuna′na,

Nä′hibi′wahuna′na.

Translation

The seven venerable Chĭ′nachichi′bät priests,

The seven venerable Chĭ′nachichi′bät priests—

We see them,

We see them.

They all wear it on their heads—

The Thunderbird,

The Thunderbird.

Then I wept,

Then I wept.

In his trance vision the author of this song saw a large camp of Arapaho, and in the midst of the camp circle, as in the old days, were sitting the seven priests of the Chĭ′nachichi′bät, each wearing on his head the Thunderbird headdress, already described and figured under song number 14. This vision of the old life of the tribe brought up sorrowful memories and caused him to weep. In the similar song next given the singer laments for the Chĭ′nachichi′bät and the bä′qati gaming wheel. The priests here referred to were seven in number, and constituted the highest order of the military and social organization which existed among the Blackfeet, Sioux, Cheyenne, Kiowa, and probably all the prairie tribes excepting the Comanche in the south, among whom it seems to have been unknown. The society, so far as it has come under the notice of white men, has commonly been designated by them as the “Dog Soldier” society—a misapprehension of a name belonging probably to only one of the six or eight orders of the organization. The corresponding Blackfoot organization, the Ikunuhkatsi or “All Comrades,” is described by Grinnell in his “Blackfoot Lodge Tales.” The Kiowa organization will be noted later.

Among the Arapaho the organization was called Bĕni′nĕna, “Warriors,” and consisted of eight degrees or orders, including nearly all the men of the tribe above the age of about seventeen. Those who were not enrolled in some one of the eight orders were held in but little respect, and were not allowed to take part in public ceremonies or to accompany war expeditions. Each of the first six orders had its own peculiar dance, and the members of the principal warrior orders had also their peculiar staff or badge of rank.

First and lowest in rank were the Nuhinĕ′na or Fox men, consisting of young men up to the age of about 25 years. They had no special duties or privileges, but had a dance called the Nuha′wŭ or fox dance.

Next came the Hă′thahu′ha or Star men, consisting of young warriors about 30 years of age. Their dance was called the Ha′thahŭ.

Fig. 94—Dog-soldier insignia—rattle and quirt.

The third order was that of the Hichăä′quthi or Club men. Their dance was called Hichăä′qawŭ. They were an important part of the warrior organization, and were all men in the prime of life. The four leaders carried wooden clubs, bearing a general resemblance in shape to a gun, notched along the edges and variously ornamented. In an attack on the enemy it was the duty of these leaders to dash on ahead and strike the enemy with these clubs, then to ride back again and take their places in the front of the charge. It hardly need be said that the position of leader of the Hichăä′quthi was a dangerous honor, but the honor was in proportion to the very danger, and there were always candidates for a vacancy. It was one of those offices where the holder sometimes died but never resigned. The other members of the order carried sticks carved at one end in the rude semblance of a horse head and pointed at the other. In desperate encounters they were expected to plant these sticks in the ground in line in front of the body of warriors and to fight beside them to the death unless a retreat should be ordered by the chief in command.

The fourth order was called Bitahi′nĕna or Spear men, and their dance was called Bitaha′wŭ. This order came originally from the Cheyenne. Their duties and peculiar insignia of office were about the same among all the tribes. They performed police duty in camp, when traveling, and on the hunt, and were expected to see that the orders of the chief were obeyed by the tribe. For instance, if any person violated the tribal code or failed to attend a general dance or council, a party of Bitahi′nĕna was sent to kill his dogs, destroy his tipi, or in extreme cases to shoot his ponies. On hunting expeditions it was their business to keep the party together and see that no one killed a buffalo until the proper ceremonies had been performed and the order was given by the chief. They were regarded as the representatives of the law and were never resisted in performing their duty or inflicting punishments. In war they were desperate warriors, equaling or surpassing even the Hichăä′quthi. Of the leaders of the order, two carried a sort of shepherd’s crook called nu′sa-icha′tha, having a lance point at its lower end; two others carried lances wrapped around with otter skin; four carried lances painted black; one carried a club shaped like a baseball bat, and one carried a rattle made of the scrotum of a buffalo and ornamented with its hair. In battle, if the enemy took shelter behind defenses, it was this man’s duty to lead the charge, throw his rattle among the enemy, and then follow it himself.

The fifth order was called Aha′känĕ′na or Crazy men. They were men more than 50 years of age, and were not expected to go to war, but must have graduated from all the lower orders. Their duties were religious and ceremonial, and their insignia consisted of a bow and a bundle of blunt arrows. Their dance was the Ahaka′wŭ or crazy dance, which well deserved the name. It will be described in another place.

The sixth was the order of the Hĕthĕ′hinĕ′na or Dog men. Their dance was called Hĕthĕwa′wû′. They had four principal leaders and two lesser leaders. The four principal leaders were the generals and directors of the battle. Each carried a rattle and wore about his neck a buckskin strap (two being yellow, the other two black) which hung down to his feet. On approaching the enemy, they were obliged to go forward, shaking their rattles and chanting the war song, until some other warriors of the party took the rattles out of their hands. When forming for the attack, they dismounted, and, driving their lances into the ground, tied themselves to them by means of the straps, thus anchoring themselves in front of the battle. Here they remained until, if the battle seemed lost, they themselves gave the order to retreat. Even then they waited until some of their own society released them by pulling the lances out of the ground and whipping them away from the place with a peculiar quirt carried only by the private members of this division. No one was allowed to retreat without their permission, on penalty of disgrace, nor were they themselves allowed to retire until thus released. Should their followers forget to release them in the confusion of retreat, they were expected to die at their posts. They could not be released excepting by one of their own division, and anyone else attempting to pull up the lances from the ground was resisted as an enemy. When pursued on the retreat, they must give up their horses to the women, if necessary, and either find other horses or turn and face the enemy alone on foot. They seldom accompanied any but large war parties, and, although they did but little actual fighting, their very presence inspired the warriors with desperate courage, and the driving of their lances into the ground was always understood as the signal for an encounter to the death.

PL. CXXII

DOG-SOLDIER INSIGNIA—LANCE AND SASH

The seventh order was that of the Nûnaha′wŭ, a word of which the meaning is now unknown. This was a secret order. They had no dance and their ceremonies were witnessed only by themselves. They did not fight, but accompanied the war parties, and every night in secret performed ceremonies and prayers for their success.

The eighth and highest order was that of the Chĭ′nachinĕ′na or Water-pouring men, the “seven venerable priests” to whom the song refers. They were the high priests and instructors of all the other orders, and were seven in number, from among the oldest warriors of the tribe. Their name refers to their pouring the water over the heated stones in the sweat-house to produce steam. They had no dance, and were not expected to go to war, although one of the seven was allowed to accompany the war party, should he so elect. Their ceremonies were performed in a large sweat-lodge, called chĭnachichi′bät, which, when the whole tribe was camped together, occupied the center of the circle, between the entrance and the lodge in which was kept the sacred medicine pipe. Unlike the ordinary sweat-lodge, this one had no mound and buffalo skull in front of the entrance.

The warrior organization of the Kiowa is called Yä′pähe, “Soldiers,” and consisted of six orders, each with its own dance, songs, and ceremonial dress. 1. Poläñyup or Tsäñ′yui, “Rabbits.” These were boys and young men from 8 to 15 years of age. Their dance, in which they were drilled by certain old men, has a peculiar step, in imitation of the jumping movement of a rabbit; 2. Ädalto′yui, or Te′ñbiyu′i, “Young Mountain Sheep,” literally “Herders or Corralers;” 3. Tseñtä′nmo, “Horse Head-dress (?) people;” 4. Toñkoñ′ko, (?) “Black-leg people;” 5. T‘äñpe′ko, “Skunkberry (?) people;” 6. Kâ′itseñ′ko, “Principal Dogs or Real Dogs.” These last were the highest warrior order, and also the camp police, combining the functions of the Bitahi′nĕna and the Hĕthĕ′binĕ′na of the Arapaho organization. Their two leaders carried an arrow-shape lance, with which they anchored themselves in the front of the battle by means of buckskin straps brought over the shoulders. The Toñkoñ′ko captains carried in a similar way a crook-shape lance, called pabo′n, similar to that of the Bitahi′nĕna of the Arapaho.

44. Nänisa′tăqi Chĭ′năchi′chibä′iha′

[[audio/mpeg]] [MusicXML]]

Nä′nisa′tăqi Chĭ′năchi′chibä′iha′—

Bä′hibi′wă′hĭnă′,

Bä′hibi′wă′hĭnă′.

Bä′qăti hä′nibi′wă′hĭnă′,

Bä′qăti hä′nibi′wă′hĭnă′.

Translation

The seven venerable Chĭnachichi′bät priests—

For them I am weeping,

For them I am weeping.

For the gaming wheel I am weeping,

For the gaming wheel I am weeping.

The first reference in this song is explained under number 43. The bä′qati or gaming wheel will be described later.

45. Nû′nanû′naatani′na hu′hu′—II

[[audio/mpeg]] [MusicXML]]

Nû′nanû′naatani′na hu′hu′,

Nû′nanû′naatani′na hu′hu′.

Da`chi′bini′na häthi′na,

Da`chi′bini′na häthi′na.

Translation

The crow is circling above me,

The crow is circling above me.

He says he will give me a hawk feather,

He says he will give me a hawk feather.

This song is very similar to number 39, and requires no further explanation. It is sung to the same quick time.

46. Na′tănu′ya chĕ′bi′nh

Na′tănu′ya chĕ′bi′nh—

Na′tănu′ya chĕ′bi′nh,

Na′chicha′ba′n,

Na′chicha′ba′n.

Translation

The pemmican that I am using—

The pemmican that I am using,

They are still making it,

They are still making it.

This song refers to the pemmican or preparation of dried and pounded meat, which formerly formed a favorite food of the prairie tribes, and which the author of the song evidently tasted as it was being prepared by the women in the spirit world. (See [Sioux song 7].) One must be an Indian to know the thrill of joy that would come to the heart of the dancers when told that some dreamer had seen their former friends in the spirit world still making and feasting on pemmican. During the first year or two of the excitement, it several times occurred at Ghost dances in the north and south, among Sioux as well as among Arapaho and others, that meat was exhibited and tasted as genuine buffalo beef or pemmican brought back from the spirit world by one of the dancers. It is not necessary to explain how this deception was accomplished or made successful. It is sufficient to know that it was done, and that the dancers were then in a condition to believe anything.

47. Häĭ′nawa′ hä′ni′ta′quna′ni

Häĭ′nawa′ hä′ni′ta′quna′ni—

Ninĕ′n nănä′ hänita′quna′ni,

Ninĕ′n nănä′ hänita′quna′ni.

Translation

I know, in the pitfall—

It is tallow they use in the pitfall,

It is tallow they use in the pitfall.

This song refers to the vision of a northern Arapaho, who found one of his friends in the spirit world preparing a pitfall trap to catch eagles. Wherever found, the eagle was regarded as sacred among the Indian tribes both east and west, and its feathers were highly prized for ornamental and “medicine” purposes, and an elaborately detailed ritual of prayer and ceremony was the necessary accompaniment to its capture. Among all the tribes the chief purpose of this ritual was to obtain the help of the gods in inducing the eagle to approach the hunter, and to turn aside the anger of the eagle spirits at the necessary sacrilege. The feathers most valued were those of the tail and wings. These were used to ornament lances and shields, to wear upon the head, and to decorate the magnificent war bonnets, the finest of which have a pendant or trail of eagle-tail feathers reaching from the warrior’s head to the ground when he stands erect. The whistle used in the sun dance and other great ceremonies is made of a bone from the leg or wing of the eagle, and the fans carried by the warriors on parade and used also to sprinkle the holy water in the mescal ceremony of the southern prairie tribes is commonly made of the entire tail or wing of that bird. Hawk feathers are sometimes used for these various purposes, but are always considered far inferior to those of the eagle. The smaller feathers are used upon arrows. Eagle feathers and ponies were formerly the standard of value and the medium of exchange among the prairie tribes, as wampum was with those of the Atlantic coast. The standard varied according to place and season, but in a general way from two to four eagles were rated as equal to a horse. In these days the eagle-feather war bonnets and eagle-tail fans are the most valuable parts of an Indian’s outfit and the most difficult to purchase from him. Among the pueblo tribes eagles are sometimes taken from the nest when young and kept in cages and regularly stripped of their best feathers. Among the Caddo, Cherokee, and other tribes of the timbered country in the east they were shot with bow and arrow or with the gun, but always according to certain ritual ceremonies. Among the prairie tribes along the whole extent of the plains they were never shot, but must be captured alive in pitfalls and then strangled or crushed to death, if possible without the shedding of blood. A description of the Arapaho method will answer with slight modifications for all the prairie tribes.

The hunter withdrew with his family away from the main camp to some rough hilly country where the eagles were abundant. After some preliminary prayers he went alone to the top of the highest hill and there dug a pit large enough to sit or lie down in, being careful to carry the earth taken out of the hole so far away from the place that it would not attract the notice of the eagle. The pit was roofed over with a covering of light willow twigs, above which were placed earth and grass to give it a natural appearance. The bait was a piece of fresh meat, or, as appears from this song, a piece of tallow stripped from the ribs of the buffalo. This was tied to a rawhide string and laid upon the top of the pit, while the rope was passed down through the roof into the cavity below. A coyote skin, stuffed and set up erect as in life, was sometimes placed near the bait to add to the realistic effect. Having sat up all night, singing the eagle songs and purifying himself for the ceremony, the hunter started before daylight, without eating any breakfast or drinking water, and went up the hill to the pit, which he entered, and, having again closed the opening, he seated himself inside holding the end of the string in his hands, to prevent a coyote or other animal from taking the bait, and waiting for the eagles to come.

Should other birds come, he drove them away or paid no attention to them. When at last the eagle came the other birds at once flew away. The eagle swooped down, alighting always at one side and then walking over upon the roof of the trap to get at the bait, when the hunter, putting up his hand through the framework, seized the eagle by the legs, pulled it down and quickly strangled it or broke its neck. He then rearranged the bait and the roof and sat down to wait for another eagle. He might be so lucky as to capture several during the day, or so unfortunate as to take none at all. At night, but not before, he repaired to his own tipi to eat, drink, and sleep, and was at the pit again before daylight. While in the pit he did not eat, drink, or sleep. The eagle hunt, if it may be so called, lasted four days, and must end then, whatever might have been the good or bad fortune of the hunter.

At the expiration of four days he returned to his home with the dead bodies of the eagles thus caught. A small lodge was set up outside his tipi and in this the eagles were hung up by the neck upon a pole laid across two forked sticks driven into the ground. After some further prayers and purifications the feathers were stripped from the bodies as they hung.

The Blackfoot method, as described by Grinnell, in his Blackfoot Lodge Tales, was the same in all essentials as that of the Arapaho. He adds several details, which were probably common to both tribes and to others, but which my Arapaho informants failed to mention. While the hunter was away in the pit his wife or daughters at home must not use an awl for sewing or for other purposes, as, should they do so, the eagle might scratch the hunter. He took a human skull with him into the pit, in order that he might be as invisible to the eagle as the spirit of the former owner of the skull. He must not eat the berries of the wild rose during this period, or the eagle would not attack the bait, and he must put a morsel of pemmican into the mouth of the dead eagle in order to gain the good will of its fellows and induce them to come in and be caught.

The eagle-catching ceremony of the Caddo, Cherokee, and other eastern tribes will be noticed in treating of the Caddo songs.

48. Bä′hinä′nina′tä ni′tabä′na

Bä′hinä′nina′tä ni′tabä′na,

Bä′hinä′nina′tä ni′tabä′na.

Nänä′nina hu′hu,

Nänä′nina hu′hu.

Translation

I hear everything,

I hear everything.

I am the crow,

I am the crow.

This is another song expressive of the omniscience of the crow, which, as their messenger from the spirit world, hears and knows everything, both on this earth and in the shadow land. The tune is one of the prettiest of all the ghost songs.

49. A-bä′qati′ hä′nichä′bi′hinä′na

A-bä′qati′ hä′nichä′bi′hinä′na,

A-bä′qati′ hä′nichä′bi′hinä′na.

A-wa′täna′ni ani′ä′tähĭ′näna,

A-wa′täna′ni ani′ä′tähĭ′näna.

Translation

With the bä′qati wheel I am gambling,

With the bä′qati wheel I am gambling.

With the black mark I win the game,

With the black mark I win the game.

This song is from the northern Arapaho. The author of it, in his visit to the spirit world, found his former friends playing the old game of the bä′qati wheel, which was practically obsolete among the prairie tribes, but which is being revived since the advent of the Ghost dance. As it was a favorite game with the men in the olden times, a great many of the songs founded on these trance visions refer to it, and the wheel and sticks are made by the dreamer and carried in the dance as they sing.

The game is played with a wheel (bä′qati, “large wheel”) and two pairs of throwing sticks (qa′qa-u′nûtha). The Cheyenne call the wheel ä′ko′yo or äkwi′u, and the sticks hoo′isi′yonots. It is a man’s game, and there are three players, one rolling the wheel, while the other two, each armed with a pair of throwing sticks, run after it and throw the sticks so as to cross the wheel in a certain position. The two throwers are the contestants, the one who rolls the wheel being merely an assistant. Like most Indian games, it is a means of gambling, and high stakes are sometimes wagered on the result. It is common to the Arapaho, Cheyenne, Sioux, and probably to all the northern prairie tribes, but is not found among the Kiowa or Comanche in the south.

The wheel is about 18 inches in diameter, and consists of a flexible young tree branch, stripped of its bark and painted, with the two ends fastened together with sinew or buckskin string. At equal distances around the circumference of the wheel are cut four figures, the two opposite each other constituting a pair, but being distinguished by different colors, usually blue or black and red, and by lines or notches on the face. These figures are designated simply by their colors. Figures of birds, crescents, etc., are sometimes also cut or painted upon the wheel, but have nothing to do with the game. (See [plate cxi].)

The sticks are light rods, about 30 inches long, tied in pairs by a peculiar arrangement of buckskin strings, and distinguished from one another by pieces of cloth of different colors fastened to the strings. There is also a pile of tally sticks, usually a hundred in number, about the size of lead pencils and painted green, for keeping count of the game. The sticks are held near the center in a peculiar manner between the fingers of the closed hand. When the wheel is rolled, each player runs from the same side, and endeavors to throw the sticks so as to strike the wheel in such a way that when it falls both sticks of his pair shall be either over or under a certain figure. It requires dexterity to do this, as the string has a tendency to strike the wheel in such a way as to make one stick fall under and the other over, in which case the throw counts for nothing. The players assign their own value to each figure, the usual value being five points for one and ten for the other figure, with double that number for a throw which crosses the two corresponding figures, and one hundred tallies to the game.

The wheel-and-stick game, in some form or another, was almost universal among our Indian tribes. Another game among the prairie tribes is played with a netted wheel and a single stick or arrow, the effort being to send the arrow through the netting as nearly as possible to the center or bull’s-eye. This game is called ana′wati′n-hati, “playing wheel,” by the Arapaho.

50. Ani′äsa′kua′na dă′chäbi′hati′tani

Ani′äsa′kua′na dă′chäbi′hati′tani bä′qati′bä,

Ani′äsa′kua′na dă′chäbi′hati′tani bä′qati′bä.

Ni′ati′biku′thahu′ bä′qatihi,

Ni′ati′biku′thahu′ bä′qatihi.

Di′chäbi′häti′ta′ni′,

Di′chäbi′häti′ta′ni′.

Translation

I am watching where they are gambling with the bä′qati wheel,

I am watching where they are gambling with the bä′qati wheel.

They are rolling the bä′qati,

They are rolling the bä′qati.

While they gamble with it,

While they gamble with it.

In this song the dancer tells how he watched a group of his friends in the spirit world playing the game of the bä′qati, as has been explained in the song last treated.

51. Ni′chi′a i′theti′hi

Ni′chi′ă i′theti′hi,

Chana′ha′ti i′nĭt—

Gu′n baa′-ni′bină thi′aku′-u,

Gu′n baa′-ni′bină thi′aku′-u.

Translation

(There) is a good river,

Where there is no timber—

But thunder-berries are there,

But thunder-berries are there.

This song refers to a trance vision in which the dreamer found his people camped by a good, i. e., perennial, river, fringed with abundant bushes or small trees of the baa-ni′bin or “thunder-berry,” which appears to be the black haw, being described as a sort of wild cherry, in size between the chokecherry and the wild plum. It was eaten raw, or dried and boiled, the seeds having first been taken out. It is very scarce, if found at all, in the southern plains.

52. Ni′nini′tubi′na hu′hu′ (former closing song)

[[audio/mpeg]] [MusicXML]]

Ni′nini′tubi′na hu′hu′,

Ni′nini′tubi′na hu′hu′.

Bäta′hina′ni hu′hu′,

Nă′hinä′ni häthi′na,

Nă′hinä′ni häthi′na.

Translation

The crow has given me the signal,

The crow has given me the signal.

When the crow makes me dance,

He tells me (when) to stop,

He tells me (when) to stop.

This was formerly the closing song of the dance, but is now superseded as such by number 73, beginning Ahu′yu häthi′na. It was also the last song sung when a small party gathered in the tipi at night for a private rehearsal, and was therefore always held in reserve until the singers were about ready to separate. The tune is one of the best. The special office of the crow as the messenger from the spirit world and representative of the messiah has been already explained. He is supposed to direct the dance and to give the signal for its close.

53. Anihä′ya atani′tă′nu′nawa′

Anihä′ya atani′tă′nu′nawa′,

Häthi′na hesûna′nĭn,

Da‛chä′-ihi′na he′sûna′nĭn,

Da‛chä′-ihi′na he′sûna′nĭn—Ih! Ih!

Translation

I use the yellow (paint),

Says the father,

In order to please me, the father,

In order to please me, the father—Ih! Ih!

The meaning of this song is somewhat obscure. It seems to be a message from the messiah to the effect that he paints himself with yellow paint, because it pleases him, the inference being that it would please him to have his children do the same. Those who take part in the sun dance are usually painted yellow, that being the color of the sun. This song is peculiar in having at the end two sharp yelps, in the style of the ordinary songs of the warrior dances.

54. Ni′naä′niahu′tawa bi′taa′wu

A′-näni′sa′na, a′-näni′sa′na,

Ni′naä′niahu′tawa bi′taa′wu,

A′-tini′chi′ni′na nä′nisa′na,

Häthi′na hesûna′nĭn,

Häthi′na hesûna′nĭn.

Translation

My children, my children,

I am flying about the earth,

I am flying about the earth.

I am a bird, my children,

Says the father,

Says the father.

In this song the messiah, addressing his children, is represented as a bird (crow?) flying about the whole earth, symbolic of his omniscience. The song has one or two variants.

55. I′nita′ta′-usä′na

I′nita′ta′-usä′na,

I′nita′ta′-usä′na.

Hä′tini′tubibä′ hu′hu,

Hä′tini′tubibä′ hu′hu.

Hä′tina′ha′wa′bä hu′hu,

Hä′tina′ha′wa′bä hu′hu.

Translation

Stand ready,

Stand ready.

(So that when) the crow calls you,

(So that when) the crow calls you.

You will see him,

You will see him.

This song was composed by Little Raven, one of the delegation of seven from the southern Arapaho and Cheyenne which visited the messiah in Nevada in August, 1891. It is a message to the believers to be ready for the near coming of the new earth. The first line is sometimes sung I′nita′ta-u′sä-hu′na.

56. Wa′wäthä′bi

Nä′nisa′na-ŭ′, nä′nisa′na-ŭ′,

Wa′wäthä′bichä′chinĭ′nabä′nagu′wa-u′i′naga′thi—He′e′ye′!

Häthi′na ne′nahu′,

Häthi′na ne′nahu′.

Translation

My children, my children,

I have given you magpie feathers again to wear on your heads—He′e′ye′!

Thus says our mother,

Thus says our mother.

This song affords a good specimen of the possibilities of Indian word building. The second word might serve as a companion piece to Mark Twain’s picture of a complete word in German. It consists of seventeen syllables, all so interwoven to complete the sense of the word sentence that no part can be separated from the rest without destroying the whole. The verbal part proper indicates that “I have given you (plural) a headdress again.” The final syllables, wa-u′i-naga′thi, show that the headdress consists of the tail feathers (wagathi) of the magpie (wa-u-i). The syllable cha implies repetition or return of action, this being probably not the first time that the messiah had given magpie feathers to his visitors.

The magpie (Pica hudsonica or mittalii) of the Rocky mountains and Sierra Nevada and the intermediate region of Nevada and Utah is perhaps the most conspicuous bird in the Paiute country. It bears a general resemblance to a crow or blackbird, being about the size of the latter, and jet black, with the exception of the breast, which is white, and a white spot on each wing. In its tail are two long feathers with beautiful changeable metallic luster. It is a home bird, frequenting the neighborhood of the Paiute camps in small flocks. It is held sacred among the Paiute, by whom the long tail feathers are as highly prized for decorative purposes as eagle feathers are among the tribes of the plains. The standard price for such feathers in 1891 was 25 cents a pair. The delegates who crossed the mountains to visit the messiah brought back with them quantities of these feathers, which thenceforth filled an important place in the ceremonial of the Ghost dance. In fact they were so eagerly sought after that the traders undertook to meet the demand, at first by importing genuine magpie feathers from the mountains, but later by fraudulently substituting selected crow feathers from the east at the same price.

The song is also peculiar in referring to the messiah as “my mother” (nena) instead of “our father” (hesûnanin), as usual.

57. Ani′qa hĕ′tabi′nuhu′ni′na

Ani′qa hĕ′tabi′nuhu′ni′na,

Ani′qa hĕ′tabi′nuhu′ni′na.

Hatăna′wunăni′na hesûna′nĭn,

Hatăna′wunăni′na hesûna′nĭn.

Ha′tăni′ni′ahu′hi′na he′sûna′nĭn,

Ha′tăni′ni′ahu′hi′na he′sûna′nĭn.

Translation

My father, I am poor,

My father, I am poor.

Our father is about to take pity on me,

Our father is about to take pity on me.

Our father is about to make me fly around.

This song refers to the present impoverished condition of the Indians, and to their hope that he is now about to take pity on them and remove them from this dying world to the new earth above; the feathers worn on their heads in the dance being expected to act as wings, as already explained, to enable them to fly to the upper regions.

58. Nä′nisa′taqu′thi hu′na

Nä′nisa′taqu′thi hu′na—Hi′ă hi′ni′ni′!

Hi′bithi′ni′na gasi′tu—Hi′ă hi′ni′ni′!

Translation

The seven crows—Hi′ă hi′ni′ni′!

They are flying about the carrion—Hi′ă hi′ni′ni′!

In this song the dreamer tells of his trance visit to the spirit world, where he found his friends busily engaged cutting up the meat after a successful buffalo hunt, while the crows were hovering about the carrion. Four and seven are the constant sacred numbers of the Ghost dance, as of Indian ritual and story generally.

59. Ahu′nä he′sûna′nĭn

Ahu′nä he′sûna′nĭn—

Ni′tabä′tani′ bäta′hina′ni,

Ha′kă hä′sabini′na he′sûna′nĭn,

Ha′kă hä′sabini′na he′sûna′nĭn.

Translation

There is our father—

We are dancing as he wishes (makes) us to dance,

Because our father has so commanded us,

Because our father has so commanded us.

The literal meaning of the last line is “because our father has given it to us,” the prairie idiom for directing or commanding being to “give a road” or to “make a road” for the one thus commanded. To disobey is to “break the road” and to depart from the former custom is to “make a new road.” The idea is expressed in the same way both in the various spoken languages and in the sign language.

60. Ga′awa′hu

Ga′awa′hu, ga′awa′hu,

Ni′hii′nä gu′shi′nä,

Ni′hii′nä gu′shi′nä.

A′tanä′tähinä′na,

A′tanä′tähinä′na.

Translation

The ball, the ball—

You must throw it swiftly,

You must throw it swiftly.

I want to win,

I want to win.

The author of this song was a woman who in her trance vision saw her girl friends in the other world playing the ball game, as described in song number 7. In this case, however, her partner is urged to throw the ball, instead of to strike it.

61. Ahu′ ni′higa′hu

Ahu′ ni′higa′hu,

Ahu′ ni′higa′hu.

Ha′tani′ni′tani′na,

Ha′tani′ni′tani′na.

Translation

The Crow is running,

The Crow is running.

He will hear me.

This song implies that the Crow (messiah) is quick to hear the prayer of the dancer and comes swiftly to listen to his petition.

62. Ya′thä-yû′na ta′na-u′qahe′na

Ne′sûna′—He′e′ye′!

Ya′thä-yûna ta′na-u′qahe′na—He′e′ye′!

Ta′bini′na hi′ticha′ni—He′e′ye′!

Bi′taa′wu ta′thi′aku′tawa′—He′e′ye′!

Translation

My father—He′e′ye′!

He put me in five places—He′e′ye′!

I stood upon the earth—He′e′ye′!

The author of this song tells how in his trance he went up to the other world, where he stood upon the new earth and saw the messiah, who took him around to five different places and gave him a pipe. The number five may here have some deeper mythic meaning besides that indicated in the bare narrative.

63. Ni′naäqa′wa chibä′ti

Ni′naäqa′wa chibä′ti,

Ni′naäqa′wa chibä′ti.

Ha′-ina′tä be′yi thi′äya′na,

Ha′-ina′tä be′yi thi′äya′na.

Translation

I am going around the sweat-house,

I am going around the sweat-house.

The shell lies upon the mound,

The shell lies upon the mound.

The maker of this song saw in his vision a sweat-house with a white shell lying upon the mound in front, where a buffalo skull is usually placed. The song evidently refers to some interesting religious ceremony, but was heard only once, and from a young man who could give no fuller explanation. I have never seen a shell used in this connection. It may be, as suggested by Reverend H. R. Voth, that the word shell is really a figurative expression for skull. In the old days the whole buffalo head was used, instead of the mere skull.

64. Hise′hi, hise′hi

Hise′hi, hise′hi,

Hä′tine′bäku′tha′na,

Häti′ta-u′seta′na,

Häti′ta-u′seta′na.

Translation

My comrade, my comrade,

Let us play the awl game,

Let us play the dice game,

Let us play the dice game.

The woman who composed this song tells how, on waking up in the spirit world, she met there a party of her former girl companions and sat down with them to play the two games universally popular with the women of all the prairie tribes.

Fig. 95—Diagram of awl game.

The first is called nĕ′bäku′thana by the Arapaho and tsoñä or “awl game” (from tsoñ, an awl) by the Kiowa, on account of an awl, the Indian woman’s substitute for a needle, being used to keep record of the score. The game is becoming obsolete in the north, but is the everyday summer amusement of the women among the Kiowa, Comanche, and Apache in the southern plains. It is very amusing on account of the unforeseen “rivers” and “whips” that are constantly turning up to disappoint the expectant winner, and a party of women will frequently sit around the blanket for half a day at a time, with a constant ripple of laughter and good-humored jokes as they follow the chances of the play. It would make a very pretty picnic game, or could readily be adapted to the parlor of civilization.

Fig. 96—Sticks used in awl game.

The players sit upon the ground around a blanket marked in charcoal with lines and dots, and quadrants in the corners, as shown in [figure 95]. In the center is a stone upon which the sticks are thrown. Each dot, excepting those between the parallels, counts a point, making twenty-four points for dots. Each of the parallel lines, and each end of the curved lines in the corners, also counts a point, making sixteen points for the lines or forty points in all. The players start from the bottom, opposing players moving in opposite directions, and with each throw of the sticks the thrower moves her awl forward and sticks it into the blanket at the dot or line to which her throw carries her. The parallels on each of the four sides are called “rivers,” and the dots within these parallels do not count in the game. The rivers at the top and bottom are “dangerous” and can not be crossed, and when the player is so unlucky as to score a throw which brings her upon the edge of the river (i. e., upon the first line of either of these pairs of parallels), she “falls into the river” and must lose all she has hitherto gained, and begin again at the start. In the same way, when a player moving around in one direction makes a throw which brings her awl to the place occupied by the awl of her opponent coming around from the other side, the said opponent is “whipped back” to the starting point and must begin all over again. Thus there is a constant succession of unforeseen accidents which furnish endless amusement to the players.

Fig. 97—Trump sticks used in awl game.

The game is played with four sticks, each from 6 to 10 inches long, flat on one side and round on the other ([figure 96]). One of these is the trump stick and is marked in a distinctive manner in the center on both sides, and is also distinguished by having a green line along the flat side ([figure 97]), while the others have each a red line. The Kiowa call this trump stick sahe, “green,” on account of the green stripe, while the others are called guadal, “red.” There are also a number of small green sticks, about the size of lead pencils, for keeping tally. Each player in turn takes up the four sticks together in her hand and throws them down on end upon the stone in the center. The number of points depends on the number of flat or round sides which turn up. A lucky throw with the green or trump stick generally gives the thrower another trial in addition. The formula is:

One flat side up counts	1
One flat side (if sahe) counts	1 and another throw.
Two flat sides up, with or without sahe, count	2
Three flat sides up count	3
Three flat sides up, including sahe, count	3 and another throw.
All four flat sides up count	6 and another throw.
All four round sides up count	10 and another throw.

Fig. 98—Baskets used in dice game.

Only the flat sides count except when all the sticks turn round side up. This is the best throw of all, as it counts ten points and another throw. On completing one round of forty points the player takes one of the small green tally sticks from the pile and she who first gets the number of tally sticks previously agreed on wins the game. Two, four, or any even number of persons may play the game, half on each side. When two or more play on a side, all the partners move up the same number of points at each throw, but only the lucky thrower gets a second trial in case of a trump throw.

The other woman’s game mentioned, the dice game, is called ta-u′sĕta′tina (literally, “striking,” or “throwing against” something) by the Arapaho, and mo′nshimûnh by the Cheyenne, the same name being now given to the modern card games. It was practically universal among all the tribes east and west, and under the name of “hub-bub” is described by a New England writer as far back as 1634, almost precisely as it exists today among the prairie tribes. The only difference seems to have been that in the east it was played also by the men, and to the accompaniment of a song such as is used in the hand games of the western tribes.

Fig. 99—Dice used in dice game.

The requisites are a small wicker bowl or basket (hatĕchi′na), five dice made of bone or of plum stones, and a pile of tally sticks such as are used in the awl game. The bowl is 6 or 8 inches in diameter and about 2 inches deep, and is woven in basket fashion of the tough fibers of the yucca ([figure 98]). The dice may be round, elliptical, or diamond-shape and are variously marked on one side with lines and figures, the turtle being a favorite design among the Arapaho ([figure 99]). Two of the five must be alike in shape and marking. The other three are marked with another design and may also be of another shape. Any number of women or girls may play, each throwing in turn, and sometimes one set of partners playing against another. The players toss up the dice from the basket, letting them drop again into it, and score points according to the way the dice turn up in the basket. The first throw by each player is made from the hand instead of from the basket. One hundred points usually count a game, and stakes are wagered on the result as in almost every other Indian contest of skill or chance. For the purpose of explanation, we shall designate two of the five as “rounds” and the other three as “diamonds,” it being understood that only the marked side counts in the game, excepting when the throw happens to turn up the three diamonds blank while the other two show the marked side, or, as sometimes happens, when all five dice turn up blank. In every case all of one kind at least must turn up to score a point. A successful throw entitles the player to another throw, while a failure obliges her to pass the basket to some one else. The formula is:

1 only of either kind	1
2 rounds	3
3 diamonds (both rounds with blank side up)	3
3 diamonds blank (both rounds with marked side up)	3
4 marked sides up	1
5 (all) blank sides up	1
5 (all) marked sides up	8

A game similar in principle, but played with six dice instead of five, is also played by the Arapaho women, as well as by those of the Comanche and probably also of other tribes.

65. Na′tu′wani′sa

Nänisa′na, nänisa′na,

Na′tu′wani′sa, na′tu′wani′sa—

Hä′nätä′hĭ′näti′,

Hä′nätä′hĭ′näti′.

Translation

My children, my children,

My top, my top—

It will win the game,

It will win the game.

The man who made this song when he entered the spirit world in his vision met there one of his boy friends who had died long years before, and once more spun tops with him as in childhood.

Tops are used by all Indian boys, and are made of wood or bone. They are not thrown or spun with a string, but are kept in motion by whipping with a small quirt or whip of buckskin. In winter they are spun upon the ice. The younger children make tops to twirl with the fingers by running a stick through a small seed berry.

66. He′na′ga′nawa′nen

He′na′ga′nawa′nen näa′wu′nani′nä bi′gushi′shi He′sûna′nini′—Ahe′e′ye′!

Nithi′na hesûna′nini′—Ahe′e′ye′!

Translation

When we dance until daylight our father, the Moon, takes pity on us—Ahe′e′ye′!

The father says so—Ahe′e′ye′!

With the Arapaho, as with many other tribes, the moon is masculine, and the sun is feminine. In mythology the two are brother and sister. There are various myths to account for the spots on the moon’s surface, some discerning in them a large frog, while to others they bear a likeness to a kettle hung over the fire. The Arapaho name for the moon, bi′gushish, means literally “night sun,” the sun itself being called hishinishish, “day sun.” A similar nomenclature exists among most other tribes.

67. Ni′nä′nina′ti′naku′ni′na na′ga′qu′

[[audio/mpeg]] [MusicXML]]

A′näni′sa′na, a′näni′sa′na,

Ni′nä′nina′ti′naku′ni′na na′ga′qu′,

Ni′nä′nina′ti′naku′ni′na na′ga′qu′;

Ti′naha′thihu′ nä′nisa′na,

Häthi′na He′sûna′nĭn,

Häthi′na He′sûna′nĭn.

Translation

My children, my children,

It is I who wear the morning star on my head.

It is I who wear the morning star on my head;

I show it to my children,

Says the father,

Says the father.

This beautiful song originated among the northern Arapaho, and is a favorite north and south. In it the messiah is supposed to be addressing his children. There is a rhythmic swing to the vocalic syllables that makes the tune particularly pleasing, and the imagery of thought expressed is poetry itself. The same idea occurs in European ballad and legend, and has a parallel in the angel of the evangelist, “clothed with a cloud, and a rainbow upon his head.”

68. A′-nena′ tabi′ni′na

A′-nena′ tabi′ni′na nĕ′tĭqta′wa′hu′,

A′-nena′ tabi′ni′na nĕ′tĭqta′wa′hu′.

Ä′nii′nahu′gahu′nahu,

Ä′nii′nahu′gahu′nahu.

Tahu′naha′thihi′na nä′nisa′na,

Tahu′naha′thihi′na nä′nisa′na.

Translation

My mother gave me my tĭ′qtawa stick,

My mother gave me my tĭ′qtawa stick.

I fly around with it,

To make me see my children,

To make me see my children.

This song was composed by a woman of the southern Arapaho. The reference is not entirely clear, but it is probable that in her trance vision she saw her children in the other world playing the game mentioned, and that afterward she made the game sticks and carried them in the dance, hoping by this means to obtain another vision of the spirit world, where she could again talk with her children who had gone before her to the shadow land. In one Ghost dance seven different women carried these game sticks.

The băti′qtûba (abbreviated ti′qtûp) game of the Arapaho and other prairie tribes somewhat resembles the Iroquois game of the “snow snake,” and is played by children or grown persons of both sexes. It is a very simple game, the contestants merely throwing or sliding the sticks along the ground to see who can send them farthest. Two persons or two parties play against each other, boys sometimes playing against girls or men against women. It is, however, more especially a girl’s game. The game sticks (bătĭqta′wa) are slender willow rods about 4 feet long, peeled and painted and tipped with a point of buffalo horn to enable them to slide more easily along the ground. In throwing, the player holds the stick at the upper end with the thumb and fingers, and, swinging it like a pendulum, throws it out with a sweeping motion. Young men throw arrows about in the same way, and small boys sometimes throw ordinary reeds or weed stalks. Among the Omaha, according to Dorsey, bows, unstrung, are made to slide along the ground or ice in the same manner.

69. Yĭ′hä′ä′ä′hi′hĭ′

Yĭ′hä′ä′ä′hi′hĭ′, Yĭ′hä′ä′ä′hi′hĭ′,

Hä′nänä′hi′gutha′-u ga′qaä′-hu′hu′,

Hä′nänä′hi′gutha′-u ga′qaä′-hu′hu′.

Translation

Yĭ′hä′ä′ä′hi′hĭ′, Yĭ′hä′ä′ä′hi′hĭ′,

I throw the “button,”

I throw the “button.”

In his trance vision the author of this song entered a tipi and found it filled with a circle of his old friends playing the ga′qutit, or “hunt the button” game. This is a favorite winter game with the prairie tribes, and was probably more or less general throughout the country. It is played both by men and women, but never by the two sexes together. It is the regular game in the long winter nights after the scattered families have abandoned their exposed summer positions on the open prairie, and moved down near one another in the shelter of the timber along the streams. When hundreds of Indians are thus camped together, the sound of the drum, the rattle, and the gaming song resound nightly through the air. To the stranger there is a fascination about such a camp at night, with the conical tipis scattered about under the trees, the firelight from within shining through the white canvas and distinctly outlining upon the cloth the figures of the occupants making merry inside with jest and story, while from half a dozen different directions comes the measured tap of the Indian drum or the weird chorus of the gaming songs. Frequently there will be a party of twenty to thirty men gaming in one tipi, and singing so that their voices can be heard far out from the camp, while from another tipi a few rods away comes a shrill chorus from a group of women engaged in another game of the same kind.

The players sit in a circle around the tipi fire, those on one side of the fire playing against those on the other. The only requisites are the “button” or ga′qaä, usually a small bit of wood, around which is tied a piece of string or otter skin, with a pile of tally sticks, as has been already described. Each party has a “button,” that of one side being painted black, the other being red. The leader of one party takes the button and endeavors to move it from one hand to the other, or to pass it on to a partner, while those of the opposing side keep a sharp lookout, and try to guess in which hand it is. Those having the button try to deceive their opponents as to its whereabouts by putting one hand over the other, by folding their arms, and by putting their hands behind them, so as to pass the ga′qaä, on to a partner, all the while keeping time to the rhythm of a gaming chorus sung by the whole party at the top of their voices. The song is very peculiar, and well-nigh indescribable. It is usually, but not always or entirely, unmeaning, and jumps, halts, and staggers in a most surprising fashion, but always in perfect time with the movements of the hands and arms of the singers. The greatest of good-natured excitement prevails, and every few minutes some more excitable player claps his hands over his mouth or beats the ground with his flat palms, and gives out a regular war-whoop. All this time the opposing players are watching the hands of the other, or looking straight into their faces to observe every telltale movement of their features, and when one thinks he has discovered in which hand the button is, he throws out his thumb toward that hand with a loud “that!” Should he guess aright, his side scores a certain number of tallies, and in turn takes the button and begins another song. Should the guess be wrong, the losing side must give up an equivalent number of tally sticks. So the play goes on until the small hours of the night. It is always a gambling game, and the stakes are sometimes very large.

The first line of the song here given is an imitation of one of these gambling songs. Among the prairie tribes each song has one or perhaps two words with meaning bearing on the game, the rest of the song being a succession of unmeaning syllables. Among some other tribes, particularly among the Navaho, as described by Dr Washington Matthews, the songs have meaning, being prayers to different animal or elemental gods to assist the player.

As specimens of another variety of gambling songs, we give here two heard among the Paiute of Nevada when visiting the messiah in the winter of 1891–92. They have pretty tunes, very distinct from those of the prairie tribes, and were borrowed by the Paiute from the Mohave, in whose language they may have a meaning, although unintelligible to the Paiute.

Paiute gambling song

[[audio/mpeg]] [MusicXML]]

1. Yo′ho′ maho′yo owa′na,

Ha′yămă ha′yămă kăni′yowĭ′. (Repeat.)

2. Ho′tsăni′ăni tsai′-owi′ani′,

Iha′ha′ tsima′nimina′ ha′ tsima′nimina′. (Repeat.)

70. Ni′qa-hu′hu′

Ni′qa-hu′hu′, ni′qa-hu′hu′,

Hu′wĭ′säna′, hu′wĭ′säna′—

Ga′qa′ä-hu′hu′, ga′qa′ä-hu′hu′.

Translation

My father, my father,

I go straight to it, I go straight to it—

The ga′qaä, the ga′qaä.

This song also refers to the game of ga′qutit, just described. The ga′qaä is the “button.”

71. A′hu′nawu′hu′

A′hu′nawu′hu′-u′-u′, a′hu′nawu′hu′-u′-u′,

Hă′tani′i′bii′na—He′e′ye′!

Ga′qu′tina′ni,

Hi′nä′ähä′k ga′qa′ä—He′e′ye′!

Translation

With red paint, with red paint,

I want to paint myself—He′e′ye′!

When I play ga′qutit,

When I play ga′qutit.

It is the “button”—He′e′ye′!

This song refers to the same game described under songs 69 and 70, and like them is based on the trance experience of the composer.

72. Ani′qa naga′qu

Ani′qa naga′qu!

Ina′habi′ä nina′gănawa′ni,

Ina′habi′ä nina′gănawa′ni.

Awu′năni′ä—Hi′i′i′!

Translation

Father, the Morning Star!

Look on us, we have danced until daylight,

Look on us, we have danced until daylight.

Take pity on us—Hi′i′i′!

This song is sung about daylight, just before the closing song, after the dancers have danced all night and are now ready to quit and go home. When the new doctrine came among the prairie tribes, the Ghost dance was held at irregular and frequent intervals, almost every other night, in fact—lasting sometimes until about midnight, sometimes until daylight, without any rule. As the ceremonial became crystallized, however, the messiah gave instructions that the dance should be held only at intervals of six weeks, and should then continue four consecutive nights, lasting the first three nights until about midnight, but on the fourth night to continue all night until daylight of the next morning. The original letter containing these directions is given in chapter X. For a long time these directions were implicitly followed, but the tendency now is to the original fashion of one-night dances, at short intervals. This song to the morning star was sung just before daylight on the final morning of the dance.

With all the prairie tribes the morning star is held in great reverence and is the subject of much mythological belief and ceremony. It is universally represented in their pictographs as a cross, usually of the Maltese pattern. In this form it is frequently pictured on the ghost shirts. The Arapaho name, nagaq′, means literally “a cross.” The Kiowa know it as t’aiñso, “the cross,” or sometimes, as dä-e′dal, “the great star.”

73. Ahu′yu häthi′na (closing song)

[[audio/mpeg]] [MusicXML]]

Ahu′yu häthi′na hesûna′nini hu′hu,

Yathû′n äta′-usä′bä—

Nithi′na hesûna′nĭn,

Nithi′na hesûna′nĭn.

Translation

Thus says our father, the Crow,

Thus says our father, the Crow.

Go around five times more—

Says the father,

Says the father.

This is the closing song of the dance since the return of the great delegation of southern Arapaho and Cheyenne who visited the messiah in August, 1891. Before that time the closing song had been number 52, beginning Ni′nini′tubi′na hu′hu′. The literal rendering of the second part is “stop five times,” the meaning and practice being that they must make five circuits singing this song and then stop. As already stated, in accordance with the instructions of the messiah, the Ghost dance is now held (theoretically) at intervals of six weeks and continues for four consecutive nights, closing about midnight, excepting on the last night, when the believers dance until daylight. As daylight begins to appear in the east, they sing the song to the morning star, as just given (number 72), and then, after a short rest, the leaders start this, the closing song, which is sung while the dancers make five circuits, resting a few moments between circuits. Then they unclasp hands, wave their blankets in the air to fan away all evil influences, and go down to the river to bathe, the men in one place and the women in another. After bathing, they resume their clothing and disperse to their various camps, and the Ghost dance is over.

ARAPAHO GLOSSARY

In this and the other glossaries here given it is intended only to give a concise definition of the meaning of each word without going into details of grammar or etymology. The Ghost dance was studied for its mythology, psychology, ritual, and history, and language in this connection was only the means to an end, as it was impossible in a few months of time to devote close attention to the numerous languages spoken by the tribes represented in the dance.

The Arapaho language, as will be seen from the specimens given, is eminently vocalic, almost every syllable ending in a vowel, and there being almost no double consonant sounds. Like the Cheyenne language, it lacks l and r. The most prominent vowel sounds are a, ä, and i, and in some instances there are combinations of several vowel sounds without any intervening consonant. The soft th sound is also prominent. The g and d frequently approximate to k and t, respectively, and b in the standard dialect becomes v among the northern Arapaho. The only sound of the language (excepting the medial k and t) not found in English is the gutteral q, and the language is entirely devoid of the hissing effect of Cheyenne or the choking sounds of Kiowa.

In the songs it is common to prefix a, and to add i, hi, hu, huhu, etc, to the ends of words in order to fill out the meter. In a few cases changes are made in the body of the word for the same purpose. In the glossary these unmeaning syllables are not given where they occur at the end of words. Words beginning with a vowel sound may sometimes be written as beginning with the breathing h, and s is sometimes pronounced sh.

Aä′ninĕ′na—the name by which the Arapaho Grosventres of the Prairie, one of the five principal divisions of the Arapaho, call themselves. It is said to signify “white clay men,” from aäti, “white clay,” and hinĕ′na, “men.” They are called Hitu′nĕna, or “beggars,” by the rest of the tribe, and are commonly known to the whites under the French name of Grosventres, “big bellies.”

Aanû′hawa—another name for the Ha′nahawunĕ′na division of the Arapaho. The meaning of the word is unknown.

Abää′thina′hu—for Bääthi′na.

A′baha′—for Ba′haa′.

Äbäna′änahu′u′—for Bänaä′na.

Abä′nihi—for Bä′ni.

Abä′qati—for Bä′qăti.

Ächiqa′hăwa—I am looking at him. Also Nina′hawa, I look at him. Nă′hănĭ, Here! Look! nahata, look at it (imperative singular); ina′habi′ä, look on us. Compare Hätina′hawa′bä.

Ächĭshinĭ′qahi′na—he was taking me around.

A′gană′—bed-covers of buffalo skin; singular, a′gă′.

Aha′känĕ′na—“crazy men,” one of the degrees of the Arapaho military organization. The word is derived from aha′ka, crazy, and hinĕna, men. The “fire moth,” which flies around and into the fire, is called aha′kăa′, or “crazy,” and the Aha′känĕna are supposed to imitate the action of this moth in the fire dance. See [Arapaho song 43] and [Cheyenne song 10].

Aha′känithi′ĭ—they are crazy. In the Indian idea “foolish” and “crazy” are generally synonymous. Compare Aha′känen′a and Ahaka′wŭ.

Ahaka′wŭ—the crazy dance. It is called Psam by the Cheyenne, from psa, crazy. See [Arapaho song 43] and [Cheyenne song 10].

Ahe′eye′!—an unmeaning exclamation used in the songs.

A′hene′heni′ăă!—an unmeaning exclamation used in the songs.

A′hesûna′nini—for Hesŭna′nĭn.

A′heye′ne′hene′!—an unmeaning exclamation used in the songs.

Ahe′yuhe′yu!—an unmeaning exclamation used in the songs.

Ahu′—for Ho.

Ahu′hu—for Ho.

Ahu′nä—there it is; there he is.

Ahu′nawu′hu—for Hĭnăw′, paint. Compare Hĭna′wûn.

Ahu′yu—thus; in this way.

Änani′nibinä′si—for Nani′nibinä′sĭ.

Anä′nisa′na—for Näni′sanăû.

Ana′wati′n-hati—“playing wheel” (hati, wheel); a netted gaming wheel. See [Arapaho song 50].

Anĕä′thibiwă′hana—for Nĕü′thibiwa′na.

Ane′na—for Ne′na.

Ani′anethahi′nani′na—for Ni′anĕ′hahi′nani′na.

Aniäsa′kua′na—for Ni′äsa′kua′na.

Ani′ätähĭ′näna—for Hänä′tähĭnä′na.

A′niesa′na—for Niesa′na.

Anihä′ya—the yellow (paint).

Ä′nii′nahu′gahu′nahu—for Häni′inĭahu′na.

Ani′niha′niahu′na—for Niniha′niahu′na.

Ani′qa—for Ni′qa.

Ani′qu—for Ni′qa.

Ani′qana′ga—for Ni′qana′ga.

A′nisûna′ahu—for Nisû′na.

Aqa′thinĕ′na—“pleasant men,” from aqa′thi, “pleasant,” and hinĕ′na, “men.” One of the five bands of the southern Arapaho.

Ärä′păho—the popular name for the Arapaho tribe. The derivation is uncertain, but it may be, as Dunbar suggests, from the Pawnee verb tirapihu or larapihu, “he buys or trades,” in allusion to the Arapaho having formerly been the trading medium between the Pawnee, Osage, and others in the north, and the Kiowa, Comanche, and others to the southwest (Grinnell). It is worthy of note that old frontiersmen pronounce the name Aräpihu. It is not the name by which they are called by the Cheyenne, Sioux, Shoshoni, Kiowa, Comanche, Apache, Caddo, or Wichita.

Äräpa′kata—the Crow name for the Arapaho, evidently another form of the word Arapaho.

Atănätähĭnä′na—I wish to win or beat.

Atani′tanu′newa—I use it. Ati′tănu′wă, use it! (imperative singular).

Äta′-usä′bä—stop so many times (plural imperative). The verb applies only to walking, etc; the generic imperative for stopping or quitting is nä′hinä′ni, q. v.; Hithĕta′-usä, stop! (singular imperative).

Ate′be—for Tĕ′bĕ.

Ate′betana′-ise′ti—for Tĕ′bĕ‛tana′-isĕt.

Ätĭ′‛chäbi′näsä′nă—let us go out gambling.

Äti′chanĭ′na—your pipes. Hicha, a pipe; hiti′cha, this pipe; sĕ′icha, the sacred “flat pipe.” See [Arapaho song 2].

Atini′ehini′na—for Thĕni′ehi′nina.

Atsi′na—the Blackfoot name for the Aä′ninĕna or Arapaho Grosventres. The word signifies “gut people.”

Awawa—for Wa′wa.

Awatänani—for Watäna′ni.

Awu′năni′ä—another form of ne′chawu′nani—take pity on us.

Ba(-hu)—a road or trail.

Ba′achinĕ′na—Another name for the Nakasinĕ′na (q. v.) or northern Arapaho. The word may mean “red willow (i. e., kinikinik) men,” or “blood-pudding men,” the latter etymology being derived from bä, blood, and chĭni′niki, to put liquid into a bladder.

Bääku′ni—“Red Feather,” the Arapaho name of Paul Boynton, a Carlisle student, and formerly interpreter at Cheyenne and Arapaho agency.

Baa′-ni′bina—“thunder-berries,” from băa′, thunder, and ni′bin, berry; a wild fruit, perhaps the black haw. See [Arapaho song 51].

Bääthi′na—cedar tree. See [Arapaho song 31].

Bad Pipes—one of the three bands of the northern Arapaho. Their present chief is Sharp Nose.

Băĕ′na—turtle. See [Arapaho song 25].

Ba′haa′, or Băa′—the Thunder. See [Arapaho song 14].

Bähibiwă′hĭna—on their account I am made to cry (immediate present). Bäniwa′nă or nibiwa′na, I am crying; hä′nibiwăhĭna, on its account I am made to cry, for its sake I am crying; nähibiwa′huna′na, then I wept; nähibiwa′huna, then I began to cry or lament; nĕä thibiwa′na, the place where crying begins.

Bä′hinänina′tä—everything.

Bahwetegow-eninneway—the Ojibwa name for the Aä′ninĕna or Arapaho Grosventres ([Tanner]). It signifies “men, or people of the falls,” from bawitig, “falls,” and ininiwŭg, “men, or people.” They are so called on account of their former residence at the rapids of the Saskatchewan.

Bänaä′na—the thunderbirds; singular Ba′haa′, or Ba′awa.

Bä′ni—my (male) comrade. Vocative. Used by a boy or young man speaking to his comrade or partner of the same sex. The corresponding female term is hisä.

Bä′qati—“great wheel,” from —— great, and hati′, a gaming wheel, a wagon. An ordinary wheel is called ni′nae′gûti, “turner.” See [Arapaho song 49].

Bä′qătibä—with the bä′qăti, q. v.

Bäsawunĕ′na—one of the five divisions of the Arapaho, and formerly a distinct tribe. The name is variously rendered “wood lodge men” or “big lodge men,” or people, the terminal part being derived from hinĕ′na “men.”

Bäta′hina′ni—he makes me dance. (In the songs when, where, etc., are sometimes understood with verbs). Bäta′t, a dance; nibä′tana, I dance; nitabä′tani, we are dancing; bätäna′ni, when we dance; Thi′gûnăwa′t, the Ghost dance. Compare also Hena′gana′wanĕn.

Bätäna′ni—when we dance. Compare Bäta′hina′ni.

Bătĭ′qtawa—the throwing-stick used in the bătĭ′qtûba game. See [Arapaho song 68].

Bătĭ′qtûba—the game of the “throwing-stick” or “snow-snake” among the prairie tribes. See [Arapaho song 68].

Bena—for Băĕ′na.

Bĕni′nĕna—“warriors,” the military organization of the Arapaho. See [Arapaho song 43].

Bĕni′nina—he gave it to me. Bĕni′na, I gave it to him; bĕ′ninĕ′thĭn, I gave it to you; niibi′nu, I gave it to them; häsa-bini′na, he has given it to us; tabini′na, he (she) gave it to me; da′chi′bini′na, he will give me a hawk-feather.

Bĕtidĕĕ—the Kiowa Apache name for the Arapaho.

Beyi—a (white) shell.

Bi′ga—night.

Bi′gushish—the moon, literally “night sun,” from bi′ga, night, and hishi′sh, sun, or celestial luminary. The sun is distinguished as hishi-nishi′sh, or “day sun,” from hishĭ, day, and hishi′sh. In many Indian languages the sun and moon have but one name, with an adjective prefix or suffix to distinguish between day and night. See [Arapaho song 66]. The morning star is called naga′q, “the cross;” the milky way is hi′thina′na-ba, “the buffalo road,” or thi′gûni-ba, “the spirit or ghost road;” the pleiades are bä′nakŭth, “the group (sitting).”

Biqăna′kaye′na—I am crying on account of thirst. Naka′yena, I am thirsty.

Bishqa′wa—coming into sight, approaching from a distance. (Third person, singular.)

Bitaa′wu—the earth.

Bitaha′wŭ—the dance of the Bita′hinĕna. See [Arapaho song 43].

Bita′hinĕna—“spear men;” one of the degrees of the Arapaho military organization. The name comes from the Cheyenne word for spear, bitahä′na; the Arapaho word for spear is qawă′. See [Arapaho song 43].

Bi′täye—captor, seizer; the name by which the Arapaho Hänä′chäthi′ăk, “Sitting Bull,” was called when a boy.

Chăna′ha′t—where there is none. Iyahu′h, it is all gone.

Chäniĭ′nagu′nĭt—he wears them, he is wearing them.

Cha′qtha (singular, Chaq)—“enemies,” the Arapaho name for the Comanche.

Chä′säq—another, another of them; from chä′saiy’, one. See Yathûn.

Chĕbi′nk—greasy, something greasy; figuratively used for pemmican. See [Arapaho song 46].

Chi′bät—a sweat-house.

Chĭ′chita′nĕ—literally, a target, a mark to shoot at. A boy’s game. See [Arapaho song 4].

Chĭnachi′chibä′iha—venerable, (memorable or ancient) priests of the Chĭ′nachichi′bät, or sacred sweat-lodge, from chĭnachichi′bät, the sacred sweat-lodge, and bäiä, old man. See [Arapaho song 43].

Chĭ′nachichi′bät—the sacred large sweat-house; from chi′bät, sweat-house. See [Arapaho song 43].

Chĭnăchi′chibä′tĭna—immortal, venerable, or never-to-be-forgotten priests of the sweat-house; from chi′bät, sweat-house. See [Arapaho song 43].

Chĭ′nachinĕ′na—water-pouring men; the highest degree of the Arapaho military organization. See Arapaho song 43.

Dă′chäbi′hati′taniĭ′—where there is gambling; where they are gambling. In the Arapaho language there is no generic term for playing for amusement only. Chäbi′hĭnä′na, I am gambling; hänĭ′chäbihĭnäna, I am gambling with it; di′chäbihäti′tani′ĭ, while or when they are gambling with it.

Da‛chä′-ihi′na—in order to please me.

Da‛chi′binina—he will give me a (chicken-) hawk feather. Compare Bĕni′nina.

‛chinathi′na—he having come for me (participle). Nichĭnû′ti′ha, I come for him.

Da′naa′bäna′wa—I moved it (“when” is sometimes understood).

Dä′nasaku′tawa—I am standing upon it.

Dăna′tinĕnawa′ŭ—because I longed, or wished, to see him; da in composition gives the idea of “because.”

De′tawuni′na—he told me. Compare Häthi′na.

Di′chäbihäti′tani′ĭ—while or when, they are gambling with it. Compare Dă′chäbi′hati′taniĭ.

Di′chin—because. Haka is also sometimes used.

Diinĕ′tita′niĕg—living people; human existence.

Dog soldier—a popular but incorrect name given by the whites to the military organizations of the prairie tribes. See [Arapaho song 43].

E′eye′!—an unmeaning exclamation used in the songs.

Ehe′eye′!—ibid.

E′hihänakuwu′hunĭt—he turned into a moose. Naku′wu, moose; iwă′qu, elk.

Ehihä′sina′kawu′hunĭt—for E′hihänakuwu′hunĭt.

Ehihä′sĭniĕhi′nĭt—he is beginning to be a bird, he is turning into a bird; ni′ĕhi, a bird.

E′yahe′eye′!—an unmeaning exclamation used in the songs.

Eye′ae′yuhe′yu!—ibid.

E′yehe′!—ibid.

Forks-of-the-river Men—the principal of the three bands of the northern Arapaho. Their present chief is Black Coal.

Gaahi′na—another form of Ga′ahinĕ′na.

Ga′ahinĕ′na—“coyote men,” from ga′a, coyote, and hinĕ′na, men; singular, ga′ahinĕ′n. The camp guards or pickets of the Arapaho. See [Arapaho song 41].

Ga′awă′, or ga′awăha—a ball, used in the woman’s game of gû‛ga′hawa′t or shinny. See [Arapaho song 7].

Gaăwa′tina—canned goods, canned fruits.

Ga′năni′na—he wiped me off, he cleaned me. Ganĕ′naa, I wipe him off.

Ga′qaä—the “button” or small object hidden by the players in the ga′qutit game. See [Arapaho song 69].

Ga′qutina′ni—when I play ga′qutit. See [Arapaho song 69].

Ga′qutit—the “hunt the button” game of the western tribes. See [Arapaho song 69].

Gasi′tu—carrion.

Ga′wunĕ′häna—another form of Gawunĕ′na.

Gawunĕ′na—one of the five bands of the southern Arapaho. The name is the same applied by the Arapaho to the Blackfeet, from whom this band is said to be derived. It is also the Arapaho name for the Blackfoot band of Sioux. The name is of foreign origin and can not be explained by the Arapaho. The Blackfeet are sometimes also called by them Watä′nitä′si, “black feet.”

Greasy Faces—one of the three bands of the northern Arapaho. Their present chief is Spotted Horse.

Grosventres (of the Prairie)—the name by which the Aä′ninĕ′na (Arapaho division) are commonly known to the whites.

The correct French form is Gros Ventres des Prairies, “Big Bellies of the Prairie,” to distinguish them from the Minitari′, or Hidatsa, who were called Gros Ventres du Missouri. The term Gros Ventres, as applied to this division of the Arapaho, is derived from a misconception of the Indian gesture sign for the tribe, which really denotes “belly people,” i. e. “spongers” or “beggars.”

Gû‛gă′hawa′t—the woman’s game of shinny. See [Arapaho song 7].

Gun—but.

Gushi′nä—throw it! (imperative singular). Asegŭ′, I throw it; chegŭ′, throw it here!

Ha′ănake′ĭ—rock, the rock.

Ha′anûnä—forcibly, violently.

Habätä′nani′hi—for Bätäna′ni.

Ha′dă′wuha′na—we have made them desolate; we have deprived them of all happiness.

Hageni′stit—he is making it across the water. Compare Hani′stit.

Ha′hat—the cottonwood tree (Populus monilifera).

Ha-ina′tä—it lies there, it lies upon it.

Häĭ′nawa—I know. Ni′hawa, I do not know.

Ha′ka—because. Dichin has the same meaning.

Ha′nä—for Ha′ănûnä.

Hänä′chä-thi′ă′k—Sitting Bull, the Arapaho apostle of the ghost dance; from hänä′chä, a buffalo bull, and thi′ăk, he is sitting. In early youth, before going to Wyoming, he was called Bi′täye, “Captor.”

Ha′naĕ′hi—little boy (vocative).

Ha′nahawu′nĕn (singular).

Ha′nahawunĕ′na—one of the five divisions of the Arapaho, but now practically extinct. The meaning of the name is unknown, but the final syllables are from hinĕ′na, signifying “men,” or “people.”

Hänäi′säĭ—at the boundaries.

Hä′nänä′higu′tha-u—for Nä′higu′tha.

Häna′nawu′nănu—those who have been taught (?).

Hänä′tähĭnä′na—I win the game (by means of something).

Hä′nätä′hĭ′nät—It will win the game. Ä′nätähĭ′nänä, I win.

Hänĭ—for Häni′ĭnĭ.

Hä′nibiwă′hĭnă—on its account I am made to cry; for its sake I am crying. Compare Bähibiwă′hĭna.

Hänĭ′chäbihĭ′näna—I am gambling with it. Compare Dă′chäbi′hati′taniĭ.

Häni′ĭnĭ—by this means, by its means; abbreviated to häniĭ or häni.

Häni′inĭahu′na—I fly around with it.

Hänina′ta—it is lying there (inanimate). Säshĭ′năna, I lie down.

Häni′nihiga′huna′—for Häni′ĭnĭ nĭhiga′huna,—by its means I am running swiftly.

Hani′stit—he has finished it, now he has finished it. Compare Hageni′stit.

Hänĭta′quna′nĭ—in the pitfall; from ta′quna, a pitfall. See [Arapaho song 47].

Ha′qihana—“wolves,” one of the five bands of the southern Arapaho.

Hä′sabini′na—he has given it to us. Compare Bĕni′nina.

Hä′täi′naku′ni—you may have it. Näni′thana′na, I have it.

Hatăna′wunăni′na—he is about to take pity on me. Nä′awu′năna, I pity him; awu′nanĭ or ne′chawu′nani, have pity on me; nitawu′nana, I take pity on them. Compare Ti′awawu′nănu.

Hă′tanbii′na—I wish to paint myself with it. Bii′nanihä′ya, I paint myself.

Hă′tani′i′bii′na—for Ha′tanbii′na.

Hatăni′ina′danĕ′na—I am about to use him to “make medicine,” i. e., to perform a sacred ceremony (remote future). The immediate future is hatăni′nadanĕ′na; inĭ is the root of to use; nadanĕ′na, is to “make medicine,” from the root nĕ′na, to sing. The gesture sign for “song” and “medicine” are also nearly the same. See [Arapaho song 33].

Hatăni′niahu′hi′na—he is going to make me fly around. Hăni′niahu′na, I am flying; gaya′ahuha, I make him fly.

Ha′tani′nitani′na—for Hatni′tăni′na.

Hatĕchi′na—the basket bowl used in the dice game. See [Arapaho song 64].

Hä′thäbĕ′na (-wa)—I hand it to you.

Ha′thahŭ—star dance; the dance of the Hă′thahu′ha. See [Arapaho song 43].

Hă′thahu′ha—star people, from hă′tha, star; one of the degrees of the Arapaho military organization. See [Arapaho song 43].

Häthi′na—he tells me, he says to me. Present, häthi′na; future, nĭhiithi′na; perfect, hatnithi′na; he′ităwuni′na, it tells me; de′tawuni′na, another form for “he told me.”

Ha′ti—for Ha′hat.

Hätiku′tha—the humming toy used by boys of the prairie tribes. See [Arapaho song 25].

Hätina′hawa′bä—you (plural) will see him; nana′hawă, I see him; ni′nahawa′na, we see them; nahăbi′na, he saw me; na′hawû, I saw him; he′năă′awă, when I see it; tahu′naha′thihi′na, to make me see them. Nina′hawa, I look at him.

Hätinĕ′bäku′thana—let us play nĕ′bäku′thana, the awl game. See [Arapaho song 64].

Hätini′tubi′bä—he is calling you (plural); nini′tuwa, I call him.

Häti′ta-usĕta′na—let us play ta′-usĕta′na. See [Arapaho song 64].

Hä′tnaa′waa′—it is about to move (immediate future).

Hätnaawaa-uhu—for Hä′tnaa′waa′.

Hätni′tani′na—he will hear me. Näni′ta′nă, I hear him; nitabä′na, I hear it; nini′dănă′û, I heard him. In the form in [Arapaho song 61], Hatani′nitani′na, the syllable ni is repeated in the body of the word to fill in the meter.

Hatni′thi′aka′tana—we have it in the center. Nahi′thaä′ntană, I am the center; nähi′thiăni′na′ta, it is in the center.

Hayana′-u′si′ya—for Ya′‛na-u′si′ya.

He!—an unmeaning exclamation used in the songs.

Hechä′—when again.

He′e′e′!—an unmeaning exclamation used in the songs.

He′ee′ä′ehe′yuhe′yu!—ibid.

He′eye′!—ibid.

He′ităwuni′na—it tells me. Compare Häthi′na.

He′năă′awă—when I see it. Compare Hätina′hawa′bä.

He′nagana′‛wanĕn—when we dance until daylight. The root is naga′nh, daylight, or dawn. Nibä′tanä, I dance; ni′nagănawa′ni, we have danced until daylight. Compare Bäta′hina′ni.

Hesû′na—the father. Hesûna′nĭn, our father; nisû′na, my father, whence hi-nisû′na-hu of the songs.

Hesûna′nĭn—our father. Compare Hesû′na.

Hĕtabi′nuhu′ni′na—I am poor; I am needy.

Hĕthĕ′hinĕ′na—Dog men, from hĕth, dog, and hinĕ′na, men; one of the degrees of the Arapaho military organization. See [Arapaho song 43].

Hĕthĕwa′wŭ—The dance of the Hĕthĕhinĕ′na. See [Arapaho song 43].

He′wa-u′sa—you are a young crow, you are the offspring of the crow; ho or hu, crow; hosa, a young crow, a little crow. This was the Indian name of Little Raven, the noted Arapaho chief, who died a few years ago.

He′yahe′eye!—an unmeaning exclamation used in the songs.

He′yäya′ahe′ye!—ibid.

He′yoho′ho!—ibid.

Hi′a!—ibid.

Hi′bithini′na—they are flying about it. Ninaä′niahu′tawa, I am flying about it. Compare Nänii′ahu′na.

Hichăä′qawŭ—the dance of the Hichăä′quthi. See [Arapaho song 43].

Hichăä′quthi—Club men, from chăä′tha, a club; one of the degrees of the Arapaho military organization. See [Arapaho song 43].

Hi′chäbä′-i—high up, on high, i. e., in heaven, in the sky, or in a tree top.

Higa′ahina′-ĭt—“The man with the coyote gun;” from gaahi′na, the “coyote men;” a camp guard or picket among the Arapaho. See [Arapaho song 41].

Hiii!—an unmeaning exclamation used in the songs.

Hi′nä—here; here it is.

Hinä′ähä′k—it is! (strongly affirmative). Compare Hi′nä.

Hină′äthi—the long wing-feather (referring to the longest wing pinion, worn on the head).

Hĭna′wûn—his paint; hĭnă′w’, (red) paint, the Indian clay paint; nina′w’, my paint; hena′w’, your paint.

Hĭ′ni or ĭ′nĭ—that, that one.

Hi′nini′!—an unmeaning song terminal.

Hi′niqa′aga′yetu′sa—for Hĭ′nĭ niqaga′yătusă.

Hinisa′na—his children. Compare Nänisa′năŭ.

Hinisû′nahu—for Nisû′na.

Hĭsä′—my female comrade, or companion (vocative).

Hi′sähihi—for Hĭsä′.

Hise′hi—ibid.

Hĭtäsi′na—(singular, Hĭ′täsi)—“scarred people,” the Arapaho name for the Cheyenne. From hĭtäshi′ni, scarred or cut.

Hiti′cha—this pipe. Compare Äti′chanĭ′na.

Hiticha′ni—for Hiti′cha.

Hitu′nena—the name by which the Aä′ninĕ′na or Arapaho Grosventres of the Prairie are known to the rest of the tribe. Another form is Hitu′nĕni′na. It signifies “begging men,” or more exactly “spongers,” the terminal part being from hinĕ′na, “men.” The Arapaho call the Sioux Natni, and the Asiniboin Tu-natni, or “begging Sioux.”

Hi′yu—here it is. Näyu, there it is; häyu, where is it? what is it?

Ho—crow; usually duplicated as Huhu or Ahuhu in the songs. The crow is the sacred bird of the Ghost dance, and is also held sacred by the Algonquian tribes generally. See [Arapaho song 36].

Ho′sa—“Little Crow,” better known as “Little Raven,” the celebrated chief of the southern Arapaho. He died a few years ago and was succeeded by the present head chief Na′wat or Left Hand. The name is derived from ho, “crow,” and sa, the diminutive.

Hu!—an unmeaning exclamation sometimes used by devotees and priests in the Ghost dance when under strong excitement, as Hu! Hu! Hu!

Hubbub—the name given by old New England writers to the Indian dice game. See [Arapaho song 68].

Huhu—for Ho.

Hu′nă—crows; plural of ho or hu; figuratively used in the songs for crow feathers worn on the head.

Hu′naku′nithi—wearers of the crow feathers; the name given to the seven leaders of the Ghost dance who wear crow feathers on their heads. Ho, crow; plural, hona or huna.

Hu′wĭsä′na—I go straight to it. Huwĭ′sä, you go, etc; qănu′wĭsät, he goes, etc.

Huyu—another form of Hi′yu.

Ih!—an unmeaning exclamation used in the songs.

Ikunuhkatsi—“All Comrades,” the military society of the Blackfeet. See [Arapaho song 43].

Ina′habi′ä—Look on us! Nina′hawa, I look at him. Compare Ächiqa′hăwa.

I′nĭt—timber.

Inita′ta-usä′na—stand ready! (imperative plural) Näni′tata′-usä′na, I am ready.

Inû′na-i′na—the name used by the Arapaho to designate themselves. It signifies “our people,” or “people of our kind.”

I′thaq—a gut; a sheath or case made of bear gut. See [Arapaho song 41].

I′thetihi—good.

Iyahu′h—gone, it is all gone.

Iyehe′!—an unmeaning exclamation used in the songs.

I′yehe′eye—ibid.

Iyu—another form of Hi′yu.

Kaninahoic—the Ojibwa name for the Arapaho.

Kanina′vish—ibid.

Kawinahan—the form used by Hayden for Gawunĕ′na or Gawunĕ′häna, q. v.

Ku′niahu′na—I fly with it on my head.

Maqpĭ′ato—the Sioux name for the Arapaho. It signifies “blue cloud, i. e., a clear sky;” reason unknown.

Minnetarees of Fort de Prairie—The name given by Lewis and Clark to the Aä′ninĕna or Arapaho Grosventres. The Aä′ninĕna are known to the French Canadians as Gros Ventres des Prairies, while the Minitari are called by them Gros Ventres du Missouri, and the American explorers incorrectly compounded the two names.

Näa′wunani′nä—he takes pity on us. Compare Hatăna′wunăni′na.

Na′chichaba′n—they are still making it. Nä′nĭstĭnă, I make it; Näsu′nistină, I still make it.

Naga′q—the morning star. See Arapaho songs [67] and [72]. The word literally means “a cross.”

Nahăbi′na—he saw me. Compare Hätina′hawa′bä.

Nă′hănĭ—here! look! Compare Ächiqa′hăwă.

Naha′ta—look at it! (imperative singular). Compare Ächiqa′hăwă.

Na′hawaŭ′—for Na′hawû′.

Na′hawŭû—I saw him. Compare Hätina′hawä′bä.

Nä′hibiwa′huna—then I begin to cry or lament. Compare Bähibiwă′hĭna.

Nä′hibi′wahuna′na—then I wept. Compare Bähibiwă′hĭna.

Nä′higu′tha—I throw it. Nina′gu′tha, I throw it where it can not be found.

Nä′hinä′n—stop!

Nä′inaha′tdäbä′naq—I then saw the multitude plainly.

Na′kash—sage; the wild sage (Artemisia); the name of a prominent northern Arapaho.

Na′kasinĕ′na—the name by which the northern Arapaho call themselves. It signifies “sagebrush men,” from na′kash, “sagebrush,” and hinĕ′na or hinĕ′nina, the plural of hinĕ′n, “man.” They are called Ba′achinĕ′na by the other Arapaho, and Tägyä′ko by the Kiowa.

Nănä′—it is that, that is the thing.

Na′nagă′qănĕt—white-skinned (singular); from na′guă, white (organic) and wană′q, skin. Nûna′chă, white (inorganic); either na′guă or nûna′chă may be used in speaking of a house. Na′nagă′qănĕt is one of the Arapaho names for the whites, the ordinary term being Nia′thn, q. v. See also Niha′nătaye′chet.

Nanaha′thăhi—he showed me. Nanaha′tha, I show him.

Nänä′nina—it is I, I am he (emphatic).

Nana′thina′ni—he came to take me, he came for me. In the songs the adverb “when” or “where” is sometimes understood with the verb. See [Arapaho song 38].

Näne′th—when I met him.

Nä′niahu′na—for Näniĭ′ahu′na.

Nänibä′tawă—I am singing it; Näni′bina, I sing; nibä′t, a song.

Nänibä′tia—for Nänibä′tawă.

Nä′‛nihithätu′hŭna—thus I shouted, or called. Nä′‛ni in composition signifies “thus.”

Näni′ibä—it is spotted.

Nani′nibinä′sĭ—the wind makes them sing. Näni′bina, I sing. Compare Nänibä′tawă.

Nänisa′na—for Näni′sanăŭ′.

Näni′sanăŭ′ or Näni′sanăq—my children. Näni′sa, my older child; näni′sanĕ′ăĕ′, my young child.

Nänisa′taqi—for Ni′sataq, seven.

Nänisa′tăquthi—for Ni′sataq, seven.

Nä′nitha′tuhŭ′na—for Nä′‛nihithatu′hŭna.

Näniwu′hună—I carry it as I fly about in circles. Compare Hi′bithini′na with Tahĕti′niahu′na.

Nasu′siyakunawa—I am stripping it. I am unsheathing it. Compare Săniyagu′nawa′.

Na′tănu′ya—what I am using. Tanu′năwa′, I use it.

Na′tenehi′na—another form of Natni or Na′tnihi′na.

Na′tni or Na′tnihi′na—the Arapaho name for the Sioux. The etymology is unknown, but it may possibly be a form of Na′dowe, the generic Algonquian name for Indians of a different stock.

Natu′wani′sa—my top (a toy); from uwani′sa, a top. See [Arapaho song 65].

Na′waa′tănû—I prayed to him; ni′awăaa′tanû, I am praying (to him).

Na′wat—“Left Hand,” present head chief of the southern Arapaho.

Na′wathinĕ′ha—the name by which the southern Arapaho are known to the rest of the tribe. It signifies “southerners,” and is said to be an archaic form for Nawunĕ′na, the name by which the southern Arapaho call themselves.

Na′wunĕ′na—the proper name of the southern Arapaho. It signifies “southern men,” from na′wun, “south,” and hinĕ′na, “men.” They are called Nawa′thinĕ′ha, “southerners,” by the northern Arapaho, which is said to be the archaic form.

Năya′qût—the whirlwind. The powers and phenomena of nature are generally personified in Indian thought and language.

Nä′yu—there it is. Compare Iyu.

Nea-i′qaha′ti—for Ne′ia-i′qahat.

Neä′thibiwa′na—the place where crying begins. Compare Bähibiwă′hĭna.

Nĕ′bäku′thana—the “awl game” of the women of the prairie tribes. See [Arapaho song 64].

Nĕ′chäi′hit—he gave me this grateful gift; he gave me this, for which I am thankful.

Nĕ′chä′wu′nani—have pity on me (imperative singular). Compare Hatana′wunani′na.

Nehawa′wună′na—I have no sympathy with him. Compare Ti′awawu′nănu.

Nĕ′ia-i′qahat—now he is collecting them; now he begins to gather them.

Ne′na(-hu)—my mother. Nesû′na, my father.

Nesû′na—another form of Nisû′na.

Nĕtĭ′qtawa—my tĭ′qtawa or throwing-stick. The game is called bătĭ′qtûba, abbreviated to tĭ′qtûp. The throwing-stick is called bătĭ′qtawa or tĭ′qtawa. See [Arapaho song 68].

Nĕ′tita′wahu—for Netĭ′qtawa.

Ni′ănĕ′thăhi′nani′na—he did not recognize me. The negative idea is contained in änĕ′th; ä′ninani′na, he recognized me.

Ni′ănita′wathi—they push hard, i. e., they persevere. Näni′äni′tawana, I push hard; I do my best; I do right.

Nia′rhari′s-kûrikiwa′s-hûski—proper Wichita name for the Arapaho.

Ni′äsa′kua′na—I am looking on, or watching. Compare Hätina′hawa′bä and Ächiqa′hăwa.

Nia′thu or Nia′‛thuă—the white people; singular, Nia′tha. The word signifies literally expert, skillful, or wise, and is also the Arapaho name for the spider. The word for “white” is nu′na′cha′ă. Compare Na′nagă′qănĕt and Niha′nătaye′chet.

Niathu′a-u—for Niathu′a.

Niati′biku′thahu—for Niati′biku′thathi.

Niati′biku′thathi—they are rolling it.

Nibäi′naku′nithi—they all wear it on their heads. Ninaku′na, I wear it on my head.

Nibä′t—song. Compare Nänibä′tawă.

Nibä′tia—for Nibä′t.

Ni′binu—for Niibi′na.

Ni′bithi′t—I have nothing to eat.

Ni′chiă—river.

Ni′chihinĕ′na—“river men,” the Arapaho name for the Kiowa. From ni′chiă, river, and hinĕ′na, men, so called from the former residence of the Kiowa on upper Arkansas river, from which they were driven by the Arapaho and Sioux.

Niesa′na, or Ni′chisa′na—the young birds. Niĕ′hĕ, bird; niĕ′hisa, a young bird.

Niha′nătaye′chet—yellow-hided (singular); from niha′ne, yellow, and nata′yech, a hide; one of the Arapaho names for the whites. The ordinary term is Nia′thu, q. v.

Nĭhiga′hu—he is running. Näniga′na, I run; năni′higa, he runs; nĭhiga′huna, I am running swiftly.

Nĭhiga′huna—I am running swiftly. Compare Nĭhiga′hu.

Nihii′nä—forcibly, swiftly.

Niibi′na—I gave it to them. Compare Bĕni′nina.

Niitegu—for Nii′tĕhăg.

Nii′tĕhăg—it was he, he was the one.

Niitu′qawigû′niĕ′—where they were coming down; where they were descending toward us.

Ninaä′niahu′na—fly in circles (habitual); I am constantly flying about in circles. Compare Hi′bithini′na and Tahĕti′niahu′na.

Ninaä′niahu′tawa—I am flying about it. Compare Hi′bithini′na.

Ninaä′qăwa′—I go around it.

Ni′nagănawa′ni—we have danced until daylight. Compare He′nagana′‛wanĕn and Bäta′hina′ni.

Ni′nahawa′na—we see them. Compare Hätina′hawa′bä.

Ninä′ninati′nakuni′na—It is I who have (wear) it on my head; I am the one who ties it on my head.

Ninĕ′n—tallow.

Niniha′niahu′na—I fly around yellow. Niha′ne, yellow. Compare Hi′bithini′na and Nänii′ahu′na.

Ni′nini′tubi′na—he has called me.

Nini′tănă′û—I heard him. Compare Hatni′tăni′na.

Nĭnitu′sa—making a sound, resounding.

Ni′qa—father (vocative; no possessive pronoun implied). A more reverential or affectionate form than nisûna.

Niqaga′yătusa—the loudest sounding, the loudest of all. The idea of “loudest” is contained in qaga′y’, and of “sounding” in tusa. See Nĭnitu′sa.

Ni′qahu′hu′—for Ni′qa.

Ni′qana′ga—that one buffalo bull; there is a solitary bull. Hänä′chä, a buffalo bull, is changed in the song to qana′ga. Ni in composition denotes alone, single, from nisi, only one; chäsaiy’, one.

Nisa′na—the same as nisû′na or nesûna, my father.

Ni′sataq—seven. See Yathûn.

Nisû′na—my father. Compare Hesû′na.

Ni′tabä′na—I hear it. Compare Hatni′tani′na.

Nitabä′tani—we are dancing. Compare Bäta′hina′ni.

Nita-i′sa—my relative.

Ni′tawuna′na—I take pity on them. Compare Hatăna′wunani′na.

Nithi′na—he said it, he has said it (immediate past). Compare Häthi′na.

Nuha′wŭ—Fox dance; the dance of the Nuhinĕ′na. See [Arapaho song 43].

Nuhinĕ′na—Fox men, from nu, fox, and hinĕ′na, men; one of the degrees of the Arapaho military organization. See [Arapaho song 43].

Nu′nagûna′‛-u′ăt—he came with it, he brought it with him.

Nûnaha′wŭ—one of the degrees of the Arapaho military organization; the meaning of the word is unknown. See [Arapaho song 43].

Nû′nanû′naa′tăni′na—he is circling above me. See [Arapaho song 39].

Nû′nanû′naku′ti—I am circling it, I am waving it about in circles.

Nu′sa-icha′tha—the ceremonial crook or lance carried by the leader of the Bita′hinĕna. See [Arapaho song 43].

Qa′qa-u′nûtha—the “throwing sticks” used in the game of the bä′qati. See [Arapaho song 49].

Sani′tika—Pawnee name for the Arapaho; from the Comanche name Sä′rĕtĭka, “dog eaters.”

Să′niyagu′nawa′—I have stripped it, I have unsheathed it. Nasu′siyakunawa, I am stripping it, I am unsheathing it.

Sä′pani—the Shoshoni name for the Aä′ninĕna or Arapaho Grosventres. It signifies “belly people,” from säp, belly, and ni, the tribal suffix.

Sä′rĕtĕka—Comanche and Shoshoni name for the Arapaho. It signifies “dog-eaters,” from sä′re, dog, and tĕka, a form of the verb to eat, in allusion to their special fondness for dog flesh. The name is also sometimes used by the Wichita.

Säsa′bä-ithi—looking around, i. e., watchers or lookouts. One of the five bands of the southern Arapaho.

Se′hiwûq—“weasel bear,” from sea weasel, and wûq, bear; also rendered as “gray bear,” from se, gray, and wûq, bear. The name of the keeper of the sĕ′icha or sacred pipe of the Arapaho. See [Arapaho song 2].

Sĕ′icha—“flat pipe,” from sĕĭ, flat, and hicha, pipe. The sacred pipe and tribal “medicine” of the Arapaho. See [Arapaho song 2].

Ta′ăwŭn—strike it (imperative singular).

Tabini′na—he (she) gave it to me. Compare Bĕni′nĕna.

Ta′‛chawa′gŭna—while I am carrying a load of (buffalo) beef on a horse. Ha′gŭ′, I carry a load of beef on a horse in motion; second person, hagŭ′nĭ; third person, hagŭ′tĭ; ta‛, prefix in composition with the verb, implies “while.”

Tahĕti′niahu′na—I make the deep, or loud, thunder as I fly about in circles (habitual). Compare Ninaä′niahu′na and Tahuna′änä′niahu′na. See [Arapaho song 27].

Ta′huna′änä′niahu′na—I make the thunder (or loud resounding noise) as I fly about in circles (habitual). Compare Ninaä′niahu′na and Tahĕti′niahu′na.

Tahu′nahathihi′na—to make me see them. Compare Hätina′hawa′bä.

Ta′na-u′qahe′na—he put me there. Nita′uqa′, I put him there (present).

Tani′bäthă—“pierced noses,” the Arapaho name for the Caddo; tani, nose.

Ta′thiaku′tawa—I stood upon it (?). The regular form for “I was standing upon it” is Nĭqtä′saku′na.

Ta′-usĕta′na or Ta′-usĕta′tina—literally “striking,” or “throwing against” something; the dice game of the women of the prairie tribes. See [Arapaho song 64].

Ta′wŭnä—for Ta′ăwŭn.

Tĕ′bĕ—at first, the first time, in the beginning.

Tĕ′bĕ′tana′-isĕt—when he first came; tĕ′bĕ, the first time.

Tha‛kû′hinĕna—“whetstone men,” or “knife-whetting men,” the Arapaho name for the Kiowa Apache (Na-diisha-Dena), and for all other southern Athapascan tribes known to them, including the Lipan, Mescalero, Jicarilla, and Apache proper. The sign for Apache in the sign language of the plains also conveys the same idea, being made by briskly rubbing the left forefinger with the right, as though whetting a knife. Găta‛ka, the Pawnee name for the Kiowa Apache, seems to have a connection with this word.

Thĕni′ehi′nina—I am a bird, from niĕ′hĕ, bird.

Thi′aku—they are there.

Thi′äya—the sweat-house mound. The name is also applied to a stone heap or monument. See [Arapaho song 34].

Thiäya′na—on the thi′äya or sweat-house mound.

Thiäya′nĕ—at the thi′äya or sweat-house mound.

Thigûnăwa′t—the Ghost dance, from thig, ghost or spirit of a dead person, and bäta′t, a dance. Compare Bäta′hina′ni.

Ti′awawu′nănu—when I sympathized with them, when I liked them. I sympathize with him, tiăwu′nănă. Ti or tihi in composition with verbs usually conveys the idea of “when.” Nehawa′wunăna, I have no sympathy with him. Compare Hatăna′wunăni′na.

Ti′naha′thihu—I show it to them (habitual), or to show it to them. Ni′naha′thihu, I show it to him.

Ti′qtûp—the common abbreviated form of Bătĭ′qtûbă, q. v.

Uhiyeyeheye!—an unmeaning exclamation used in the songs.

Ûtnitha′wuchä′wahănäni′na—we shall surely again be put (with something understood). The idea of “surely” is contained in ûtni′thawĭ; chä is from chä′i′hĭi, “again.”

Wa′ku(-hu)—a feather to wear on the head.

Wa′ku′na—feathers worn on the head; a feather headdress. They are usually painted and beaded, and sometimes mounted on a small stick. A single feather thus worn is called wa′ku.

Wakiñyañ-oi—Thunder’s Track. The Sioux name of a locality in eastern South Dakota. See [Arapaho song 14].

Waqui′si—Ugly Face Woman, an Arapaho man. Hĭ′si, woman, is frequently abbreviated to si in composition.

Wa′quithi—Bad faces, or Ugly faces; the principal of the five bands of the southern Arapaho. Their chief, Nawat, or Left Hand, is also the principal chief of the southern branch of the tribe.

Watäna′ni—a black mark or picture, from watä′yä, black. See [Arapaho song 49].

Wa′tän-ga′a—Black Coyote, from wa′tän, black, and ga′a, coyote. A southern Arapaho, captain of the Indian police, and one of the principal leaders of the Ghost dance among the Arapaho.

Wa′wa—now; it also gives the idea of done, or completed.

Wa′wagathä′na—I have already put him aside, now I have put him aside. Wawa or waw’, “now,” in composition, gives the idea of “already” or completed action.

Wa′wăna′danä′diă—I am about to hum (i. e., with the Hätiku′tha). See [Arapaho song 25].

Wawäthäbichä‛chinĭnabänaguwa-u-inagathi—I have given you (plural) again, a headdress of magpie feathers; from wa′wäthä′bichä‛chinĭ′nabä′nak, I have given it back again; wa′-u-i, magpie; waga′thi, a bird’s tail feathers. In the verb the root is from bĭni′na, I give it to him; waw’ denotes completion, as “already” done; chä implies repetition or return of action. See [Arapaho song 56].

Wûnayu′uhu—for Wû′nayu′ŭ, they are new. Wû′nayă′, it is new.

Ya′gaahi′na—for Ya′hagaahi′na.

Ya′hagaahi′na—the “coyote gun” or ceremonial club of the Ga′ahinĕ′na or “Coyote men.” See [Arapaho song 41].

Yahe′eye′!—an unmeaning exclamation used in the songs.

Ya′‛na-u′si′ya—how bright the moonlight is! Na‛-u′si′ya, the moonlight is bright.

Ya′thäyû′na—five places, in five places; from ya′thûn, five, and yûna, places.

Ya′thûn—five. Other numerals are: 1, chä′saiy’; 2, hĕni′si; 3, hĕnä′si; 4, yen; 5, ya′thû or ya′thûn; 6, ni′tataq; 7, ni′sataq; 8, näsataq; 9, thi′ataq; 10, wĕtätaq; 20, ni′sa; 29, ni′sa-thi′atăqu′n; 30, näsa; 40, ye′ya; 50, ya′thaiya; 60, nitatû′sa; 70, ni′satûsa; 80, nä′satû′sa; 90, thi′atû′sa; 100, wĕ′tätû′sa.

Ye′nis—the wild rose. The rosebush is ye′nis; the seed berry is ye′nun, literally “louse child,” from the resemblance of the seeds to nits or lice. See [Arapaho song 29].

Ye′nisiti′na—with the wild rose; from ye′nis, the wild rose, and ti′naq, with.

Yĭ′hä′ä′ä′hi′hĭ′—an unmeaning word combination of syllables used in the gambling songs. See [Arapaho song 69].