THE SIOUX

TRIBAL SYNONYMY

Chahrarat—Pawnee name (Grinnell).

Dakota, Nakota, or Lakota—proper tribal name, according to dialect, “allies, friends;” sometimes also they speak of themselves as Oceti Sakowin, the “seven council fires,” in allusion to their seven great divisions.

Itahatski—Hidatsa name, “long arrows” (Matthews).

K̔odalpä-K̔iñago—Kiowa name, “necklace people,” perhaps a misconception of neck-cutting people, i. e., beheaders.

Maranshobishgo—Cheyenne name, “cut-throats” (Long). The name is plainly incorrect, as the Cheyenne language has no r.

Nadowesi or Nadowesiu—“little snakes” or “little enemies,” Nadowe, “snake” and figuratively “enemy,” being the common Algonquian term for all tribes of alien lineage. The Ojibwa and others designated the Iroquois, living east of them, as Nadowe, while the Sioux, living to the west, were distinguished as Nadowesi or Nadowesiu, whence come Nadouessioux and Sioux.

Natnihina or Natni—Arapaho name; Hayden gives the form as Natenehina, which he renders “cut-throats or beheaders,” but it may be derived from Nadowe, as explained above.

Niake′tsikûtk—Kichai name.

Pambizimina—Shoshoni name, “beheaders.”

Papitsinima—Comanche name, “beheaders,” from papitsi, signifying to behead, and nĭma or nüma, people.

Shahañ—Osage, Kansa, Oto, etc, name (Dorsey).

Sioux—popular name, abbreviated from Nadouessioux, the French form of their Ojibwa name.

Tsaba′kosh—Caddo name, “cut-throats.”

TRIBAL SIGN

A sweeping pass of the right hand in front of the neck, commonly rendered “cut-throats” or “beheaders,” but claimed by the Kiowa to refer to a kind of shell necklace formerly peculiar to the Sioux.

SKETCH OF THE TRIBE

The Sioux constitute the largest tribe in the United States, and are too well known to need an extended description here. Although now thought of chiefly as a prairie tribe, their emergence upon the plains is comparatively recent, and within the historic period their range extended as far eastward as central Wisconsin, from which, and most of Minnesota, they have been driven out by the westward advance of the Ojibwa. There is ground for believing that the true home of the whole Siouan stock is not in the west, or even in the central region, but along the south Atlantic slope. (See the author’s Siouan Tribes of the East.)

The Sioux language has three well-marked dialects—the eastern or Santee, the middle or Yankton (including the Asiniboin in the north), and the western or Teton. The tribe consists of seven great divisions, each of which again has or had subdivisions. Dorsey enumerates over one hundred in all. Each grand division had its own camping circle, and when two or more such divisions camped together they usually camped in concentric circles. (Dorsey.) The seven great divisions are: 1. Mde-wakañ-toñwañ (Medewacanton), “village of the Spirit lake;” 2. Waqpekute (Wahpacoota), “leaf shooters;” 3. Waqpetoñwañ (Wahpeton), “leaf village;” 4. Sisitoñwañ (Sisseton), variously rendered “slimy village” or “swamp village;” 5. Ihanktoñwañ (Yankton), “end village;” 6. Ihanktoñwañna (Yanktonais), “upper end village;” 7. Titoñwañ (Teton), “prairie village.”

The first four divisions collectively are known as Isañati or Santee Sioux. The name is supposed to be derived from isañ, the dialectic word for “knife.” They formerly held Mississippi, Minnesota, and upper Red rivers in Minnesota and were afterward gathered on reservations at Devils lake, North Dakota; Lake Traverse (Sisseton agency) and Flandreau, South Dakota; and Santee agency, Nebraska. Those at Lake Traverse and Flandreau have now taken allotments as citizens.

The Yankton and Yanktonais, together speaking the middle dialect, occupied chiefly the country of James river, east of the Missouri, in North Dakota and South Dakota and extending into Iowa. They are now on Yankton and Crow Creek reservations in South Dakota, and Fort Peck reservation, Montana.

The Teton constitute more than two-thirds of the whole Sioux tribe, and held nearly the whole country southwest of the Missouri from Cannonball river to the South Platte, extending westward beyond the Black hills. They are all now on reservations in South and North Dakota. They are again subdivided into seven principal divisions: 1. Sichañgu, “burnt thighs” (Brulés), now on Rosebud reservation; 2. Ogalala, referring to “scattering” of dust in the face (Clark), now on Pine Ridge reservation, under the celebrated chief Red Cloud (Maqpe-Luta); 3. Hunkpapa, “those who camp at the end (or opening) of the camping circle” (Clark), on Standing Rock reservation; 4. Minikañzu, “those who plant by the water,” on Cheyenne River reservation; 5. Itazipko, “without bows” (Sans Arcs), on Cheyenne River reservation; 6. Sihasapa, “black feet” (not to be confounded with the Blackfoot tribe), on Cheyenne River and Standing Rock reservations; 7. Ohenoñpa, “two kettles,” on Cheyenne River and Rosebud reservations. According to the official report for 1893, the Sioux within the United States number about 23,410, which, with 600 permanently settled in Manitoba, make the whole population about 24,000 souls.

The Sioux, under the name of Nadouessi, are mentioned by the Jesuit missionaries as early as 1632. They made their first treaties with our government in 1815. The most prominent events in their history since that date have been the treaty of Prairie du Chien in 1825, which defined their eastern boundary and stopped the westward advance of the Ojibwa; the Minnesota massacre of 1862, which resulted in the expulsion of the Sioux from Minnesota; the Sioux war of 1876–77, largely consequent on the unauthorized invasion of the Black hills by miners, and the chief incident of which was the defeat and massacre of an entire detachment under General Custer; the treaty by which the great reservation was broken up in 1889, and the outbreak of 1890, with the massacre of Wounded Knee.

By reason of their superior numbers the Sioux have always assumed, if not exercised, the lordship over all the neighboring tribes with the exception of the Ojibwa, who, having acquired firearms before the Sioux, were enabled to drive the latter from the headwaters of the Mississippi, and were steadily pressing them westward when stopped by the intervention of the United States government. The Sioux in turn drove the Cheyenne, Crow, Kiowa, and others before them and forced them into the mountains or down into the southern prairies. The eastern bands were sedentary and largely agricultural, but the Teton were solely and preeminently wandering buffalo hunters. All dwelt in tipis—the word is from the Sioux language—which were of bark in the timber country and of buffalo skins on the plains. In warlike character they are probably second only to the Cheyenne, and have an air of proud superiority rather unusual with Indians. Clark says of them, “In mental, moral, and physical qualities I consider the Sioux a little lower but still nearly equal to the Cheyenne, and the Teton are the superior branch of the family.” (Indian Sign Language, 345.) The eastern Sioux are now far advanced toward civilization through the efforts of teachers and missionaries for over a generation, and the same is true in a less degree of the Yankton, while the majority of the Teton are still nearly in their original condition.

I found the Sioux very difficult to approach on the subject of the Ghost dance. This was natural, in view of the trouble that had resulted to them in consequence of it. When I was first at Pine Ridge, the troops still camped there served as a reminder of the conflict, while in the little cemetery at the agency were the fresh graves of the slain soldiers, and only a few miles away was the Wounded Knee battlefield and the trench where the bodies of nearly three hundred of their people had been thrown. To my questions the answer almost invariably was, “The dance was our religion, but the government sent soldiers to kill us on account of it. We will not talk any more about it.” Another reason for their unwillingness was the fact that most of the interpreters were from the eastern or Santee portion of the tribe, and looked with contempt on the beliefs and customs of their more primitive western brethren, between whom and themselves there was in consequence but little friendly feeling. On one occasion, while endeavoring to break the ice with one of the initiates of the dance, I told him how willingly the Arapaho had given me information and even invited me to join in the dance. “Then,” said he, “don’t you find that the religion of the Ghost dance is better than the religion of the churches?” I could not well say yes, and hesitated a moment to frame an answer. He noticed it at once and said very deliberately, “Well, then, if you have not learned that you have not learned anything about it,” and refused to continue the conversation.

Fig. 102—Native drawings of Ghost dance—A, Comanche; B, Sioux].

The Sioux ghost songs are all in the dialect of the Teton, who took the most active interest in the dance, which was hardly known among the bands east of the Missouri. The vocalic character of the language, and the frequent liquid l of this dialect, renders these songs peculiarly musical, while for beauty of idea and expression they are second only to those of the Arapaho.

SONGS OF THE SIOUX

1. A′te he′ye e′yayo

Opening song

A′te he′ye e′yayo!

A′te he′ye lo,

A′te he′ye lo.

Nitu′ñkañshi′la wa′ñyegala′ke—kta′ e′yayo′!

A′te he′ye lo,

A′te he′ye lo.

Ni′takuye wañye′găla′ke—kta e′yayo′!

A′te he′ye lo,

A′te he′ye lo.

Translation

The father says so—E′yayo!

The father says so,

The father says so.

You shall see your grandfather—E′yayo′!

The father says so,

The father says so.

You shall see your kindred—E′yayo′!

The father says so,

The father says so.

This is the opening song of the dance. While singing it, all the dancers stand motionless with hands stretched out toward the west, the country of the messiah and the quarter whence the new spirit world is to come. When it is ended, all cry together, after which they join hands and begin to circle around to the left. “Grandfather,” as well as “father,” is a reverential term applied to the messiah.

2. Mi′chĭ′nkshi nañpe

Michĭ′nkshi nañpe ma′yuzaye,

A′te he′ye lo,

A′te he′ye lo.

Ini′chaghe-kte,

A′te he′ye lo,

A′te he′ye lo.

Chăno′ñpa wa′ñ chi′cha-u′pi,

A′te he′ye lo′,

A′te he′he lo′.

Cha′-yani′pi-kta′,

A′te he′ye lo′,

A′te he′ye lo′.

Translation

My son, let me grasp your hand,

Says the father,

Says the father.

You shall live,

Says the father,

Says the father.

I bring you a pipe,

Says the father,

Says the father.

By means of it you shall live,

Says the father,

Says the father.

This song refers to the sacred pipe which, according to the Sioux tradition, was brought to them by a mysterious young woman from the spirit world. The story, as outlined by Captain J. M. Lee, is as follows: In the old times the Sioux were always at war, not only with other tribes, but also among themselves. On one occasion two young men were out hunting when they saw a young woman approaching them with folded arms. Seeing that she was not of their own tribe, one proposed to the other that they kill her, but he refused and urged that they wait until they learned what she wanted. The first speaker, however, was about to kill her as she drew near, when she suddenly stooped down and took from around her ankle something resembling an anklet, which she waved about her head. The motion was so rapid that it seemed as though a cloud encircled her for a few moments, when she ceased, and the snake which she had taken from off her ankle glided away through the grass. But the young warrior who had thought to kill her had disappeared, swept from the face of the earth.

Turning now to his companion, she said, “To you I come as a friend and helper. Your people have been killing each other. I bring you a pipe, which is a token of peace,” and she held out a pipe as she spoke. “When you smoke it your thoughts will be of peace, and no murderer (i. e., no one who kills a member of his own tribe) must be allowed to smoke it.” She returned with him to his village, where the women prepared for her reception a large tipi, to which the chiefs of the tribe came to listen to her instructions. She taught them to be at peace with one another, if they would be happy, and when they listened to her words and accepted her teachings, she gave them the sacred medicine pipe to smoke thenceforth in their councils as a perpetual reminder of the peace covenant of the Lakota. Her mission now ended, she said she must leave them, and although they begged her earnestly to stay with them, she could not tarry longer, but disappeared as suddenly and mysteriously as she had come.

A variant of this legend is given by Colonel Mallery in his paper in the Tenth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, where it is illustrated by a colored plate from a picture by the Indian story teller. According to this version, the pipe maiden was the mysterious white Buffalo Cow, and brought, with the pipe, a package of four grains of maize of different colors. This corn sprang from the milk which dropped from her udder, and was thus, with the flesh of the buffalo itself, appointed from the beginning to be the food of all the red tribes. The seeming snakes about her waist and ankles were really blades of grass (corn?). She taught the people to call her “grandmother,” a reverential title among Indians, and after leading them to her relatives, the buffalo, she faded from their sight as they stood gazing at her.

The pipe holds an important part in the mythology and ritual of almost all our tribes, east and west, and no great ceremony is complete and no treaty was ever ratified without it. It is generally symbolic of peace and truth. As a peace emblem, it was formerly carried by every bearer of a friendly message from one tribe to another and was smoked in solemn ratification of treaties, the act of smoking being itself in the nature of an oath. Among the prairie tribes an individual accused of crime is offered the sacred pipe, and if he accepts it and smokes he is declared innocent, as no Indian would dare to smoke it if guilty. The ordinary ceremonial pipe of the prairie tribes is made of the red stone, known as catlinite, from the famous pipestone quarry in Minnesota in the old country of the Sioux. The peace pipe of the Cherokee was made of a white stone, somewhat resembling talc, from a quarry near Knoxville, Tennessee. It is said to have had seven stem holes, emblematic of the seven clans of the Cherokee, and was smoked by seven counselors at the same time. In every case the tribe has a legend to account for the origin of the pipe. A flat pipe is the tribal “medicine” of the Arapaho, and is still preserved with the northern band in Wyoming. (See Arapaho songs 1 and 2.) Besides the stone pipe, there are also in use pipes of clay or bone, as well as cigarettes, but as a rule no ceremonial character attaches to these. In ceremonial smoking the pipe is passed around the circle of councilors, each of whom takes only a few whiffs and then hands it to his neighbor. Each one as he receives the pipe offers it first to the sun, holding the bowl up toward the sky and saying, “Grandfather, smoke;” then to the earth, the fire, and perhaps also to each of the four cardinal points and to one or another of their mythologic heroes. Among the Kiowa I have seen a man hold up the pipe to the sky, saying, “Smoke, Sinti” (Sinti being their great mythologic trickster), and then in the same way, “Smoke, Jesus.”

In the Ghost dance at Rosebud and Pine Ridge, as usually performed, a young woman stood in the center of the circle holding out a pipe toward the messiah in the west, and remained thus throughout the dance. Another young woman usually stood beside her holding out a bäqati wheel (see [Arapaho song 49]) in the same way. This feature of the dance is said to have been introduced by Short Bull.

3. He tuwe′cha he

He tuwe′cha he u echa′ni hwo?

Huñku oki′le chaya he u hwo?

A′te-ye he′ye lo,

A′te-ye he′ye lo.

Translation

Who think you comes there?

Is it someone looking for his mother?

Says the father,

Says the father.

In this the singer tells how he was greeted by his former friend upon entering the spirit world, to which he had gone in search of his mother.

4. Wana′yañ ma′niye

Wana′yañ ma′niye,

Wana′yañ ma′niye.

Tata′ñka wañ ma′niye,

A′te he′ye lo,

A′te he′ye lo.

Translation

Now he is walking,

Now he is walking.

There is a buffalo bull walking,

Says the father,

Says the father.

The maker of this song, in her vision of the spirit world, evidently saw a herd of buffalo, with a bull walking about near them. The form of the verb shows that a woman is supposed to be talking.

5. Lechel miyo′qañ-kte

Lechel miyo′qañ-kte lo—Yo′yoyo′!

Taku maka′ a-icha′gha hena mita′wa-ye lo—Yo′yoyo′!

A′te he′ye lo—Yo′yoyo′!

E′ya Yo′yoyo′!

Translation

This is to be my work—Yo′yoyo′!

All that grows upon the earth is mine—Yo′yoyo′!

Says the father—Yo′yoyo′!

E′ya Yo′yoyo′!

6. Michinkshi′yi tewa′qila che

Michinkshi′yi tewa′qila che—Ye′ye′!

Oya′te-ye i′nichagha′pi-kta che—Ye′ye′!

A′teye he′ye lo,

A′teye he′ye lo.

Haye′ye′ E′yayo′yo′!

Translation

I love my children—Ye′ye′!

You shall grow to be a nation—Ye′ye′!

Says the father, says the father.

Haye′ye′ E′yayo′yo′! Haye′ye′ E′yayo′yo′!

7. Mila kiñ hiyu′michi′chiyana

Mila kiñ hiyu′michi′chiyana,

Mila kiñ hiyu′michi′chiyana.

Wa′waka′bla-kte—Ye′ye′!

Oñchi he′ye lo—Yo′yo′!

Puye chiñyi wa′sna wakaghiñyiñ-kte,

Oñchi heye lo—Yo′yo!

Translation

Give me my knife,

I shall hang up the meat to dry—Ye′ye′!

Says grandmother—Yo′yo′!

When it is dry I shall make pemmican,

Says grandmother—Yo′yo!

This song brings up a vivid picture of the old Indian life. In her trance vision the old grandmother whose experience it relates came upon her friends in the spirit world just as all the women of the camp were engaged in cutting up the meat for drying after a successful buffalo hunt. In her joy she calls for her knife to assist in the work, and says that as soon as the meat is dry she will make some pemmican.

Fig. 103—Jerking beef.

In the old days an Indian camp during the cutting up of the meat after a buffalo hunt was a scene of the most joyous activity, some faint recollection of which still lingers about ration day at the agency. Thirty years ago, when a grand hunt was contemplated, preparations were made for days and weeks ahead. Couriers were sent out to collect the neighboring bands at a common rendezvous, medicine-men began their prayers and ceremonies to attract the herd, the buffalo songs were sung, and finally when all was ready the confederated bands or sometimes the whole tribe—men, women, children, horses, dogs, and travois—moved out into the buffalo grounds. Here the immense camp of hundreds of tipis was set up, more ceremonies were performed, and the mounted warriors rode out in a body to surround and slaughter the herd. The women followed close after them to strip the hides from the fresh carcasses and cut out the choice portion of the meat and tallow and bring it into camp. Here the meat was cut into thin strips and hung upon frames of horizontal poles to dry, while the tallow was stripped off in flakes. In the dry prairie atmosphere one day is usually sufficient to cure the meat, without the aid of salt or smoke. When thus dried it is known as “jerked beef.” While the meat is fresh, for the first day or two the camp is a scene of constant feasting, the juicy steaks or the sweet ribs being kept broiling over the coals in one tipi or another until far into the night. It is the harvest home of the prairie tribes. As soon as the meat is dry, the tipis are taken down and packed into the wagons along with the meat, and one family after another starts for home until in a short time the great camp is a thing of the past.

The jerked beef or venison is commonly prepared for eating by being boiled until reasonably tender. In eating, the Indian takes a strip thus cooked, dips one end into a soup made by dissolving some salt in warm water, takes the portion thus salted between his teeth, and saws off enough for a mouthful with a knife held in his other hand. Between mouthfuls he takes bites from a strip of dried tallow placed in the dish with the meat.

For pemmican the jerked beef or other meat is toasted over a fire until crisp and is then pounded into a hash with a stone hammer. In the old times a hole was dug in the ground and a buffalo hide was staked over so as to form a skin dish, into which the meat was thrown to be pounded. The hide was that from the neck of the buffalo, the toughest part of the skin, the same used for shields, and the only part which would stand the wear and tear of the hammers. In the meantime the marrow bones are split up and boiled in water until all the grease and oil come to the top, when it is skimmed off and poured over the pounded beef. As soon as the mixture cools, it is sewed up into skin bags (not the ordinary painted parfléche cases) and laid away until needed. It was sometimes buried or otherwise cached. Pemmican thus prepared will keep indefinitely. When prepared for immediate use, it is usually sweetened with sugar, mesquite pods, or some wild fruit mixed and beaten up with it in the pounding. It is extremely nourishing, and has a very agreeable taste to one accustomed to it. On the march it was to the prairie Indian what parched corn was to the hunter of the timber tribes, and has been found so valuable as a condensed nutriment that it is extensively used by arctic travelers and explorers. A similar preparation is in use upon the pampas of South America and in the desert region of South Africa, while the canned beef of commerce is an adaptation from the Indian idea. The name comes from the Cree language, and indicates something mixed with grease or fat. (Lacombe.)

8. Le he′yahe′

Le he′yahe′—Ye′ye!

Kañghi-ye oya′te-ye cha-ya waoñ we lo,

Kañghi-ye oya′te-ye cha-ya waoñ we lo.

Translation

This one says—Ye′ye!

I belong indeed to the nation of Crows,

I belong indeed to the nation of Crows.

This song may better be rendered, “I am a Crow nation,” i. e., I represent the nation of Crows, the Crow nation probably typifying the spirits of the dead in the other world, as explained in [Arapaho song 36]. In several of the ghost songs there occur such expressions as “I am a Crow,” “the Crow woman is going home,” etc. Compare Sioux song 18.

9. Niya′te-ye′ he′uw′e

Niya′te-ye′ he′uw′e, niya′te-ye′ he′uw′e,

Wa′ñbăli gălĕ′shka wa′ñ-yañ nihi′youwe,

Wa′ñbăli gălĕ′shka wa′ñ-yañ nihi′youwe.

Translation

It is your father coming, it is your father coming,

A spotted eagle is coming for you,

A spotted eagle is coming for you.

This song probably refers to a transformation trance vision, such as is frequently referred to in the ghost songs, where the spirit friend suddenly assumes the form of a bird, a moose, or some other animal.

10. Miyo′qañ kiñ wañla′ki

Miyo′qañ kiñ wañla′ki—Ye′yeye′!

Hena wa′ñlake,

Ha′eye′ya he′yeye′,

Ha′eye′ya he′yeye′.

Translation

You see what I can do—Ye′yeye′!

You see them, you see them,

Ha′eye′ya he′yeye′! Ha′eye′ya he′yeye′!

In this song the Father is probably represented as calling his children to witness that he has shown them visions of the spirit world and their departed friends.

11. Michĭ′nkshi mita′waye

E′yaye′ye′! E′yaye′ye′!

Michĭ′nkshi mita′waye,

Michĭ′nkshi mita′waye.

Translation

E′yaye′ye′! E′yaye′ye′!

It is my own child,

It is my own child.

The form of the verb indicates that this song was composed by a woman, who had evidently met her dead child in the spirit world.

12. A′te he′ u-we

A′te he′ u-we, A′te he′ u-we,

A′te eya′ya he′ u-we′ lo,

Ya′nipi-kta′ e′ya u′-we lo,

Ya′nipi-kta′ e′ya u′-we lo.

Translation

There is the father coming,

There is the father coming.

The father says this as he comes,

“You shall live,” he says as he comes,

“You shall live,” he says as he comes.

This is a reiteration of the messiah’s promise of eternal life in the new spirit world.

13. Wa′sna wa′tiñ-kta′

Wa′sna wa′tiñ-kta′—E′yeye′yeye′!

Le′chiya′-ya eya′pi-lo—E′yeye′yeye′!

E′ya he′-ye lo, E′ya he′-ye lo,

A′te-ye he′ye lo, A′te-ye he′ye lo.

Translation

I shall eat pemmican—E′yeye′yeye′!

They say so, they say so,

The father says so, the father says so.

For the explanation of this song reference, see song number 7.

14. A′te lena ma′qu-we

A′te lena ma′qu-we—Ye′ye′ye′!

Peta wañ—yañyañ ma′qu-we—Ye′ye′ye′!

A′te ma′qu-we—Ye′ye′ye′!

Translation

It was the father who gave us these things—Ye′ye′ye′!

It was the father who gave us fire—Ye′ye′ye′!

The father gave it to us—Ye′ye′ye′!

This was frequently used as the opening song of the Sioux Ghost dance. Fire is held in reverence among all Indian tribes as one of the greatest gifts of the Author of Life, and every tribe has a myth telling how it originated and how it was obtained by the people. In most of these myths the fire is represented as being at first in the possession of some giant or malevolent monster, from whom it is finally stolen by a hero, after a series of trials and difficulties worthy of the heroes of the Golden Fleece.

15. Ina′ he′kuwo′

Ina′ he′kuwo′; ina′ he′kuwo′.

Misu′nkala che′yaya oma′ni-ye,

Misu′nkala che′yaya oma′ni-ye.

I′na he′kuwo′; i′na he′kuwo′.

Translation

Mother, come home; mother, come home.

My little brother goes about always crying,

My little brother goes about always crying.

Mother, come home; mother, come home.

This touching song was a favorite among the Sioux. It was composed by a young woman who saw her dead mother in the other world, and on waking out of her trance vision implores the mother to come back to them again, as her little brother is forever crying after her.

16. Wa′na wanasa′pi-kta

Wa′na wanasa′pi-kta,

Wa′na wanasa′pi-kta.

Ŭñchi′ ita′zipa michu′-ye,

A′te he′ye lo, a′te he′ye lo.

Translation

Now they are about to chase the buffalo,

Grandmother, give me back my bow,

The father says so, the father says so.

The author of this song, in his trance vision of the spirit world, sees his old-time friends about to start on a buffalo hunt, and calls to his grandmother to give him back his bow, so that he may join them. The form, “give it back to me,” is intended to show how far remote is the old life of the Indians, before they used the guns and other things of the white man. The last line has no particular connection with the rest, except as a common refrain of the ghost songs.

17. He′! kii′ñyañka a′gali′-ye

He′! kii′ñyañka a′gali′-ye,

Wañ! le′chiya wanasa′pi-kta′ keya′pi lo,

Wañhi′nkpe ka′gha-yo!

A′te he′ye lo, A′te he′ye lo.

Translation

He! They have come back racing,

Why, they say there is to be a buffalo hunt over here,

Make arrows! Make arrows!

Says the father, says the father.

This song may be considered supplementary to the last. In the old times, when going on a buffalo hunt, it was customary among the Sioux to send out a small advance party to locate the herd. On finding it, these men at once returned at full gallop to the main body of hunters, but instead of stopping on reaching them they dashed past and then turned and fell in behind. It is to this custom that the first line refers. The author of the song, on waking up in the spirit world, sees the scouting party just dashing in with the news of the presence of the buffalo. Everyone at once prepares to join the hunt and “the father” commands him to make (or get ready) his arrows and go with them.

18. Mi′ye wañma′yañka-yo

Mi′ye wañma′yañka-yo!

Ka′ñghi oya′te wañ chañku′ waka′ghe lo,

Yani′pi-kta′-cha, yani′pi-kta′-cha.

Kola he′ye lo, kola he′ye lo.

Translation

Look at me! Look at me!

I make a road for one of the Crow nation (?),

I make a road for one of the Crow nation (?).

You shall live indeed, you shall live indeed.

Our friend says so, our friend says so.

The idea of this song is somewhat similar to that of number 8. It has no reference to the Crow Indians. As has been already explained, the crow is symbolic of the spirit world, and when the “friend”—the father or messiah—declares that he makes a road for one of the Crow nation he means that he has prepared the way for the return of their friends who are gone before.

19. Maka′ sito′maniyañ

Maka′ sito′maniyañ ukiye,

Oya′te uki′ye, oya′te uki′ye,

Wa′ñbali oya′te wañ hoshi′hi-ye lo,

Ate heye lo, ate heye lo,

Maka o′wañcha′ya uki′ye.

Pte kiñ ukiye, pte kiñ ukiye,

Kañghi oya′te wañ hoshi′hi-ye lo,

A′te he′ye lo, a′te he′ye lo.

Translation

The whole world is coming,

A nation is coming, a nation is coming,

The Eagle has brought the message to the tribe.

The father says so, the father says so.

Over the whole earth they are coming.

The buffalo are coming, the buffalo are coming,

The Crow has brought the message to the tribe,

The father says so, the father says so.

This fine song summarizes the whole hope of the Ghost dance—the return of the buffalo and the departed dead, the message being brought to the people by the sacred birds, the Eagle and the Crow. The eagle known as wañ′bali is the war eagle, from which feathers are procured for war bonnets.

20. Le′na wa′kañ

Le′na wa′kañ waka′gha-che,

A′te he′ye lo, a′te he′ye lo,

O′găle kiñhañ wakañ waka′gha-che,

A′te he′ye lo, a′te he′ye lo,

Chănoñ′pa kiñ waka′gha-che,

A′te he′ye lo, a′te he′ye lo.

Translation

It is I who make these sacred things,

Says the father, says the father.

It is I who make the sacred shirt,

Says the father, says the father.

It is I who made the pipe,

Says the father, says the father.

This song refers to the sacred pipe (see [Sioux song 2] and [Arapaho song 2]) and the ghost shirt.

21. Miyo′qañ kiñ chichu′-che

Miyo′qañ kiñ chichu′-che,

A′te he′ye lo′, a′te he′ye lo′,

O′găle kiñ ni′niye′-kta,

A′te he′ye lo′, a′te he′ye lo′.

Translation

Verily, I have given you my strength,

Says the father, says the father.

The shirt will cause you to live,

Says the father, says the father.

This song also refers to the ghost shirt, which was supposed to make the wearer invulnerable.

22. Michĭ′nkshi tahe′na

Michĭ′nkshi tahe′na ku′piye,

Mako′che wañ washte aya′găli′pi-kte,

A′te he′ye lo′, a′te he′ye lo′.

Translation

My child, come this way,

My child, come this way.

You will take home with you a good country,

Says the father, says the father.

This song may refer to the vision of the new earth, which the messiah showed to the Sioux delegates when they visited him. (See [page 797].) The first line means literally “return in this direction,” the imperative form used being between a command and an entreaty.

23. Wana wichĕ′shka

Wana wichĕ′shka a′ti-ye,

Wana wichĕ′shka a′ti-ye.

Wihu′ta oho′măni, wihu′ta oho′măni,

Oka′tañna, oka′tañna,

Koyañ wowa′hiñ-kte,

Koyañ wowa′hiñ-kte.

Translation

Now set up the tipi,

Now set up the tipi.

Around the bottom,

Drive in the pegs,

Drive in the pegs.

In the meantime I shall cook,

In the meantime I shall cook.

The form of the verb oka′tañna shows that it is a woman speaking, even if we did not learn this from the context. To those who know the Indian life it brings up a vivid picture of a prairie band on the march, halting at noon or in the evening. As soon as the halt is called by some convenient stream, the women jump down and release the horses from the wagons (or the travois in the old times, and hobble them to prevent them wandering away. Then, while some of the women set up the tipi poles, draw the canvas over them, and drive in the pegs around the bottom and the wooden pins up the side, other women take axes and buckets and go down to the creek for wood and water. When they return, they find the tipis set up and the blankets spread out upon the grass, and in a few minutes fires are built and the meal is in preparation. The woman who composed the song evidently in her vision accompanied her former friends on such a march.

24. A′te mi′chuye

A′te mi′chuye,

Wañhi′nkpe mi′chuye,

A′hiye, a′hiye.

Wa′sna wa′tiñkte,

Wa′sna wa′tiñkte.

Translation

Father, give them to me,

Give me my arrows,

Give me my arrows.

They have come, they have come.

I shall eat pemmican,

I shall eat pemmican.

The maker of this song, while in the spirit world, asks and receives from the Father some of the old-time arrows with which to kill buffalo, so that he may once more feast upon pemmican.

25. Hañpa wecha′ghe

Hañpa wecha′ghe,

Tewa′qila-la he,

Tewa′qila-la he.

Wa′ñbleni′chala he kaye lo,

Toke′cha wa′ñwegalaki′ñ-kte,

Nihu′ñ koñ he he′ye lo,

Nihu′ñ koñ he he′ye lo.

Translation

I made moccasins for him,

For I love him,

For I love him.

To take to the orphan,

To take to the orphan.

Soon I shall see my child,

Says your mother,

Says your mother.

This song evidently relates the trance vision of a mother who saw her child in the spirit world, and expresses the hope that she may soon be reunited with him. In accordance with the custom of the Ghost dance, it is probable that she made a pair of moccasins to give him when next they met, and that she carried them in the dance as she sang.

26. Waka′ñyañ iñya′ñkiñ-kte

Waka′ñyañ iñya′nkiñ-kte,

Chañgăle′shka wañ luza′hañ iñya′ñkiñ-kte,

Wañwa′yag upo, wañwa′yag upo,

A′te he′ye lo, a′te he′ye lo.

Translation

The holy (hoop) shall run,

The swift hoop shall run,

The swift hoop shall run.

Come and see it,

Says the father,

Says the father.

This song refers to the game wheel and sticks (bä′qati, Arapaho) already described in the Arapaho songs. It is said that the medicine-man of Big Foot’s band carried such a hoop with him in their flight from the north, and displayed it in every dance held by the band until the fatal day of Wounded Knee. A similar hoop was carried and hung upon the center tree at the dance at No Water’s camp near Pine Ridge. To the Indian it symbolizes the revival of the old-time games.

SIOUX GLOSSARY

A′găli (-ye)—they have returned; waku, I am returning or coming home; wagali′, I have returned.

Ahi′ (-ye)—they have come; wa-u′, I come; hi, he has come.

A-icha′gha—growing upon; from kagha, to grow or spring up.

A′te or Ate-ye—father; ate kiñ, the father; ate-mita, my father; ni′-ate, your father; at-kuku, his or her father. Ye is a syllable sometimes added to fill in the meter.

Ati′-ye—set up the tipi; here ye is the imperative suffix.

Aya′găli′pi-kte—you (plural) will take home with you, you will bring back with you; from awa′găle, I take it home.

Chañgăle′shka—a hoop; the bä′qati hoop. See [Sioux song 26], and Arapaho songs.

Chañku′—road, trail.

Chăno′ñpa—pipe; o′ñpa, to smoke; cha′ñ-li, tobacco.

Cha-yani′pi-kta—you (plural) will live; from ni′wa-uñ, I live, I go about alive; the regular form is Yanipi-kta q. v.

Cheya′ya—he is constantly crying. Wa-che′yă, I cry; the final ya implies repetition or habit.

Chi′cha-u′pi—I bring it to you (plural). Chicha implies I to thee, or I mean thee; u implies come, from wa-u, I come; pi is the plural participle, and with chicha implies I bring it to you, or I come with it to you.

Chichu′-chĕ—I give it to you, indeed; waku′, I give it to him; chĕ conveys the idea of verily or indeed. Compare Maqu′-we.

Chiñyi—for Kiñhiñ, when, when it is so.

Echani—you think so about it; echa′mi, I think; echa′ni hwo, who do you think?

Eya!—an unmeaning exclamation used in the songs.

Eya—he says; epa, I say. Eya′ya, he reiterates, he says again; e′yahe, eya′pi, they say.

E′yahe—another form of eya, he says, q. v.

Eya′pi—they say. Compare Eya.

Eya′ya—he reiterates, he says again. The final ya implies repetition. Compare Eya.

E′yaye′ye!—an unmeaning exclamation used in the songs.

E′yayo′!—an unmeaning exclamation used in the songs to fill in the measure.

E′yeye′yeye!—an unmeaning exclamation used in the songs.

Găle′shka—spotted.

Ha′eye′ya!—an unmeaning exclamation used in the songs.

Hañpa—moccasin.

Ha′yeye′!—an unmeaning exclamation used in the songs.

He—(1) an exclamation, look! look here! (2) an interrogative particle, after the sentence; (3) the demonstrative “that.”

Hĕku′wo—come home now, return home at once; wa-u, I come; he, a prefix implying now, or directly.

He′na—those, plural of he, that.

He′uwĕ—that is he coming; from he, that; u, coming; and wĕ, the feminine particle.

Heyahe (-ye)—he says that, he says this; ye is usually the female suffix. Compare He′ye.

He′ye—he says.

He′yeye′!—an unmeaning exclamation used in the songs.

Hiyumichi′chiya′na—hand me my own; na, the female imperative particle.

Hoshi′hi (-ye)—he has arrived with a message; he has brought a message; from hoshi′, to tell news, to carry a message.

Hûñku—his mother; inû′ñ, mother.

Hwo—an interrogative sign, used by a man; a woman says wi.

Ina′—mother; my mother.

Ini′chaghapi-kte—you (plural) will grow or live. Compare Inichaghe-kte.

Inichaghe-kte—you (singular) will grow, i. e., you will live; icha′ghehe, it is growing.

Iñyañkiñ-kte—it shall run; from iñyañka, to run.

Ita′zipa—a bow (to shoot with).

Ka′gha-yo—make them; waka′ghe, I make it; yo, an imperative particle.

Kañghi′—a crow.

Kaye—another form of kaya, to take to one.

Keya′pi—they say that, they say it; epa, to say.

Kii′ñyañka—racing; from iñyañka, to run; the prefix ki implies a contest or emulation.

Kiñ—the.

Kiñhañ—explained as another form of kiñ; the ordinary meaning is when or if.

Ko′la—friend.

Koñ—that (demonstrative); it sometimes conveys the idea of “aforesaid.”

Ko′yañ—in the meantime.

Ku′pi-ye—you will return.

Lechel—thus, in this way; from le, this.

Lechi′ya—over here in this place; from le, this.

Lena—these things; from le, this.

Lo—an emphatic or euphonic particle used at the end of a phrase or sentence; it may be described as an emphatic or euphonic period. Lo is used by men, ye by women.

Lu′zahañ—swift.

Maka′—earth, the earth.

Mako′che—a country.

Mani′ye—he walks (habitual); mawani, I walk; the suffix ye usually denotes a female speaker.

Maq′pe-Luta—Red Cloud, the noted chief of the Ogalala Teton Sioux at Pine Ridge; from maqpi′ya, a cloud, and luta, red.

Maqu′-we—he gave to me, indeed; from waku′, I give it; we is an emphatic particle. Compare Chichu′-chĕ.

Ma′yuza (-ye)—grasp it with me, let me grasp it.

Michĭ′nkshi (-yi)—my son, my offspring; chĭnksh, son.

Mi′chu (-ye)—give it back to me.

Mila—knife.

Misu′ñkala—my little brother. Mi, my; la, the diminutive.

Mita′wă or Mita′waye—it is mine, from mi, I, my, and tawă, it belongs.

Mi′ye—I, myself, me.

Miyo′qañ—my power, my work. Compare Miyo′qañ-kte.

Miyo′qañ-kte—it will be my work, my power, the way I shall do; from mi, my; o′qañ, action, work, strength, and kte, the future suffix.

Nañpe—hand; mi-na′ñpe, my hand.

Nihi′youwĕ—he is coming for you; from the root u, to come; wĕ is the feminine particle, which shows that a woman is speaking.

Nihu′ñ—your (singular) mother.

Niniye′-kta—it will cause you to live; miye′, to come to live; ni, in composition, you, your; kta, the future suffix.

Nita′kuye—your kindred; mita′kuye, my relative.

Nitu′ñkañshi′la—your grandfather; mitu′ñkañshi′la, my grandfather. The final la is a euphonic diminutive.

Niya′te—for Ni-a′te, your father.

O′găle—shirt, coat.

Oho′măni—around, round about.

Oka′tañna—drive it in, drive them in (as nails or tipi pegs); na is the female imperative particle.

Oki′le—looking for its own; owa′le, I look for it; owa′kile, I look for my own.

Oma′ni (-ye)—walking around, going about.

Oñchi—grandmother.

O′wañcha′ya—all over, everywhere.

Oya′te—tribe, nation.

Peta—fire.

Pte—buffalo (generic), buffalo cow.

Puze or Puza—dry.

Shaie′la or Shaie′na—“red,” i. e., “alien;” the Sioux name for the Cheyenne. The root of the word is sha, red, with la or na, the diminutive, frequently used merely for euphony.

Sitomăni-yañ—everybody, all over, everywhere.

Tahe′na—on this side, this way, in this direction.

Ta′ku—something, whatever.

Tatañka—a buffalo bull; pte, a buffalo cow, or a buffalo (generic).

Tewa′qi′la or Tewa′qila-la—I love him; the final la is a diminutive or endearing particle, sometimes added to verbs as well as to nouns.

Tipi—a tent, a house; from, ti, to dwell or abide.

Toke′cha—soon, before long.

Tuwe′-cha—who indeed? who can it be? tu′we, who?

U—coming; wa-u, I come.

Uki′ye—they are coming; wa′-u, I come.

Uñchi′—grandmother, my grandmother.

Upo—you come (plural imperative); from wa′-u, I come.

U-we—coming, as he comes; see u; we is another form of ye, an emphatic or euphonic particle.

Wa′chipi—a dance.

Wa′kañ—sacred, mysterious, sacred thing.

Waka′gha-chĕ—it is I who made it, I made it indeed. The particle chĕ conveys the idea of indeed, verily.

Waka′ghe—I make it.

Wakaghi′ñyiñ-kte—I shall make it; waka′ghe, I make it.

Waka′ñyañ—sacredly, mysteriously; from wa′kañ, sacred, mysterious.

Wañ—a.

Wañ!—look! see! why!

Wana—now.

Wana′ghi—ghost, spirit of the dead.

Wana′ghi wa′chipi—Ghost dance, from wana′ghi, ghost, or spirit of the dead, and wa′chipi, a dance.

Wanasa′pi—see Wanasa′pi-kta.

Wanasa′pi-kta—they will chase buffalo, they are about to chase buffalo; from wana′sa, to hunt game by surrounding and shooting it. Kta or kte is the future sign.

Wañbale′nichala—a little orphan; from wa′ñbăle′nicha, an orphan.

Wa′ñbăli—eagle, the war eagle.

Wañhi′nkpe—arrow, arrows.

Wañ-la′ki—you see it; wañbăla′ki, I see it.

Wañma′yañka-yo—look at me! wañbăla′ka, I see it; yo, the imperative suffix.

Wa′oñ we—I am in that condition, I am it; we is the feminine suffix.

Wañwayag—to see it. Compare Wañma′yañka-yo.

Wañwe′gala′kiñ-kte—I shall see my own. Compare Wañma′yañka-yo.

Wañyañ—for wañ, a (the article).

Wañyegalake-kta—you (plural) shall see your own; from wañbăla′ki, I see it. Kte or kta is the future suffix.

Washte′—good.

Wa′sna—pemmican. See [Sioux song 7].

Wati′ñ-kte—I shall eat; wawa′te, I eat.

Wawa′kabla-kte—I shall spread out the meat to dry; ka′bla, to spread out meat for drying.

Wa′yana—now; another form of wana.

We—an emphatic suffix particle equivalent to verily or indeed.

Wecha′ghe—I made them for him.

Wichĕ′shka—a tipi; the word literally means only the opening at the top of the tipi.

Wihu′ta—the bottom of a tipi.

Wowa′hiñ-kte—I shall cook; wowa′hañ, I cook (generic).

Yanipi-kta—you (plural) will live; from ni′wa-uñ, I am alive.

Yañyañ—an unmeaning word used in the songs to fill up the measure.

Ye—an emphatic, imperative, or precatory particle or suffix, usually spoken by a woman. In the songs it seems frequently to be used merely for euphony.

Ye′ye!—an unmeaning exclamation used in the songs.

Yoyoyo—ibid.