CHAPTER 16
Rāna Partāp Singh II., A.D. 1751-54.
Rāna Rāj Singh II., A.D. 1754-61.
Rāna Arsi[Arsi] Singh II., A.D. 1761-73.
Malhār Rāo Holkar invades Mewār. Famine, A.D. 1764.
Civil War in Mewār. Revolt of Ratan Singh.
Zālim Singh of Kotah.
Battle at the Sipra, and Siege of Udaipur, A.D. 1769.
Amar Chand, Minister of Mewār.
The Pretender’s party had extended their influence over a great part of the crown domain, even to the valley of Udaipur; but unable to fulfil the stipulation to Sindhia, the baffled Mahratta, to whom time was treasure, negotiated with Amra to raise the siege, and abandon the Pretender on the payment of seventy lakhs. But scarcely was the treaty signed, when the reported disposition of the auxiliaries, and the plunder expected on a successful assault, excited his avarice and made him break his faith, and twenty lakhs additional were imposed. Amra tore up the treaty, and sent back the fragments to the faithless Mahratta with defiance. His spirit increased with his difficulties, and he infused his gallantry into the hearts of the most despairing. Assembling the Sindis and the home-clans who were yet true to their prince, he explained to them the transaction, and addressed them in that language which speaks to the souls of all mankind, and to give due weight to his exhortation, he distributed amongst the most deserving, many articles of cumbrous ornament lying useless in the treasury. The stores of grain in the city and neighbourhood, whether public or private, were collected and sent to the market, and it was proclaimed by beat of drum that every fighting man should have six months’ provision on application. Hitherto grain had been selling at little more than a pound for the rupee, and these unexpected resources were matter of universal surprise, more especially to the besiegers.[[15]] The Sindis, having no longer cause for discontent, caught the spirit of the brave Amra, and went in a body to the palace to swear in public never to abandon the Rana, whom their leader, Adil Beg,[[16]] thus addressed: “We have long eaten your salt and received numerous favours from your house, and we now come to swear never to abandon you. Udaipur is our home, and we will fall with it. We demand no further pay, and when our grain is exhausted, we will feed on the beasts, and when these fail we will thin the ranks of the Southrons and die sword in hand.” Such were the sentiments that Amra had inspired, the expression of which extorted tears from the Rana—a sight so unusual with this stern prince, as to raise frantic shouts from the Sindis and his Rajputs. The enthusiasm spread and was announced to Sindhia with all its circumstances by a general discharge of cannon on his advanced [433] posts. Apprehensive of some desperate display of Rajput valour, the wary Mahratta made overtures for a renewal of the negotiation. It was now Amra’s turn to triumph, and he replied that he must deduct from the original terms the expense they had incurred in sustaining another six months’ siege. Thus outwitted, Sindhia was compelled to accept sixty lakhs, and three-and-a-half for official expenses.[[17]]
Cessions made to Sindhia.
Thus terminated, in S. 1826 [A.D. 1769], the siege of Udaipur, with the dislocation of these fine districts from Mewar. But let it be remembered that they were only mortgaged:[[18]] and although the continued degradation of the country from the same causes has prevented their redemption, the claim to them has never been abandoned. Their recovery was stipulated by the ambassadors of the Rana in the treaty of A.D. 1817 with the British Government; but our total ignorance of the past transactions of these countries, added to our amicable relations with Sindhia [434], prevented any pledge of the reunion of these districts; and it must ever be deeply lamented that, when the treacherous and hostile conduct of Sindhia gave a noble opportunity for their restoration, it was lost, from policy difficult to understand, and which must be subject to the animadversions of future historians of that important period in the history of India. It yet remains for the wisdom of the British Government to decide whether half a century’s abeyance, and the inability to redeem them by the sword, render the claim a dead letter. At all events, the facts here recorded from a multiplicity of public documents, and corroborated by living actors[[19]] in the scene, may be useful at some future day, when expedience may admit of their being reannexed to Mewar.
Ratan Singh defeated.
Assassination of Rāna Ari Singh, A.D. 1773.
Rāna Hamīr Singh II., A.D. 1773-78.
Outbreak of the Sindis.
The man who thus lived and thus died would have done honour to any, even the most civilized, country, where the highest incentives to public virtue exist. What, therefore, does not his memory merit, when amongst a people who, through long oppression, were likely to hold such feelings in little estimation, he pursued its dictates from principle alone, his sole reward that which the world could not bestow, the applause of the monitor within? But they greatly err who, in the application of their own overweening standard of merit, imagine there is no public opinion in these countries; for recollections of actions like this (of which but a small portion is related) they yet love to descant upon, and an act of vigour and integrity is still designated Amrachanda;[[23]] evincing that if virtue has few imitators in this country, she is not without ardent admirers.
Revolt of the Chief of Begūn.
Recapitulation.
[1]. [September 29, 1719.]
[2]. [Nizāmu-l-mulk, Asaf Jāh, titles of Chīn Qilīch Khān, a Turkmān officer in the service of Aurangzeb, governor of the Deccan, died May 22, 1748.]
[3]. Amongst the archives of the Rana to which I had access, I discovered an autograph letter of Raja Jai Singh, addressed at this important juncture to the Rana’s prime minister, Biharidas.
"The Amiru-l-umara has arrived, and engagements through Balaji Pandit have been agreed to: he said that he always had friendship for me, but advised me to march, a measure alike recommended by Kishan Singh and Jiwa Lal. On this I presented an arzi to his Majesty, stated the advice, but desired to have his Majesty’s commands; when the king sanctioning my leave, such being the general desire, on Thursday the 9th of Phālgun I moved, and pitched my tents at Sarbal Sarai. I told the Rao Raja (of Bundi) to accompany me, but it did not reach his mind, and he joined Kutbu-l-mulk, who gave him some horse, and made him encamp with Ajit Singh. Bhim Singh’s (of Kotah) army arrived, and an engagement took place, in which Jeth Singh Hara was killed, and the Rao Raja fled to Allahwirdi Khan’s sarai. I sent troops to his aid; the king has made over the baths and wardrobe to the Sayyids, who have everything their own way. You know the Sayyids; I am on my way back to my own country, and have much to say vivâ voce to the Huzur:[[A]] come and meet me. Phālgun, S. 19, 1775 (A.D. 1719)."
"Siddh Sri Maharaja dhiraj Sri Sangram Singhji; receive the mujra[[B]] of Raja Sawai Jai Singh. Here all is well; your welfare is desired; you are the chief, nor is there any separation of interests: my horses and Rajputs are at your service; command when I can be of use. It is long since I have seen the royal mother (Sri Baiji Raj); if you come this way, I trust she will accompany you. For news I refer you to Dip Chand Pancholi. Asoj 6, S. 1777."
[A]. Huzur signifies the Presence. Such was the respectful style of the Amber prince to the Rana; to illustrate which I shall add another letter from the same prince, though merely complimentary, to the Rana.
[B]. Mujra is a salutation of respect used to a superior.
[4]. [For a sketch of the history of this period see Keene, Sketch of the History of Hindustan, 304 ff.]
[5]. Raja Jai Singh to Biharidas, the Rana’s minister:—“You write that your Lord despatches money for the troops—I have no accounts thereof; put the treasure on camels and send it without delay. The Nawab Nizamu-l-mulk is marching rapidly from Ujjain, and Chhabile Ram is coming hither, and according to accounts from Agra he has crossed at Kalpi. Let the Diwan’s army form a speedy junction. Make no delay; in supplies of cash everything is included.” Bhadon, 4th S. 1776 (A.D. 1720).
[6]. Letter from Raja Bakhta Singh of Nagor to Biharidas, the Rana’s prime minister:—"Your letter was received, and its contents made me happy. Sri Diwan’s ruqa’ reached me and was understood. You tell me both the Nawabs (Sayyids) had taken the field, that both the Maharajas attended, and that your own army was about to be put in motion, for how could ancient friendships be severed? All was comprehended. But neither of the Nawabs will take the field, nor will either of the Maharajas proceed to the Deccan: they will sit and enjoy themselves quietly in talking at home. But should by some accident the Nawabs take the field, espouse their cause; if you cling to any other you are lost; of this you will be convinced ere long, so guard yourself—if you can wind up our own thread, don’t give it to another to break—you are wise, and can anticipate intentions. Where there is such a servant as you, that house can be in no danger."
[7]. [Haidar Khān assassinated Husain Ali on September 18, 1720.]
[8]. Girdhardas was a Nagar Brahman, son of Chhabile Ram, the chief secretary of Ratan Chand.
[9]. Jagatkhunt, the Jagat point, of our maps, at Dwarka, where the Badhels, a branch of the Rathors, established themselves.
[10]. In the dialect, chhari mazbūt thi, his rod was strong—a familiar phrase, which might be rendered ‘sceptre’—a long rod with an iron spike on it, often placed before the gaddi, or throne.
[11]. The dames attendant on the queens,—the Lady Mashams of every female court in Rajasthan.
[12]. £25,000.
[13]. There were eight ministers; from this the Mahrattas had their asht pardhans, the number which formed the ministry of Rama.
[14]. [Krishna.]
[15]. I discovered the following letter from one of the princesses of Amber to Rana Sangram, written at this period; it is not evident in what relation she stood to him, but I think she must have been his wife, and the sister of Jai Singh:
"To Siddh Sri Sangram Singh, happiness! the Kachhwaha Rani (queen) writes, read her asis[[A]] (blessing). Here all is well; the welfare of the Sri Diwanji is desired. You are very dear to me; you are great, the sun of Hindustan; if you do not thus act, who else can? the action is worthy of you; with your house is my entire friendship. From ancient times we are the Rajputs of your house, from which both Rajas[[B]] have had their consequence increased, and I belong to it of old, and expect always to be fostered by it, nor will the Sri Diwanji disappoint us. My intention was to proceed to the feet of the Sri Diwanji, but the wet weather has prevented me; but I shall soon make my appearance." S. 1778 (A.D. 1722).
[A]. Asis is benediction, which only ladies and holy men employ in epistolary writing or in verbal compliment.
[B]. Amber and Marwar; this expression denotes the letter to have been written on intermarriage with the Rana’s house, and shows her sense of such honour.
[16]. The bira is the betel or pan-leaf folded up, containing aromatic spices, and presented on taking leave. The Kanor chieftain, being of the second grade of nobles, was not entitled to the distinction of having it from the sovereign’s own hand.
[17].
Treaty.
Sri Eklinga. (a)
Agreed.
Sita Rama jayati. (c)
Agreed.
Vraj Adhis. (b)
Abhai Singh. (d)
1. All are united, in good and in evil, and none will withdraw therefrom, on which oaths have been made, and faith pledged, which will be lost by whoever acts contrary thereto. The honour and shame of one is that of all, and in this everything is contained.
2. No one shall countenance the traitor of another.
3. After the rains the affair shall commence, and the chiefs of each party assemble at Rampura; and if from any cause the head cannot come, he will send his Kunwar (heir), or some personage of weight.
4. Should from inexperience such Kunwar commit error, the Rana alone shall interfere to correct it.
5. In every enterprise all shall unite to effect it.
(a) (b) (c). All these seals of Mewar, Marwar, and Amber bear respectively the names of the tutelary divinity of each prince and his tribe Swasti Sri! By the united chiefs the under-written has been agreed to, from which no deviation can take place. Sawan sudi 13, S. 1791 (A.D. 1735), Camp Hurra.
(a) Ėklinga, or Mahadeva of the Sesodias of Mewar; (b) Vraj Adhis, the lord of Vraj, the country round Mathura; the epithet of Krishna; seal of the Hara prince; (c) Victory to Sita and Rama, the demi-god, ancestor of the princes of Amber; (d) Abhai Singh, prince of Marwar.
[18]. [Sūbahdār of Mālwa, killed in battle at Tala near Dhār in 1732 (Grant Duff 227).]
[19]. [Sarbuland Khān was superseded by Abhai Singh (ibid. 226).]
[20]. [Mahābat Jang, in 1740 usurped the Government of Bengal, over which he reigned for sixteen years, died April 10, 1756 N.S., buried at Murshidābād (Beale, sv.).]
[21]. [Nephew and son-in-law of Burhānu-l-mulk, Sa’ādat Khān, was appointed Wazīr in 1748, died October 17, 1754.]
[22]. [Akbar Shāh II., King of Delhi, reigned from 1806 to 1827.] I have conversed with an aged Shaikh who recollected the splendour of Muhammad Shah’s reign before Nadir’s invasion. He was darogah (superintendent) to the Duab canal, and described to me the fête on its opening.
[23]. Sindhia’s family were husbandmen.
[24]. Holkar was a goat-herd.
[25]. The ford near Dholpur still is called Bhaoghat. [Bājirāo appeared at Delhi in 1736 (Grant Duff 226).]
[26]. A.D. 1740.
[27]. [Near Pānipat, February 13, 1739 (Elphinstone 717).]
[28]. It is yet pointed out to the visitor of this famed city. [The Golden Mosque of Roshanu-d-daula (Fanshawe, Delhi Past and Present, 50).]
[29]. [This is not certain. Many officials committed suicide, and Sa’ādat Khān was believed to have been among these: it is certain that he died the night before the massacre (Keene, Sketch Hist. Hindustan, 324).]
[30]. As the hour of departure approached, the cruelties of the ruthless invaders increased, to which the words of the narrator, an eye-witness, can alone do justice: "A type of the last day afflicted the inhabitants of this once happy city; hitherto it was a general massacre, but now came the murder of individuals. In every house was heard the cry of affliction. Basant Rae, agent for pensions, killed his family and himself; Khalik Yar Khan stabbed himself; many took poison. The venerable chief magistrate was dishonoured by stripes; sleep and rest forsook the city. The officers of the court were beaten without mercy, and a fire broke out in the imperial farash-khana, and destroyed effects to the amount of a crore (a million sterling). There was a scarcity of grain, two seers of coarse rice sold for a rupee, and from a pestilential disorder crowds died daily in every street and lane. The inhabitants, like the affrighted animals of the desert, sought refuge in the most concealed corners. Yet four or five crores (millions) more were thus extracted." On the 5th April, Nadir’s seals were taken off the imperial repositories, and his farmans sent to all the feudatories of the empire to notify the place and to inculcate obedience ‘to his dear brother,’ which, as a specimen of eastern diplomatic phraseology, is worth insertion. It was addressed to the Rana, the Rajas of Marwar and Amber, Nagor, Satara, the Peshwa Bajirao, etc. “Between us and our dear brother, Muhammad Shah, in consideration of the regard and alliances of the two sovereigns, the connexions of regard and friendship have been renewed, so that we may be esteemed as one soul in two bodies. Now our dear brother has been replaced on the throne of this extensive empire, and we are moving to the conquest of other regions, it is incumbent that ye, like your forefathers, walk in the path of submission and obedience to our dear brother, as they did to former sovereigns of the house of Timur. God forbid it; but if accounts of your rebelling should reach our ears, we will blot you out of the pages of the book of creation” (‘Memoirs of Iradat Khan,’ Scott’s History of Dekhan, vol. ii. p. 213).
[31]. Bikaner and Kishangarh arose out of Marwar, and Macheri from Amber; to which we might add Shaikhavati, which, though not separate, is tributary to Amber (now Jaipur).
[32]. A.D. 1735.
[33]. These documents are interesting, if merely showing the high respect paid by every Rajput prince to the Ranas of Mewar, and illustrating what is recorded in the reign of Partap, who abjured all intercourse with them.
No. 1.
"From Kunwar Bijai Singh of Marwar to the Maharana Sri-Sri-Sri.
"Jagat Singh’s Presence—let my mujra (obedience) be known. You honoured me by sending Rawat Kesari Singh and Biharidas, and commanding a marriage connexion. Your orders are on your child’s head. You have made me a servant. To everything I am agreed, and now I am your child; while I live I am yours. If a true Rajput, my head is at your disposal. You have made 20,000 Rathors your servants. If I fail in this, the Almighty is between us. Whoever is of my blood will obey your commands, and the fruit of this marriage shall be sovereign, and if a daughter, should I bestow her on the Turkana, I am no true Rajput. She shall be married to a proper connexion, and not without your advice; and even should Sri Bavaji (an epithet of respect to his father), or others of our elders, recommend such proceeding, I swear by God I shall not agree. I am the Diwan’s, let others approve or disapprove. Asarh Sudi Punim, Full Moon, Thursday, S. 1791 (A.D. 1735-36).“
”N.B.—This deed was executed in the balcony of the Kishanbilas by Rawat Kesari Singh and Pancholi Biharidas, and written by Pancholi Lalji—namely, marriage-deed of Kunwar Bijai Singh, son of Bakht Singh."
No. 2.
"From Bijai Singh to Rana Jagat Singh.
"Here all is well. Preserve your friendship and favour for me, and give me tidings of your welfare. That day I shall behold you will be without price (amolak). You have made me a thorough Rajput—never shall I fail in whatever service I can perform. You are the father of all the tribes, and bestow gifts on each according to his worth—the support and preservation of all around you—to your enemy destruction; great in knowledge, and wise like Brahma. May the Lord of the world keep the Rana happy. Asarh 13."
No. 3.
"Raja Bakht Singh to the Rana.
"To Maharana Sri-Sri-Sri Jagat Singh, let Bakht Singh’s respects (mujra) be made known. You have made me a thorough Rajput, and by such your favour is known to the world. What service I can perform, you will never find me backward. The day I shall see you I shall be happy, my heart yearns to be with you. Asarh 11."
No. 4.
"Sawai Jai Singh to the Rana.
"May the respects of Sawai Jai Singh be known to the Maharana. According to the Sri Diwan’s commands (hukm), I have entered into terms of friendship with you (Abhai Singh of Marwar). For neither Hindu nor Musalman shall I swerve therefrom. To this engagement God is between us, and the Sri Diwanji is witness. Asarh Sudi 7."
No. 5.
"Raja Bakht Singh to the Rana.
"Your Khas ruqa’ (note in the Rana’s own hand) I received, read, and was happy. Jai Singh’s engagement you will have received, and mine also will have reached you. At your commands I entered into friendship with him, and as to my preserving it have no doubts, for having given you as my guarantee, no deviation can occur; do you secure his. Whether you may be accounted my father, brother, or friend, I am yours; besides you I care for neither connexion nor kin. Asarh 6."
No. 6.
"From Raja Abhai Singh to the Rana.
"To the Presence of Maharana Jagat Singh, Maharaja Abhai Singh writes—read his respects (mujra). God is witness to our engagement, whoever breaks it may he fare ill. In good and in evil we are joined; with one mind let us remain united, and let no selfishness disunite us. Your chiefs are witnesses, and the true Rajput will not deviate from his engagement. Asoj 3, Thursday."
Abhai Singh and Bakht Singh were brothers, sons of Raja Ajit of Marwar, to whom the former succeeded, while Bakht Singh held Nagor independently. His son was Bijai Singh, with whom this marriage was contracted. He ultimately succeeded to the government of Marwar or Jodhpur. He will add another example of political expediency counteracting common gratitude, in seizing on domestic convulsions to deprive the Rana’s grandson of the province of Godwar. Zalim Singh was the fruit of this marriage, who resided during his elder brother’s (Fateh Singh) lifetime at Udaipur. He was brave, amiable, and a distinguished poet. The Yati (priest), who attended me during twelve years, my assistant in these researches, was brought up under the eye of this prince as his amanuensis, and from him he imbibed his love of history and poetry, in reading which he excelled all the bards of Rajwara.
[34].
Letters from Rana Jagat Singh to Biharidas Pancholi.
No. 1.
“Swasti Sri, chief of ministers, Pancholiji, read my Juhar.[[A]] The remembrance of you never leaves me. The Deccani question you have settled well, but if a meeting is to take place,[[B]] let it be beyond Deolia—nearer is not advisable. Lessen the number of your troops, by God’s blessing there will be no want of funds. Settle for Rampura according to the preceding year, and let Daulat Singh know the opportunity will not occur again. The royal mother is unwell. Gararao and Gaj Manik fought nobly, and Sundar Gaj played a thousand pranks.[[C]] I regretted your absence. How shall I send Sobharam? Asoj 6, S. 1791 (A.D. 1735).”
No. 2.—To the Same.
"I will not credit it, therefore send witnesses and a detail of their demands. Bajirao is come, and he will derive reputation from having compelled a contribution from me, besides his demand of land. He has commenced with my country, and will take twenty times more from me than other Rajas—if a proportionate demand, it might be complied with. Malhar came last year, but this was nothing—Bajirao this, and he is powerful. But if God hears me he will not get my land. From Devichand learn particulars.
"Thursday. S. 1792.
“At the Holi all was joy at the Jagmandir,[[D]] but what is food without salt? what Udaipur without Biharidas?”
No. 3.—Same to the Same.
"With such a man as you in my house I have no fears for its stability; but why this appearance of poverty? perhaps you will ask, what fault have you committed, that you sit and move as I direct? The matter is thus: money is all in all, and the troubles on foot can only be settled by you, and all other resolutions are useless. You may say, you have got nothing, and how can you settle them—but already two or three difficulties have occurred, in getting out of which, both your pinions and mine, as to veracity, have been broken, so that neither scheming nor wisdom is any longer available. Though you have been removed from me for some time, I have always considered you at hand; but now it will be well if you approach nearer to me, that we may raise supplies, for in the act of hiding you are celebrated, and the son[[E]] (beta) hides none: therefore your hoarding is useless, and begets suspicions. Therefore, unless you have a mind to efface all regard for your master and your own importance at my court, you will get ready some jewels and bonds under good security and bring them to me. There is no way but this to allay these troubles: but should you think you have got ever so much time, and that I will send for you at all events, then have I thrown away mine in writing you this letter. You are wise—look to the future, and be assured I shall write no second letter. S. 1792."
This letter will show that the office of prime minister is not a bed of roses. The immediate descendants of Biharidas are in poverty like their prince, though some distant branches of the family are in situations of trust; his ambassador to Delhi, and who subsequently remained with me as medium of communication with the Rana, was a worthy and able man—Kishandas Pancholi.
I shall subjoin another letter from the Satara prince to Rana Jagat Singh, though being without date it is doubtful whether it is not addressed to Jagat Singh the First; this is, however, unimportant, as it is merely one of compliment, but showing the high respect paid by the sovereign of the Peshwas to the house whence they originally sprung.
"Swasti Sri, worthy of all praise (opma), from whose actions credit results; the worshipper of the remover of troubles; the ambrosia of the ocean of the Rajput race[[F]] (amrita ratnakara kshatriya kula); resplendent as the sun; who has made a river of tears from the eyes of the wives of your warlike foes; in deeds munificent. Sriman Maharaja dhiraj Maharana Sri Jagat Singhji, of all the princes chief, Sriman Sahu Chatarpati Raja writes, read his Ram, Ram! Here all is well; honour me by good accounts, which I am always expecting, as the source of happiness.
“Your favour was received by the Pandit Pardhan[Pardhan][[G]] with great respect; and from the period of the arrival of Raj Sri Rawat Udai Singh to this time my goodwill has been increasing towards him: let your favour between us be enlarged: what more can I write?”
[A]. A compliment used from a superior to any inferior.
[B]. To the Peshwa is the allusion.
[C]. As the Rana never expected his confidential notes to be translated into English, perhaps it is illiberal to be severe on them; or we might say, his elephants are mentioned more con amore than his sick mother or state affairs. I obtained many hundreds of these autograph notes of this prince to his prime minister.
[D]. The Hindu saturnalia held in the island, ‘The Minster of the world.’
[E]. The Rana always styled him ‘father.’
[F]. The ocean has the poetical appellation of ratnakara, or ‘house of gems’ [‘mine of jewels’]; the fable of the churning of the ocean is well known, when were yielded many bounties, of which the amrita or ‘immortal food’ of the gods was one, to which the Rana, as head of all the Rajput tribes, is likened.
[G]. This expression induces the belief that the letter is written by the Peshwa in his sovereign’s name, as they had at this time commenced their usurpation of his power. It was to the second Jagat Singh that an offer was made to fill the Satara throne by a branch of his family, then occupied by an imbecile. A younger brother of the Rana, the ancestor of the present heir presumptive, Sheodan Singh, was chosen, but intrigues prevented it, the Rana dreading a superior from his own family.
[35]. The descendant of Bhim, son of Rana Raj Singh. The seat assigned to Bajirao was made the precedent for the position of the representative of the British Government. [The Rāwat of Banera, on succession, has the right of receiving a sword, on the arrival of which he goes to Udaipur to be installed (Erskine ii. A. 92).]
[36]. The amount was 160,000 rupees, divided into three shares of 53,333 0 4½ assigned to Holkar, Sindhia, and the Puar. The management was entrusted to Holkar; subsequently Sindhia acted as receiver-general. This was the only regular tributary engagement Mewar entered into.
[37]. See letter No. 2, in [note, p. 492].
[38]. A.D. 1743.
[39]. A.D. 1747.
[40]. The great Jai Singh built a city which he called after himself, and henceforth Jaipur will supersede the ancient appellation, Amber.
[41]. [Āpaji was one of Sindhia’s best officers. Suffering from a painful disease, he committed suicide in 1797 by drowning himself in the Jumna (Compton, European Military Adventurers, 132).]
[42]. See letters from Rana Jagat Singh to Biharidas, p. [492].
[1]. The leaders of these invasions were Satwaji, Jankoji, and Raghunath Rao.
[2]. In S. 1812, Raja Bahadur; in 1813, Malhar Rao Holkar and Vitthal Rao; in 1814, Ranaji Burtia;[Burtia;] in 1813 three war contributions were levied, namely, by Sudasheo Rao, Govind Rao, and Kanaji Jadon.
[3]. This was in S. 1808 (A.D. 1752); portions, however, remained attached to the fisc of Mewar for several years, besides a considerable part of the feudal lands of the Chandarawat chief of Amad. Of the former, the Rana retained Hinglajgarh and the Tappas of Jarda Kinjera, and Budsu. These were surrendered by Raj Singh, who rented Budsu under its new appellation of Malhargarh.
[4]. Budsu, etc.
[5]. Holkar advanced as far as Untala, where Arjun Singh of Kurabar and the Rana’s foster-brothers met him, and negotiated the payment of fifty-one lakhs of rupees.
[6]. S. 1820, A.D. 1764.
[7]. An autograph letter of this chief’s to the minister of the day I obtained, with other public documents, from the descendant of the Pancholi:
“To Jaswant Rao Pancholi, Raj Rana Raghudeo writes. After compliments. I received your letter—from old times you have been my friend, and have ever maintained faith towards me, for I am of the loyal to the Rana’s house. I conceal nothing from you, therefore I write that my heart is averse to longer service, and it is my purpose in Asarh to go to Gaya.[[A]] When I mentioned this to the Rana, he sarcastically told me I might go to Dwarka.[[B]] If I stay, the Rana will restore the villages in my fief, as during the time of Jethji. My ancestors have performed good service, and I have served since I was fourteen. If the Darbar intends me any favour, this is the time.”
[A]. Gaya is esteemed the proper pilgrimage for the Rajputs.
[B]. Dwarka, the resort for religious and unwarlike tribes.
[8]. Salumbar (Chondawat), Bijolia, Amet, Ghanerao, and Badnor.
[9]. Bhindir (Saktawat), Deogarh, Sadri, Gogunda, Delwara, Bedla, Kotharia, and Kanor.
[10]. Agitator, or disturber.
[11]. One crore and twenty-five lakhs.
[12]. [The Sipra River in Mālwa, passes Ujjain, and finally joins the Chambal (IGI, xxiii. 14 f.).]
[13]. [Eklinggarh, two miles south of Udaipur city; 2469 feet above sea-level.]
[14]. The nose-jewel, which even to mention is considered a breach of delicacy.
[15]. To Amra’s credit it is related, that his own brother-in-law was the first and principal sufferer, and that to his remonstrance and hope that family ties would save his grain pits, he was told, that it was a source of great satisfaction that he was enabled through him to evince his disinterestedness.
[16]. See grant to this chief’s son, p. [233].
[17]. Mutasadi kharch [mutasadi, ‘a clerk, accountant’; kharch, ‘expenses’] or douceur to the officers of government, was an authorized article of every Mahratta mu’āmala, or war contribution.
[18]. Little Maloni, now Gangapur, with its lands, was the only place decidedly alienated, being a voluntary gift to Sindhia, to endow the establishment of his wife, Ganga Bai, who died there.
[19]. Zalim Singh of Kotah, and Lalaji Belal, both now dead.
[20]. [In 1382 Rāna Khet Singh was murdered by Lāl Singh of Banbaoda, brother of Bar Singh, Rāo of Būndi. Rāna Ratan Singh II. and Rāo Sūrajmall killed each other while shooting at Būndi in 1531. The feud between the two houses is not yet forgotten (Erskine ii. A. 25).]
[21]. A heated platter used for baking bread, on which they place the culprit.
[22]. ‘The beloved of Rama.’
[23]. Amra Chand, it will be recollected, was the name of the minister.
[24]. The treaty by which Sindhia holds these districts yet exists, which stipulates their surrender on the liquidation of the contribution.[contribution.] The Rana still holds this as a responsible engagement, and pleaded his rights in the treaty with the British Government in A.D. 1817-18. But half a century’s possession is a strong bond, which we dare not break; though the claim now registered may hereafter prove of service to the family.
[25]. 1830, Mahadaji Sindhia’s contribution (mu’āmala) on account of Begun; 1831, Berji Tap’s mu’āmala through Govind and Ganpat Rao; 1831, Ambaji Inglia, Bapu Holkar, and Daduji Pandit’s joint mu’āmala.
[26]. 1. Apaji and Makaji Getia, on Holkar’s account; 2. Tukuji Holkar’s, through Somji; 3. Ali Bahadur’s, through Somji.
[27]. The age of eighteen.
[28].
| Namely, S. | 1808, by Rana Jagat Singh to Holkar | Lakhs | 66 |
| 1820, Partap and Arsi Rana to Holkar | 51 | ||
| 1826, Arsi Rana to Mahadaji Sindhia | 64 | ||
| Total. | 181 |
[29].
| S. | 1808, Rampura, Bhanpura | Lakhs | 9 |
| 1826, Jawad, Jiran, Nimach, Nimbahera | 4½ | ||
| 1831, Ratangarh Kheri, Singoli, Irnia, Jath, Nadwai, etc. etc. | 6 | ||
| 1831, Godwar | 9 | ||
| Total | 28½ |