CHAPTER 3
Rāo Surjan, A.D. 1554.
Sawant Singh, a junior branch of Bundi, upon the expulsion of the Shershahi dynasty, entered into a correspondence with the Afghan governor of Ranthambhor, which terminated in the surrender of this celebrated fortress, which he delivered up to his superior, the Rao Surjan. For this important service, which obtained a castle and possession far superior to any under Bundi, lands were assigned near the city to Sawantji, whose name became renowned, and was transmitted as the head of the clan, Sawant-Hara.
The Chauhan chief of Bedla,[[2]] who was mainly instrumental to the surrender of this famed fortress, stipulated that it should be held by Rao Surjan, as a fief of Mewar. Thus Ranthambhor, which for ages was an appanage of Ajmer, and continued until the fourteenth century in a branch of the family descended from Bisaldeo, when it was [472] captured from the valiant Hamir[[3]] after a desperate resistance, once more reverted to the Chauhan race.
Siege of Ranthambhor by Akbar.
A treaty was drawn up upon the spot, and mediated by the prince of Amber, which presents a good picture of Hindu feeling:
1. That the chiefs of Bundi should be exempted from that custom, degrading to a Rajput, of sending a dola[[6]] to the royal harem.
2. Exemption from the jizya, or poll-tax.
3. That the chiefs of Bundi should not be compelled to cross the Attock.
4. That the vassals of Bundi should be exempted from the obligation of sending [473] their wives or female relatives ‘to hold a stall in the Mina Bazar’ at the palace, on the festival of Nauroza.[[7]]
5. That they should have the privilege of entering the Diwan-i-amm, or ‘hall of audience,’ completely armed.
6. That their sacred edifices should be respected.
7. That they should never be placed under the command of a Hindu leader.
8. That their horses should not be branded with the imperial dagh.[[8]]
9. That they should be allowed to beat their nakkaras, or ‘kettledrums,’ in the streets of the capital as far as the Lal Darwaza or ‘red-gate’; and that they should not be commanded to make the ‘prostration’[[9]] on entering the Presence.
10. That Bundi should be to the Haras what Delhi was to the king, who should guarantee them from any change of capital.
In addition to these articles, which the king swore to maintain, he assigned the Rao a residence at the sacred city of Kasi, possessing that privilege so dear to the Rajput, the right of sanctuary, which is maintained to this day.[[10]] With such a bribe, and the full acceptance of his terms, we cannot wonder that Rao Surjan flung from him the remnant of allegiance he owed to Mewar, now humbled by the loss of her capital, or that he should agree to follow the victorious car of the Mogul. But this dereliction of duty was effaced by the rigid virtue of the brave Sawant Hara, who, as already stated, had conjointly with the Kotharia Chauhan[[11]] obtained Ranthambhor. He put on the saffron robes, and with his small but virtuous clan determined, in spite of his sovereign’s example, that Akbar should only gain possession over their lifeless bodies.
Previous to this explosion of useless fidelity, he set up a pillar with a solemn anathema engraved thereon, on “whatever Hara of gentle blood should ascend the castle of Ranthambhor, or who should quit it alive.” Sawant and his kin made the sacrifice to honour; “they gave up their life’s blood to maintain their fidelity to the Rana,” albeit himself without a capital; and from that day, no Hara ever [474] passes Ranthambhor without averting his head from an object which caused disgrace to the tribe. With this transaction all intercourse ceased with Mewar, and from this period the Hara bore the title of ‘Rao Raja’ of Bundi.
Rāo Surjan in the Imperial Service.
Rao Surjan resided at his government of Benares, and by his piety, wisdom, and generosity, benefited the empire and the Hindus at large, whose religion through him was respected. Owing to the prudence of his administration and the vigilance of his police, the most perfect security to person and property was established throughout the province. He beautified and ornamented the city, especially that quarter where he resided, and eighty-four edifices, for various public purposes, and twenty baths, were constructed under his auspices. He died there, and left three legitimate sons: 1. Rao Bhoj; 2. Duda, nicknamed by Akbar, Lakar Khan; 3. Raemall, who obtained the town and dependencies of Puleta, now one of the fiefs of Kotah and the residence of the Raemallot Haras.
The Campaign in Gujarāt.
The perpetual wars of Akbar, for the conquest and consolidation of the universal [475] empire of India, gave abundant opportunity to the Rajput leaders to exert their valour; and the Haras were ever at the post of danger and of honour. The siege and escalade of the famed castle of Ahmadnagar afforded the best occasion for the display of Hara intrepidity; again it shone forth, and again claimed distinction and reward.[[15]] To mark his sense of the merits of the Bundi leader, the king commanded that a new bastion should be erected, where he led the assault, which he named the Bhoj burj; and further presented him his own favourite elephant. In this desperate assault, Chand Begam, the queen of Ahmadnagar, and an armed train of seven hundred females, were slain, gallantly fighting for their freedom.
Notwithstanding all these services, Rao Bhoj fell under the emperor’s displeasure. On the death of the queen, Jodha Bai, Akbar commanded a court-mourning; and that all might testify a participation in their master’s affliction, an ordinance issued that all the Rajput chiefs, as well as the Muslim leaders, should shave the moustache and the beard.[[16]] To secure compliance, the royal barbers had the execution of the mandate. But when they came to the quarters of the Haras, in order to remove these tokens of manhood, they were repulsed with buffets and contumely. The enemies of Rao Bhoj aggravated the crime of this resistance, and insinuated to the royal ear that the outrage upon the barbers was accompanied with expressions insulting to the memory of the departed princess, who, it will be remembered, was a Rajputni of Marwar. Akbar, forgetting his vassal’s gallant services, commanded that Rao Bhoj should be pinioned and forcibly deprived of his ‘mouche.’ He might as well have commanded the operation on a tiger. The Haras flew to their arms; the camp was thrown into tumult, and would soon have presented a wide scene of bloodshed, had not the emperor, seasonably repenting of his folly, repaired to the Bundi quarters in person. He expressed his admiration (he might have said his fear) of Hara valour, alighted from his elephant to expostulate with the Rao, who with considerable tact pleaded his father’s privileges, and added “that an eater of pork like him was unworthy the distinction of putting his lip into mourning for the queen.” Akbar, happy to obtain even so much acknowledgment, embraced the Rao, and carried him with him to his own quarters.
Death of Akbar.
Rāo Ratan.
“Sarwar phūtā, jal bahā;
Ab kya karo jatanna?
Jātā ghar Jahāngīr kā,
Rākhā Rāo Ratanna.
“The lake had burst, the waters were rushing out; where now the remedy? The house of Jahangir was departing; it was sustained by Rao Ratan.”
Partition of Hāraoti.
Rao Ratan, while he held the government of Burhanpur, founded a township which still bears his name, Ratanpur. He performed another important service [477], which, while it gratified the emperor, contributed greatly to the tranquillity of his ancient lord-paramount, the Rana of Mewar. A refractory noble of the court, Dariyau Khan, was leading a life of riot and rapine in that country, when the Hara attacked, defeated, and carried him captive to the king. For this distinguished exploit, the king gave him honorary naubats, or kettledrums; the grand yellow banner to be borne in state processions before his own person, and a red flag for his camp; which ensigns are still retained by his successors. Rao Ratan obtained the suffrages not only of his Rajput brethren, but of the whole Hindu race, whose religion he preserved from innovation. The Haras exultingly boast that no Muslim dared pollute the quarters where they might be stationed with the blood of the sacred kine. After all his services, Ratan was killed in an action near Burhanpur, leaving a name endeared by his valour and his virtues to the whole Hara race.
Gopināth.
The Fiefs of Būndi.
1. Rao Chhattarsal, who succeeded to Bundi.
2. Indar Singh, who founded Indargarh [478].[[23]]
3. Berisal, who founded Balwan and Phalodi, and had Karwar and Pipalda.
4. Mohkam Singh, who had Antardah.
5. Maha Singh, who had Thana.[[24]]
It is useless to specify the names of the remainder, who left no issue.
Rāo Chhattarsāl, A.D. 1652-58.
Death of Shāh Jahān. War of Succession.
“The emperor, learning the hostile intentions of Aurangzeb, wrote privately to the Hara prince to repair to the Presence. On receiving the mandate, Chhattarsal revolved its import, but considering “that, as a servant of the gaddi (throne), his only duty was obedience,” he instantly commenced his preparations to quit the Deccan. This reaching the ear of Aurangzeb, he inquired the cause of his hasty departure, observing, that in a very short time he might accompany him to court. The Bundi prince replied, “his first duty was to the reigning sovereign,” and handed him the farman or summons to the Presence. Aurangzeb commanded that he should not be permitted to depart, and directed his encampment to be surrounded. But Chhattarsal, foreseeing this, had already sent on his baggage, and forming his vassals and those of other Rajput princes attached to the royal cause into one compact mass, they effected their retreat to the Nerbudda in the face of their pursuers, without their daring to attack them. By the aid of some Solanki chieftains inhabiting the banks of this river, the Bundi Rao was enabled to pass this dangerous stream, then swollen by the periodical rains. Already baffled by the skill and intrepidity of Chhattarsal, Aurangzeb was compelled to give up the pursuit, and the former reached Bundi in safety. Having made his domestic arrangements, he proceeded forthwith to the capital, to help the aged emperor, whose power, and even existence, were alike threatened by the ungrateful pretensions of his sons to snatch the sceptre from the hand which still held it.”
If a reflection might be here interposed on the bloody wars which desolated India in consequence of the events of which the foregoing were the initial scenes, it would be to expose the moral retribution resulting from evil example. Were we to take but a partial view of the picture, we should depict the venerable Shah Jahan, arrived at the verge of the grave, into which the unnatural contest of his sons for empire wished to precipitate him, extending his arms for succour in vain to the nobles of his own faith and kin; while the Rajput, faithful to his principle, ‘allegiance to the throne,’ staked both life and land to help him in his need. Such a picture would enlist all our sympathies on the side of the helpless king. But when we recall the past, and consider that [480] Shah Jahan, as Prince Khurram, played the same part (setting aside the mask of hypocrisy), which Aurangzeb now attempted; that, to forward his guilty design, he murdered his brother Parvez,[[28]] who stood between him and the throne of his parent, against whom he levied war, our sympathies are checked, and we conclude that unlimited monarchy is a curse to itself and all who are subjected to it.
The battle of Fatehabad followed not long after this event,[[29]] which, gained by Aurangzeb, left the road to the throne free from obstruction. We are not informed of the reason why the prince of Bundi did not add his contingent to the force assembled to oppose Aurangzeb under Jaswant Singh of Marwar, unless it be found in that article of the treaty of Rao Surjan, prohibiting his successors from serving under a leader of their own faith and nation. The younger branch of Kotah appears, on its separation from Bundi, to have felt itself exonerated from obedience to this decree; for four royal brothers of Kotah, with many of their clansmen, were stretched on this field in the cause of swamidharma and Shah Jahan. Before, however, Aurangzeb could tear the sceptre from the enfeebled hands of his parent, he had to combat his elder brother Dara, who drew together at Dholpur all those who yet regarded ‘the first duty of a Rajput.’ The Bundi prince, with his Haras clad in their saffron robes, the ensigns of death or victory, formed the vanguard of Dara on this day, the opening scene of his sorrows, which closed but with his life; for Dholpur was as fatal to Dara the Mogul, as Arbela was to the Persian Darius. Custom rendered it indispensable that the princely leaders should be conspicuous to the host, and in conformity thereto Dara, mounted on his elephant, was in the brunt of the battle, in the heat of which, when valour and fidelity might have preserved the sceptre of Shah Jahan, Dara suddenly disappeared. A panic ensued, which was followed by confusion and flight. The noble Hara, on this disastrous event, turned to his vassals, and exclaimed, “Accursed be he who flies! Here, true to my salt, my feet are rooted to this field, nor will I quit it alive, but with victory.” Cheering on his men, he mounted his elephant, but whilst encouraging them by his voice and example, a cannon-shot hitting his elephant, the animal turned and fled. Chhattarsal leaped from his back and called for his steed, exclaiming, “My elephant may turn his back on the enemy, but never shall his master.” Mounting his horse, and forming his men into a dense mass (gol), he led them to the charge against Prince Murad, whom he singled out, and had his lance balanced for the issue, when a ball pierced his forehead.[[30]] The contest was nobly maintained by his youngest son, Bharat Singh, who accompanied his father in death [481], and with him the choicest of his clan. Mohkam Singh, brother of the Rao, with two of his sons, and Udai Singh, another nephew, sealed their fidelity with their lives. Thus in the two battles of Ujjain and Dholpur no less than twelve princes of the blood, together with the heads of every Hara clan, maintained their fealty (swamidharma) even to death. Where are we to look for such examples?
“Rao Chhattarsal had been personally engaged in fifty-two combats, and left a name renowned for courage and incorruptible fidelity.” He enlarged the palace of Bundi by adding that portion which bears his name,—the Chhattar Mahall,—and the temple of Keshorai, at Patan, was constructed under his direction.[[31]] It was in S. 1715 he was killed; he left four sons, Rao Bhao Singh, Bhim Singh, who got Gugorha, Bhagwant Singh, who obtained Mau, and Bharat Singh, who was killed at Dholpur.
Rāo Bhāo Singh, A.D. 1658-78. Mughal Attack on Būndi.
Rāo Aniruddh Singh, A.D. 1678.
An unfortunate quarrel with Durjan Singh, the chief vassal of Bundi, involved the Rao in trouble. Making use of some improper expression, the Rao resentfully replied, “I know what to expect from you”; which determined Durjan to throw his allegiance to the dogs. He quitted the army, and arriving at his estates, armed his kinsmen, and, by a coup de main, possessed himself of Bundi. On learning this, the emperor detached Aniruddh with a force which expelled the refractory Durjan, whose estates were sequestrated. Previous to his expulsion, Durjan drew the tika of succession on the forehead of his brother of Balwan. Having settled the affairs of Bundi, the Rao was employed, in conjunction with Raja Bishan Singh of Amber, to settle the northern countries of the empire, governed by Shah Alam, as lieutenant of the king, and whose headquarters were at Lahore, in the execution of which service he died.
Rāo Budh Singh. The Death of Aurangzeb.
Battle of Jājau, June 10, 1707.
Budh Singh was assigned a distinguished post, and by his conduct and courage [484] mainly contributed to the victory which placed Bahadur Shah without a rival on the throne. The Rajputs on either side sustained the chief shock of the battle, and the Hara prince of Kotah, and the noble Bundela, Dalpat of Datia, were both killed by cannon-shot, sacrificed to the cause they espoused; while the pretensions of Azam and his son Bedar Bakht were extinguished with their lives.
For the signal services rendered on this important day, Budh Singh was honoured with the title of Rao Raja, and was admitted to the intimate friendship of the emperor, which he continued to enjoy until his death, when fresh contentions arose, in which the grandsons of Aurangzeb all perished. Farrukhsiyar succeeded to the empire, under whom the Sayyids of Barha held supreme power, and ruined the empire by their exactions and tyranny. When they determined to depose the king, the Hara prince, faithful to his pledge, determined to release him, and in the attempt a bloody conflict ensued in the (chauk) square, in which his uncle Jeth Singh, and many of his clansmen, were slain.
Rivalry between Kotah and Būndi.
Jai Singh of Jaipur attacks Būndi.
To revenge the insult thus put upon him, the Raja of Amber determined to expel Rao Budh from Bundi, and offered the gaddi to the chief of its feudatories, the lord of Indargarh; but Deo Singh had the virtue to refuse the offer. He then had recourse to the chieftain of Karwar,[[41]] who could not resist the temptation. This chief, Salim Singh, was guilty of a double breach of trust; for he held the confidential office of governor of Taragarh, the citadel commanding both the city and palace.
The family dispute was, however, merely the underplot of a deeply-cherished political scheme of the prince of Amber, for the maintenance of his supremacy over the minor Rajas, to which his office of viceroy of Malwa, Ajmer, and Agra gave full scope, and he skilfully availed himself of the results of the civil wars of the Moguls. In the issue of Farrukhsiyar’s dethronement he saw the fruition of his schemes, and after a show of defending him, retired to his dominions to prosecute his views.
Amber was yet circumscribed in territory, and the consequence of its princes arose out of their position as satraps of the empire. He therefore determined to seize upon all the districts on his frontiers within his grasp, and moreover to compel the services of the chieftains who served under his banner as lieutenants of the king.
At this period there were many allodial chieftains within the bounds of Amber; as the Pachwana Chauhans about Lalsont, Gura, Nimrana, who owed neither service nor tribute to Jaipur, but led their quotas as distinct dignitaries of the empire under the flag of Amber. Even their own stock, the confederated Shaikhawats, deemed [486] themselves under no such obligation. The Bargujars of Rajor, the Jadons of Bayana, and many others, the vassalage of older days, were in the same predicament. These, being in the decline of the empire unable to protect themselves, the more readily agreed to hold their ancient allodial estates as fiefs of Amber, and to serve with the stipulated quota. But when Jai Singh’s views led him to hope he could in like manner bring the Haras to acknowledge his supremacy, he evinced both ignorance and presumption. He therefore determined to dethrone Budh Singh, and to make a Raja of his own choice hold of him in chief.
The Hara, who was then reposing on the rites of hospitality and family ties at Amber, gave Jai Singh a good opportunity to develop his views, which were first manifested to the Bundi prince by an obscure offer that he would make Amber his abode, and accept five hundred rupees daily for his train. His uncle, the brother of Jeth, who devoted himself to save his master at Agra, penetrated the infamous intentions of Jai Singh. He wrote to Bundi, and commanded that the Begun Rani should depart with her children to her father’s; and having given time for this, he by stealth formed his clansmen outside the walls of Amber, and having warned his prince of his danger, they quitted the treacherous abode. Raja Budh, at the head of three hundred Haras, feared nothing. He made direct for his capital, but they were overtaken at Pancholas, on the mutual frontier, by the select army under the five principal chieftains of Amber. The little band was enclosed, when a desperate encounter ensued, Rajput to Rajput. Every one of the five leaders of Amber was slain, with a multitude of their vassals; and the cenotaphs of the lords of Isarda, Sarwar, and Bhawar still afford evidence of Hara revenge. The uncle of Bundi was slain, and the valiant band was so thinned, that it was deemed unwise to go to Bundi, and by the intricacies of the Plateau they reached Begun in safety. This dear-bought success enabled Jai Singh to execute his plan, and Dalil Singh, of Karwar, espoused the daughter of Amber, and was invested with the title of Rao Raja of Bundi.
Taking advantage of the distress of the elder branch of his house, Raja Bhim of Kotah, now strictly allied with Ajit of Marwar and the Sayyids, prosecuted the old feud for superiority, making the Chambal the boundary, and seizing upon all the fiscal lands of Bundi east of this stream (excepting the Kothris), which he attached to Kotah.
Death of Rāo Būdh Singh.
The sons of Rao Budh were soon driven even from the shelter of the maternal abode; for, at the instigation of their enemy of Amber, the Rana sequestrated Begun. Pursued by this unmanly vengeance, the brave youths collected a small band, and took refuge in the wilds of Pachel, whence they addressed Durjansal, who had succeeded Raja Bhim at Kotah. This prince had a heart to commiserate their misfortunes, and the magnanimity not only to relieve them, but to aid them in the recovery of their patrimony.
[1]. [The dates are uncertain: that in the margin is from IGI, ix. 80. Prinsep (Useful Tables, 105) gives 1575. Blochmann (Āīn, i. 410) says, “he had been dead for some time in 1001 Hijri,” A.D. 1592.]
[2]. [4 miles N. of Udaipur city.]
[3]. His fame is immortalized by a descendant of the bard Chand, in the works already mentioned, as bearing his name, the Hamir-raesa and Hamir-kavya.
[4]. The Raja Man of Amber is styled, in the poetic chronicle of the Haras, ‘the shade of the Kali Yuga’: a powerful figure, to denote that his baneful influence and example, in allying himself by matrimonial ties with the imperialists, denationalized the Rajput character. In refusing to follow this example, we have presented a picture of patriotism in the life of Rana Partap of Mewar. Rao Surjan avoided by convention what the Chitor prince did by arms.
[5]. We may here remark that the succeeding portion of the annals of Bundi is a free translation of an historical sketch drawn up for me by the Raja of Bundi from his own records, occasionally augmented from the bardic chronicle. [This was Akbar’s second attack on Ranthambhor, the first (A.D. 1558-60) having been unsuccessful. It was taken on 19th March 1569 (Akbarnāma, ii. 132 f., 494). Smith (Akbar, the Great Mogul, 98 ff.) quotes the narrative in the text, which he considers trustworthy.]
[6]. Dola is the term for a princess affianced to the king.
[7]. An ancient institution of the Timurian kings, derived from their Tartar ancestry. For a description of this festival see Vol. I. p. [400], and Āīn, i. 276 f. [See the lively account of these fairs by Bernier (p. 272 f.). They were held in the Mīna, or ‘heavenly,’ bāzār, near the Mīna Masjid, or mosque, in the Agra Fort (Syad Muhammad Latif, Agra, 75 f.).]
[8]. This brand (dagh) was a flower on the forehead [Vol. II. p. [972]].
[9]. Sijdah, similar to the kotow of China. Had our ambassador possessed the wit of Rao Surthan of Sirohi, who, when compelled to pay homage to the king, determined at whatever hazard not to submit to this degradation, he might have succeeded in his mission to the ‘son of heaven.’ For the relation of this anecdote see Vol. II. p. [990]. [For the Mughal forms of salutation see Āīn, i. 158 f.]
[10]. [The Mahārāo Rāo of Būndi still has a house, somewhat dilapidated, near the Rāj Mandir and Sītala Ghāt at Benares. The right of sanctuary has ceased (E. Graves, Kashi, 1909, p. 55).]
[11]. This conjoint act of obtaining the castle of Ranthambhor is confirmed in the annals of the chieftains of Kotharia, of the same original stock as the Haras: though a Purbia Chauhan. I knew him very well, as also one of the same stock, of Bedla, another of the sixteen Pattayats of Mewar.
[12]. [Gondwāna is the term applied to the Sātpura plateau in the Central Provinces (IGI, xii. 321 ff.). The campaign was begun by Āsaf Khan in A.D. 1564. The Bāri in the text, a word meaning ‘dwelling,’ possibly refers to Chauragarh, now in the Narsinghpur District (Smith, Akbar, the Great Mogul, 69 ff.). Rāo Surjan was governor of Garha-Katanka or Gondwāna, whence he was transferred to Chunār (Āīn, i. 409).]
[14]. [Akbar began to reside at Agra in A.D. 1558, and built the fort in 1565-6. The first campaign in Gujarāt took place in 1572. Surat was captured in February 1573.]
[15]. [Ahmadnagar was stormed in August 1600. According to Ferishta (iii. 312) Chānd Bībi was killed by her Deccan troops because she was treating for surrender. By another story, she was poisoned (Smith, Akbar, the Great Mogul, 272).]
[16]. [There is an error here. Akbar died in 1605; Jodh Bāi died, it is said by poison, in 1619 or 1622.]
[17]. See Vol. I. p. [408]. [The tale seems almost incredible, but Akbar did remove some of his enemies by poison, and the story was the subject of Court gossip (Manucci i. 150). Akbar seems to have died from cancer of the bowels (Elliot-Dowson v. 541, vi. 115, 168 f.). Smith (Akbar, the Great Mogul, 325 f.) disbelieves the story, but suspects that he may have been poisoned by some one. See Irvine’s note on Manucci iv. 420.]
[18]. He held Kotah in separate grant from the king during fifteen years.
[19]. He obtained the town of Dipri (on the Chambal), with twenty-seven villages, in appanage.
[20]. [Parvez died from apoplexy at Burhānpur, 28th October 1626 (Beale, Dict. Oriental Biography, s.v. Parwīz Sultān; Dow 2nd ed. iii. 88).]
[21]. There are about fifty families, his descendants, forming a community round Nimoda.
[22]. This trait in the character of Rao Ratan forcibly reminds us of a similar case which occurred at Ghazni, and is related by Ferishta [i. 86 f.] in commemoration of the justice of Mahmud.
[23]. These, the three great fiefs of Bundi,—Indargarh, Balwan, and Antardah,—are now all alienated from Bundi by the intrigues of Zalim Singh of Kotah. It was unfortunate for the Bundi Rao, when both these States were admitted to an alliance, that all these historical points were hid in darkness. It would be yet abstract and absolute justice that we should negotiate the transfer of the allegiance of these chieftains to their proper head of Bundi. It would be a matter of little difficulty, and the honour would be immense to Bundi and no hardship to Kotah, but a slight sacrifice of a power of protection to those who no longer require it. All of these chiefs were the founders of clans, called after them, Indarsalot, Berisalot, Mohkamsinghot; the first can muster fifteen hundred Haras under arms. Jaipur having imposed a tribute on these chieftains, Zalim Singh undertook, in the days of predatory warfare, to be responsible for it; for which he received that homage and service due to Bundi, then unable to protect them. The simplest mode of doing justice would be to make these chiefs redeem their freedom from tribute to Jaipur, by the payment of so many years’ purchase, which would relieve them altogether from Zalim Singh, and at the same time be in accordance with our treaties, which prohibit such ties between the States.
[24]. Thana [about 20 miles E. of Jhalāwar], formerly called Jajawar, is the only fief of the twelve sons of Ratan which now pays obedience to its proper head. The Maharaja Bikramajit is the lineal descendant of Maha Singh, and if alive, the earth bears not a more honourable, brave, or simple-minded Rajput. He was the devoted servant of his young prince, and my very sincere and valued friend; but we shall have occasion to mention the ‘lion-killer’ in the Personal Narrative.
[25]. [For this campaign see Jadunath Sarkar, History of Aurangzib, i. 264 ff.; Grant Duff 70. Bidar was stormed in March 1657. The gallantry of Chhattarsāl is commended by Jadunath Sarkar i. 272, ii. 6.]
[26]. The reader will observe, as to the phraseology of these important occurrences, that the language is that of the original: it is, in fact, almost a verbatim translation from the memoirs of these princes in the Bundi archives.
[27]. The Rajput prince, who drew up this character, seems to have well studied Aurangzeb, and it is gratifying to find such concurrence with every authority. But could such a character be eventually mistaken?
[29]. [Or Samūgarh, 29th May 1658.]
[30]. [The defeat of Dāra Shikoh at Dholpur preceded the battle of Samūgarh-Fatehābād: it was at Samūgarh that Chhattarsāl was killed (Jadunath Sarkar, ii. 37 ff.).]
[31]. [The temple of Keshorāi, or Kesava Krishna, is on the N. bank of the Chambal, 12 miles below Kotah (Rājputāna Gazetteer, 1879, i. 238).]
[32]. [Indargarh about 30 miles N. of Būndi city: Khatoli 20 miles E. of Indargarh.]
[33]. It is a fact worthy of notice, that the most intrepid of the Rajput princely cavaliers are of a very devout frame of mind.
[34]. [Rāo Bhāo Singh died between March 1677 and February 1678 (Manucci ii. 402).]
[35]. Bhim Singh, who had the fief of Gugor bestowed on him, had a son, Kishan Singh, who succeeded him, and was put to death by Aurangzeb. Aniruddh was the son of Kishan.
[36]. It is useless to repeat that this is a literal translation from the records and journals of the Hara princes, who served the emperors.
[37]. This catastrophe will be related in the Personal Narrative.
[38]. Vide Vol. I. p. [473], et passim, in which the Bundi Annals are corroborated by the Annals of Mewar, and by an autograph letter of Raja Jai Singh of Amber, dated the 19th Phalgun, S. 1775 (A.D. 1719).
[39]. These subjects being already discussed in Vol. I. would have had no place here, were it not necessary to show how accurately the Bundi princes recorded events, and to rescue them from the charge of having no historical documents.
[40]. This lady was sister to Chamanji, elder brother to Jai Singh, and heir-apparent to the gaddi of Amber, who was put to death by Jai Singh. To this murder the Rathor bard alludes in the couplet given in their Annals, see Vol. II. p. [1059]. ‘Chamanji’ ['flower-bed'] is the title of the heirs-apparent of Amber. I know not whether Chamanji, which is merely a term of endearment, may not be Bijai Singh, whose captivity we have related. See p. [1349].
[41]. [About 35 miles N. of Būndi city.]