CHAPTER 4
The British Alliance, A.D. 1818.
Procrastination is the favourite expedient of all Asiatics; and the Rajput, though a fatalist, often, by protracting the irresistible honhar (destiny), works out his deliverance. Amir Khan, the lieutenant of Holkar, who held the lands and tribute of Jaipur in jaedad, or assignment for his troops, was the sole enemy of social order left to operate on the fears of Jaipur, and to urge her to take refuge in our alliance; and even he was upon the point of becoming one of the illustrious allies, who were to enjoy the “perpetual friendship” of Great Britain. The Khan was at that very moment [378] battering Madhorajpura, a town almost within the sound of cannon-shot of Jaipur, and we were compelled to make an indirect use of this incident to hasten the decision of the Kachhwaha prince. The motives of his backwardness will appear from the following details.
Hesitation to accept the Treaty.
The enlarged and prophetic views of Marquess Wellesley, which suggested the policy of uniting all these regular governments in a league against the predatory powers, were counteracted by the timid, temporizing policy of Lord Cornwallis, who could discover nothing but weakness in this extension of our influence.[[3]] What misery would not these States have been spared, had those engagements, executed through the noble Lake (a name never mentioned in India, by European or native, without reverence), been maintained; for the fifteen years which intervened between the two periods produced more mischief to Rajwara than the preceding half century, and half a century more will not repair it!
A circumstance that tended to increase this distrust was our tearing Wazir Ali from his sanctuary at Jaipur, which has cast an indelible stain upon the Kachhwaha name.[[4]] We have elsewhere[[5]] explained the privileges of saran, or ‘sanctuary,’ which, when claimed by the unfortunate or criminal, is sacred in the eye of the Rajput [379]. This trust we forced the Jaipur State to violate, though she was then independent of us. It was no excuse for the act that the fugitive was a foul assassin: we had no right to demand his surrender.[[6]]
There were other objections to the proffered treaty of no small weight. The Jaipur court justly deemed one-fifth (eight lakhs) of the gross revenues of the crown, a high rate of insurance for protection; but when we further stipulated for a prospective increase[[7]] of nearly one-third of all surplus revenue beyond forty lakhs, they saw, instead of the generous Briton, a sordid trafficker of mercenary protection, whose rapacity transcended that of the Mahratta.
Independent of these state objections, there were abundance of private and individual motives arrayed in hostility to the British offer. For example: the ministers dreaded the surveillance of a resident agent, as obnoxious to their authority and influence; and the chieftains, whom rank and ancient usage kept at court as the counsellors of their prince, saw in prospect the surrender of crown-lands, which fraud, favour, or force had obtained for them. Such were the principal causes which impeded the alliance between Amber and the Government-general of British India; but it would have marred the uniformity of Lord Hastings’ plan to have left a gap in the general protective system by the omission of Jaipur. The events rapidly happening around them—the presence of Amir Khan—the expulsion of the orange flag of the Mahratta, and the substitution of the British banner on the battlements of Ajmer—at length produced a tardy and ungracious assent, and, on the 2nd of April 1818, a treaty of ten articles was concluded, which made the Kachhwaha princes the friends and tributaries in perpetuity of Great Britain.
Disputed Succession.
Law of Succession in Rājputāna.
On the demise of a prince without lawful issue of his body, or that of near kindred, brothers or cousins, there are certain families in every principality (raj) of Rajwara, in whom is vested the right of presumptive heirship to the gaddi. In order to restrict the circle of claimants, laws have been established in every State limiting this right to the issue of a certain family in each principality. Thus, in Mewar, the elder of the Ranawat clans, styled Babas, or ‘the infants,’ possesses the latent right of heir-presumptive. In Marwar, the independent house of Idar, of the family of Jodha; in Bundi, the house of Dagari,[[11]] in Kotah, the Apjis of Pulaitha[[12]]; in Bikaner, the family of [381] Mahajan[[13]]; and in Jaipur, the branch Rajawat (according to seniority) of the stock of Raja Man. Even in this stock there is a distinction between those prior, and those posterior, to Raja Madho Singh; the former are styled simply Rajawat, or occasionally conjoined, Mansinghgot; the other Madhani. The Rajawats constitute a numerous frerage, of which the Jhalai house takes the lead; and in which, provided there are no mental or physical disabilities, the right of furnishing heirs to the gaddi of Jaipur is a long-established, incontrovertible, and inalienable privilege.
We have been thus minute, because, notwithstanding the expressed wish of the government not to prejudge the question, the first exercise of its authority as lord-paramount was to justify a proceeding by which these established usages were infringed, in spite of the eighth article of the treaty: “The Maharaja and his heirs and successors shall remain absolute rulers of their country and dependants according to long-established usage,” etc. “C’est premier pas qui coute”; and this first step, being a wrong one, has involved an interference never contemplated, and fully justifying that wariness on the part of Jaipur, which made her hesitate to link her destiny with ours.
Both the sixth and seventh articles contain the seeds of disunion, whenever it might suit the chicanery or bad faith of the protected, or the avarice of the protector. The former has already been called into operation, and the ‘absolute rulers’ of Jaipur have been compelled to unfold to the resident Agent the whole of their financial and territorial arrangements, to prove that the revenues did not exceed the sum of forty lakhs, as, of the sum in excess (besides the stipulated tributary fifth), our share was to be three-sixteenths.[[14]]
While, therefore, we deem ourselves justified in interfering in the two chief branches of government, the succession and finances, how is it possible to avoid being implicated in the acts of the government-functionaries, and involved in the party views and intrigues of a court, stigmatised even by the rest of Rajwara with the epithet of jhutha darbar, the ‘lying court’? While there is a resident Agent at Jaipur, whatever [382] his resolves, he will find it next to impossible to keep aloof from the vortex of intrigue. The purest intentions, the highest talents, will scarcely avail to counteract this systematic vice, and with one party at least, but eventually with all, the reputation of his government will be compromised.
This brings us back to the topic which suggested these remarks, the installation of a youth upon the gaddi of Jaipur. We shall expose the operation of this transaction by a literal translation of an authentic document, every word of which was thoroughly substantiated. As it presents a curious picture of manners, and is valuable as a precedent, we shall give it entire in the Appendix, and shall here enter no further into details than is necessary to unravel the intrigue which violated the established laws of succession.
The Installation of Mohan Singh.
The causes of departure from the recognized rule, in this respect, were the following. At the death of Jagat Singh, the reins of power were, and had been for some time, in the hands of the chief eunuch of the rawala (seraglio), whose name was Mohan Nazir,[[16]] a man of considerable vigour of understanding, and not without the reputation of good intention in his administration of affairs, although the system of chicanery and force,[[17]] by which he attempted to carry his object, savoured more of self-interest than of loyalty. The youth was but nine years of age; and a long minority, with the exclusive possession of power, suggests the true motives of the Nazir. His principal coadjutor, amongst the great vassals of the State, was Megh Singh of Diggi,[[18]] a chief who [383] had contrived by fraud and force to double his hereditary fief by usurpations from the crown-lands, to retain which he supported the views of the Nazir with all the influence of his clan (the Khangarot), the most powerful of the twelve great families of Amber.[[19]] The personal servants of the crown, such as the Purohits, Dhabhais (domestic chaplains and foster-brothers), and all the subordinate officers of the household, considered the Nazir’s cause as their own: a minority and his favour guaranteed their places, which might be risked by the election of a prince who could judge for himself, and had friends to provide for.
Objections raised by the Government of India.
The replies of the Nazir and confidential Munshi were such, that on the 7th of February the receipt of letters of congratulation from the British Agent, accompanied by one from the supreme authority, was formally announced, which letters being read in full court, “the naubat (kettledrum) again sounded, and young Man Singh was conducted to the Partap Mahall, and seated on the masnad.” On this formal recognition by the British government, the agents of the chieftains at their sovereign’s court, in reply to the Nazir’s demand, “to know the opinions of the chiefs,” answered that “if he called them, they were ready to obey”; but at the same time they rested their adhesion on that of the chief queen, sister of the Raja of Jodhpur, who breathed nothing but open defiance of the Nazir and his junta. Early in March, public discontent became more manifest: and the Rajawat chief of Jhalai determined to appeal to arms in support of his rights as heir-presumptive, and was soon joined by the chiefs of Sarwar and Isarda,[[20]] junior but powerful branches of the same stock.
Another party seemed inclined, on this emergency, to revive the rights of that posthumous son of Prithi Singh, whom we have already described as living in exile at Gwalior, on the bounty of Sindhia; and nothing but the unfavourable report of his intellect and debased habits prevented the elder branch of the sons of Madho Singh recovering their lost honours.
While the paramount authority was thus deluded, and the chieftains were wavering amidst so many conflicting opinions, the queens continued resolute, and the Rajawats were arming—and the Nazir, in this dilemma, determined as a last resource, to make Raja Man of Jodhpur the umpire, hoping by this appeal to his vanity, to obtain his influence over his sister to an acquiescence in the irremediable step, which had been taken “in obedience (as he pretended) to the will of the deceased prince.” Raja Man’s reply is important: “That there could be no occasion for his or his sister’s signature to the required declaration on the right of succession to the masnad of Jaipur, which depended upon, and was vested in, the elders of the twelve tribes of Kachhwahas; that if they approved and signed the declaration, the queen his sister, and afterwards himself, would sign it, if requisite.”
The Nazir and his faction, though aided by the interposition of the Munshi, were now in despair, and in these desperate circumstances, he attempted to get up a marriage between the puppet he had enthroned and the granddaughter of the Rana of Mewar. It was well contrived, and not ill received by the Rana; but there was an influence at his court which at once extinguished the plot, though supported at [385] Delhi by the Rana’s most influential agent. It was proposed that, at the same time, the Rana should consummate his nuptials with the Jaipur Raja’s sister, the preliminaries of which had been settled a dozen years back. Money in abundance was offered, and the Rana’s passion for pageantry and profusion would have prevented any objection to his proceeding to the Jaipur capital. To receive the chief of the universal Hindu race with due honour, the whole nobility of Amber would have left their estates, which would have been construed into, and accepted as, a voluntary acquiescence in the rights of the Nazir’s choice, which the marriage would have completely cemented. Foiled in this promising design, the knot, which the precipitate and persevering conduct of the Nazir had rendered too indissoluble even for his skill to undo, was cut by the annunciation of the advanced pregnancy of the Bhattiani queen.
Birth of a Posthumous Heir.
At three o’clock on the 1st of April, a council of sixteen queens, the widows of the late prince, and the wives of all the great vassals of the State, “assembled to ascertain the fact of pregnancy,” whilst all the great barons awaited in the antechambers of the Zanana Deori the important response of this council of matrons. When it announced that the Bhattiani queen was pregnant beyond a doubt, they consulted until seven, when they sent in a written declaration, avowing their unanimous belief of the fact; and that “should a son be born, they would acknowledge him as their lord, and to none else pledge allegiance.” A transcript of this was given to the Nazir, who was recommended to forward an attested copy to the British Agent at Delhi. From these deliberations, from which there was no appeal, the Nazir was excluded by express desire of the Rathor queen. He made an ineffectual effort to obtain from the chiefs a declaration, that the adoption of the Narwar youth was in conformity to the desire of the deceased prince, their master; but this attempt to obtain indemnity for his illegal acts was defeated immediately on the ground of its untruth.[[23]]
By this lawful and energetic exertion of the powers directly vested in the queen-mother and the great council of the chiefs, the tongue of faction was rendered mute; but had it been otherwise, another queen was pronounced to be in the same joyful condition.[[24]] On the morning of the 25th of April, four months and four days after Jagat Singh’s death, a son was ushered into the world with the usual demonstrations of joy, and received as the Autocrat of the Kachhwahas; while the infant interloper was removed from the gaddi, and thrust back to his original obscurity. Thus terminated an affair which involved all Rajwara in discussion, and at one time threatened a very serious result. That it was disposed of in this manner was fortunate for all parties, and not least for the protecting power.
Having thus given a connected, though imperfect, sketch of the history of the Jaipur State, from its foundation to the present time, before proceeding with any account of its resources, or the details of its internal administration, we shall delineate the rise, progress, and existing condition of the Shaikhavati federation, which has risen out of, and almost to an equality with, the parent State [387].
[1]. [Mahīdpur, in the Indore State, 24 miles N. of Ujjain, when Sir John Malcolm defeated the Marāthas on December 21, 1817.]
[2]. Vide Malcolm’s Political History of India, p. 434.
[3]. [The Author, an enthusiastic political officer, ignores the considerations based on the state of the finances of India and the danger of the political situation in Europe which suggested a cautious policy in India. See J. Mill, Hist. of British India, ed. 1817, iii. 702; Seton-Karr, The Marquess Cornwallis, 178 ff.; J. W. Kaye, Life of Lord Metcalfe, i. 326 ff. On the negotiations with Jaipur see Kaye, op. cit. i. 348 ff.]
[4]. [Wazīr Ali, the deposed Nawāb of Oudh, murdered Mr. Cherry, the British Resident at Benares, on January 14, 1799. He took refuge in Jaipur, and the Rāja, having made terms with the British, “treacherously delivered him up.” He was confined in Fort William, Calcutta, where he died in 1817 (J. Mill, op. cit. iii. 469 ff).]
[6]. A better commentary on the opinions held by the natives upon this subject could not be given than the speech of Holkar’s envoy to the agent of the Governor-General of India, then with Lord Lake: “Holcar’s vakeel demanded, with no slight degree of pertinacity, the cession of the Jeipoor and Boondi tributes; and one of them, speaking of the former, stated, that he no doubt would continue to enjoy the friendship of the English, as he had disgraced himself to please that nation, by giving up Vizier Alli (who had sought his protection) to their vengeance. The vakeel was severely rebuked by the agent (Colonel, now Sir John Malcolm) for this insolent reflection on the conduct of an ally of the British Government, who had delivered up a murderer whom it would have been infamy to shelter”; though the author of the Political History of India might have added—but whom it was still greater infamy, according to their code, to surrender. See Malcolm’s Political History of India, p. 432.
[7]. See [Article 6] of the Treaty, Appendix, No. IV.[Appendix, No. IV.]
[8]. See [Article 8] of the Treaty.
[9]. [Laws, ix. 105 ff. On the general question see Baden-Powell, The Indian Village Community, 305 f.]
[10]. In Mewar, simply Maji; at Jaipur, where they have long used the language and manners of Delhi, they affix the Persian word Sahibah, or ‘lady mother.’
[11]. [Dagāri or Dugāri, about 20 miles N. of Būndi city, with a picturesque palace (Rājputāna Gazetteer, 1879, i. 216.)[i. 216.)]]
[12]. [A short distance S. of Kotah city.]
[13]. [Mahājan, about 50 miles N.N.W. of Bikaner city.]
[14]. Mewar was subjected to the same premium on her reviving prosperity. The Author unsuccessfully endeavoured to have a limit fixed to the demand; but he has heard with joy that some important modifications have since been made in these tributary engagements both with Mewar and Amber: they cannot be made too light. Discontent in Rajputana will not be appeased by a few lakhs of extra expenditure. I gave my opinions fearlessly when I had everything at stake; I will not suppress them now, when I have nothing either to hope or to fear but for the perpetuity of the British power in these regions, and the revival of the happiness and independence of those who have sought our protection. He will prove the greatest enemy to his country, who, in ignorance of the true position of the Rajputs, may aim at further trenching upon their independence. Read the thirty years’ war between Aurangzeb and the Rathors! where is the dynasty of their tyrant? Look at the map: a desert at their back, the Aravalli in front; no enemies to harass or disturb them! How different would a Rajput foe prove from a contemptible Mahratta, or the mercenary array of traitorous Nawabs, whom we have always found easy conquests! Cherish the native army: conciliate the Rajputs; then, laugh at foes!
[15]. [Jhalai, about 42 miles S.S.W. of Jaipur city.]
[16]. Nazir is the official name, a Muhammadan one, denoting his capacity, as emasculated guardian of the seraglio. Jaipur and Bundi are the only two of the Rajput principalities who, adopting the Muslim custom, have contaminated the palaces of their queens with the presence of these creatures.
[17]. See “Summary of Transactions,” Appendix, No. V. [The Author omitted to print this paper owing to its length.]
[18]. [Forty miles S.S.W. of Jaipur city.]
[19]. The Khangarot clan enumerates twenty-two fiefs, whose united rent-rolls amount to 402,806 rupees annually, and their united quotas for the service of the State, six hundred and forty-three horse. Megh Singh, by his turbulence and intelligence, though only the sixth or seventh in the scale of rank of this body, had taken the lead, and become the organ of his clan at court.
[20]. [Sarwar, 45 miles S. of Ajmer; Isarda, 60 miles S.S.W. of Jaipur city.]
[21]. The publicity, on this occasion, is precisely of the same character as marked the accouchement of the Duchess de Berri, who, it is said, not only had the usual witnesses to silence the voice of doubt, but absolutely insisted on the Maréchaux as well as the Maréchales of France being in the room at the moment of parturition.
[22]. Raja Jagat Singh died December 21, 1818, and the announcement of the Bhattiani being in “the eighth month of her pregnancy,” was on March 24, 1819.
[23]. Deeming a record of these transactions useful, not only as descriptive of manners, but as a precedent, inasmuch as they show the powers and position of the different authorities composing a Rajput State in cases of succession, I have inserted it in the Appendix. [As before stated, the Author omitted this paper.]
[24]. No notice, that I am aware of, was ever taken of this second annunciation. [The posthumous son of Jagat Singh, Jai Singh III., who succeeded, lived till 1835, during which period the State was a scene of misgovernment and corruption. He was succeeded by Mahārāja Rām Singh (A.D. 1835-80). His adopted son, Kāim Singh, succeeded under the title of Sawāi Mādho Singh II., and has administered the State with conspicuous ability.]
SHAIKHĀWAT FEDERATION
CHAPTER 5
We proceed to sketch the history of the Shaikhawat confederation, which, springing from the redundant feodality of Amber, through the influence of age and circumstances, has attained a power and consideration almost equalling that of the parent State; and although it possesses neither written laws, a permanent congress, nor any visible or recognized head, subsists by a sense of common interest. It must not be supposed, however, that no system of policy is to be found in this confederation, because the springs are not always visible or in action; the moment any common or individual interest is menaced, the grand council of the Barons of Shaikhavati assembles at Udaipur[[1]] to decide the course of action to be pursued.
The Origin of the Shaikhāwats.
Balaji, who was the actual founder of the numerous families now designated by the more distinguished name of Shaikhji, his grandson, obtained as an appanage the district of Amritsar,[[3]] but whether by his own prowess or by other means, is not mentioned. He had three sons: Mokalji, Khemraj, and Kharad. The first succeeded to the patrimony of Amritsar; the second had a numerous issue styled Balapota, one of whom was adopted into the twelve chambers (barahkothri) of Kachhwahas. The third had a son called Kaman, whose descendants were styled Kamawat, but are now early extinct.
Shaikhji.
Shaikhji, when he attained man’s estate, greatly augmented the territory left by his father, and had consolidated three hundred and sixty villages under his sway, by conquest from his neighbours, when his reputation and power attracted the jealous notice of the lord paramount of Amber. He was attacked; but by the aid of the Panni Pathans[[6]] he successfully withstood the reiterated assaults of his suzerain. Up to this period, they had acknowledged the Amber princes as liege lords, and in token of alliance paid as tribute all the colts reared on the original estate.[[7]] A dispute on this point was the ostensible cause (though subordinate to their rapid prosperity), which occasioned a total separation of the Shaikhawat colonies from the parent State, until the reign of Sawai Jai Singh who, with his means as lieutenant of the empire, compelled homage, submission, and pecuniary relief from them. Shaikhji left a well-established authority to his son, Raemall, of whom nothing is recorded. Raemall was followed by Suja, who had three sons, namely, Nunkaran, Raesal, and Gopal. The elder succeeded to the patrimony of Amritsar and its three hundred and sixty townships, while to his brothers, the fiefs of Lambi and Jharli[[8]] were respectively assigned. With the second brother, Raesal, the fortunes of the Shaikhawats made a rapid stride, from an occurrence in which the Rajput appears in the position we desire to see him occupy.
Nunkaran, the chief of the Shaikhawats, had a minister named Devidas, of the Bania or mercantile caste, and, like thousands of that caste, energetic, shrewd, and intelligent. He one day held an argument with his lord (which the result proves he maintained with independence), that “genius with good fortune was the first gift of heaven, and to be far more prized than a man’s mere inheritance.” Nunkaran warmly disputed the point, which ended by his telling the minister he might go to Lambi [391] and make experiment of the truth of his argument on his brother Raesal. Devidas lost no time, on this polite dismissal from his office, in proceeding with his family and property to Lambi. He was received with the usual hospitality; but soon discovered that Raesal’s means were too confined to bear an additional burden, and that the field was too restricted to enable him to demonstrate the truth of the argument which lost him his place. He made known his determination to proceed to the imperial city, and advised Raesal to accompany him, and try his luck at court. Raesal, who was valiant and not without ambition, could only equip twenty horse, with which he arrived at Delhi just as an army was forming to oppose one of those Afghan invasions, so common at that period. In the action which ensued, Raesal had the good fortune to distinguish himself by cutting down a leader of the enemy, in the presence of the imperial general, which had a decided influence on the event of the day. Inquiries were made for the brave unknown, who had performed this heroic deed; but as, for reasons which will be perceived, he kept aloof from the quarters of his countrymen, the argument of Devidas would never have been illustrated, had not the imperial commander determined to seek out and reward merit. He ordered a grand ziyafat, or ‘entertainment’ to be prepared for the chiefs of every grade in the army, who were commanded afterwards to pay their respects to the general. As soon as Raesal appeared, he was recognized as the individual of whom they were in search. His name and family being disclosed, his brother, Nunkaran, who was serving with his quota, was called, whose anger was peremptorily expressed at his presuming to appear at court without his permission; but this ebullition of jealousy was of little avail. Raesal was at once introduced to the great Akbar, who bestowed upon him the title of Raesal Darbari,[[9]] and a more substantial mark of royal favour, in a grant of the districts of Rewasa and Khasali, then belonging to the Chandela Rajputs. This was but the opening of Raesal’s career, for scarcely had he settled his new possessions, when he was recalled to court to take part in an expedition against Bhatner. Fresh services obtained new favours, and he received a grant of Khandela and Udaipur, then belonging to the Nirwan Rajputs, who disdained to pay allegiance to the empire, and gave themselves up to unlicensed rapine.
Khandela, the Shaikhawat Capital.
Raesal accompanied his proper liege lord, the great Raja Man of Amber, against the heroic Rana Partap of Mewar. He was also in the expedition to Kabul, against the Afghans of Kohistan, in all of which enterprises he obtained fresh distinctions. Regarding his death, there is no record;[[11]] but his history is another illustration of the Rajput character, whilst it confirms the position of the Bania, that “genius and good fortune are far superior to inheritance.”
Raesal, at his death, had a compact and well-managed territory, out of which he assigned appanages to his seven sons, from whom are descended the various families, who, with relative distinctive patronymics, Bhojansi Sadhanis, Larkhanis, Tajkhanis, Parasurampotas, Harrampotas, are recognized throughout Rajwara by the generic name of Shaikhawat [393].
| 1. Girdhar | Had Khandela and Rewasa. |
| 2. Larkhan | ” Kachriawas. |
| 3. Bhojraj | ” Udaipur. |
| 4. Tirmall Rao | ” Kasli and eighty-four villages. |
| 5. Parasuram | ” Bai. |
| 6. Harramji | ” Mundari. |
| 7. Tajkhan | ” No appanage. |
We shall not break the thread of the narrative of the elder branch of Khandela, “chief of the sons of Shaikhji,” to treat of the junior line, though the issue of Bhojraj have eclipsed, both in population and property, the senior descendants of Raesal.
Girdharji Shaikhāwat.
Assassination of Girdharji.
Dwārkadās.
Dwarkadas was slain by the greatest hero of the age in which he lived, the celebrated Khan Jahan Lodi,[[13]] who, according to the legends of the Shaikhawats, also fell by the hand of their lord; and they throw an air of romance upon the transaction, which would grace the annals of chivalry in any age or country. Khan Jahan and the chieftain of Khandela were sworn friends, and when nothing but the life of the gallant Lodi would satisfy the king, Dwarka gave timely notice to his friend of the hateful task imposed upon him, advising either submission or flight. His fate, which forms one of the most interesting episodes in Ferishta’s history,[[14]] involved that of the Shaikhawat chief.
Bīrsinghdeo.
Birsinghdeo had seven sons, of whom the heir-apparent, Bahadur Singh, remained at [395] Khandela; while estates were assigned to his brothers, namely, Amar Singh, Shyam Singh, Jagdeo, Bhopal Singh, Mukri Singh, and Pem Singh, who all increased the stock of Raesalots. While the Raja was performing his duties in the Deccan, intelligence reached him that his son at home had usurped his title and authority; upon which, with only four horsemen, he left the army for his capital. When within two coss of Khandela, he alighted at the house of a Jatni, of whom he requested refreshment, and begged especial care of his wearied steed, lest he should be stolen; to which she sharply replied, “Is not Bahadur Singh ruler here? You may leave gold in the highway, and no one dare touch it.” The old chieftain was so delighted with this testimony to his son’s discharge of a prince’s duties, that, without disclosing himself or his suspicions, he immediately returned to the Deccan, where he died.
Bahādur Singh.
Gallantry of Shujāwan Singh.
The Siege of Khandela.
Bahadur Singh continued to reside in an adjacent township, and through his Diwan obtained a certain share of the crops and transit duties, namely, a ser out of every maund of the former, and one pice in every rupee of the latter. In process of time the family residence and gardens were given up to him, and when the Sayyids obtained power he regained his country, though a garrison of the royal troops was retained, whose expenses he paid. He left three sons, namely, Kesari Singh, Fateh Singh, and Udai Singh.
Kesari Singh.
Kesari Singh, having thus recovered all his lost authority, from the contentions at court conceived he might refuse the tribute of Rewasa, hitherto paid to the Ajmer treasury, while that of Khandela went to Narnol.[[18]] Sayyid Abdulla,[[19]] then wazir, found leisure to resent this insult, and sent a force against Khandela. Every Raesalot in the country assembled to resist the Turk, and even his foe of Manoharpur sent his quota, led by the Dhabhai (foster-brother), to aid the national cause. Thus strengthened, Kesari determined to oppose the royal forces hand to hand in the plain, and [398] the rival armies encountered at the border town of Deoli.[[20]] While victory manifested a wish to side with the confederated Shaikhawats, the old jealousies of Manoharpur revived, and he withdrew his quota from the field, at the same moment that the Kasli chief, on whom much depended, was slain. To crown these misfortunes, the Larkhani chief of Danta, basely deeming this an opportunity to consult his own interest, abandoned the field, to take possession of Rewasa. The ‘lion’ of Khandela (Kesari), observing these defections, when the shout of “Jai! jai!” (victory, victory), already rang in his ears, could not help exclaiming, in the bitterness of despair, “Had Fateh Singh been here, he would not have deserted me.” He disdained, however, to give way, and prepared to meet his fate like a true Raesalot. Sending to where the battle yet raged for his youngest brother, Udai Singh, he urged him to save himself; but the young Rajput scorned obedience to such a behest, until Kesari made known his determination not to quit the field, adding that if he also were slain, there would be an end of his line. Others joined their persuasions, and even attempted to turn Kesari from his purpose. “No,” replied the chief, “I have no desire for life; two black deeds press upon me; the murder of my brother, and the curse of the Charans of Bikaner, whom I neglected at the distribution of the nuptial gifts. I will not add a third by dastardly flight.” As Udai Singh reluctantly obeyed, while the swords rang around him, Kesari made a hasty sacrifice to Avanimata (mother earth), of which flesh, blood, and earth are the ingredients. He cut pieces from his own body, but as scarcely any blood flowed, his own uncle, Mohkam Singh of Aloda, parted with some of his, for so grand an obligation as the retention of Khandela. Mixing his own flesh, and his uncle’s blood, with a portion of his own sandy soil, he formed small balls in dan (gift), for the maintenance of the land to his posterity. The Dom (bard), who repeated the incantations, pronounced the sacrifice accepted, and that seven generations of his line should rule in Khandela.[[21]] The brave Kesari was slain, the town taken, and Udai Singh carried to Ajmer, where he remained three years in captivity. At this time, the chiefs of Udaipur and Kasli determined to cut off the royal garrison in Khandela; but apprehensive of the danger it might occasion to their chief, they sent a special messenger to Ajmer, to acquaint the viceroy of their scheme, previous to its execution, to prevent his being implicated. Khandela was surprised, and Deonath and three hundred Turks put to the sword. The viceroy [399], desirous to recover the place, consulted his prisoner, who offered to reinstate him if he granted him liberty. The Nawab demanded a hostage, but the young Rajput said he knew of none but his own mother, who willingly became the pledge for her son. He fulfilled his agreement, and the viceroy was so pleased with his frank and loyal conduct, that on paying a large nazarana, he restored him to his capital.
Udai Singh.
Supremacy of Jaipur in Shaikhawati.
This occurrence was in A.D. 1716, when the Jats were rising into power, and when all the minor Rajas served with their contingents under the great Jai Singh, as lieutenant of the emperor. Along with the princes of Karauli, Bhadauria, Sheopur, and many others of the third rank, was Udai Singh of Khandela. During the siege of Thun, the Shaikhawat chief was reprimanded for neglect of duty, and although he owed a double allegiance to Jai Singh, as his natural liege lord and lieutenant of the king, he would not brook the censure from one of his own race, and indignantly withdrew from the siege. Churaman the Jat, having contrived to make his peace with the Sayyid wazir, when Thun was upon the eve of surrender, and Udai Singh being implicated in this intrigue, Jai Singh, who was mortified at an occurrence which prevented the gratification of a long-cherished resentment against the upstart Jats, determined that the Khandela chief should suffer for his audacity. Attended by the imperialists under Bazid Khan, and all his home clans, he laid siege to the citadel called Udaigarh. Udai Singh held out a month in this castle he had constructed and called by his own name, when his resources failing, he fled to Naru[[22]] in Marwar, and his son, Sawai Singh, presented the keys, throwing himself on the clemency of the conqueror. He was well received, and pardoned, on condition of becoming tributary to Amber. He followed the example of the Kasli chief, and signed an engagement to pay annually one lakh of rupees. From this a deduction of fifteen thousand was subsequently made, and in time being reduced twenty thousand more, sixty-five thousand continued to be the tribute of Khandela, until the decay of both the parent State and its scion, when the weakness of the former, and the merciless outrages of the predatory powers, Pathan and Mahratta, rendered its amount uncertain and difficult to realize. Moreover, recalling his promise to Dip Singh, he restored the division of the lands as existing prior to the murder of Fateh Singh, namely, three shares to Sawai Singh, with the title of chief of the Shaikhawats, and two to Dhir Singh, son of Fateh Singh. The young cousin chieftains, now joint-holders of Khandela, attended their liege lord with their contingent; and Udai Singh, taking advantage of their absence, with the aid of a band of outlawed Larkhanis, surprised and took Khandela. Attended by the Jaipur troops, the son performed the dutiful task of expelling his father from his inheritance, who again fled to Naru, where he resided [401] upon a pension of five rupees a day, given by his son, until his death. He, however, outlived Sawai Singh, who left three sons: Bindraban, who succeeded to Khandela; Shambhu, who had the appanage of Ranauli; and Kusal, having that of Piprauli.
[1]. [This Udaipur must not be confounded with the capital of Mewār: it is about 60 miles N. of Jaipur city.]
[2]. The lovers of antiquity have only to make the search to find an abundant harvest, throughout all these countries, of ancient capitals and cities, whose names are hardly known even to the modern inhabitants. Of the ancient Rajor I have already spoken, and I now draw the attention of my countrymen to Abhaner, which boasts a very remote antiquity; and from an old stanza, we might imagine that its princes were connected with the Kaian dynasty of Persia. I copied it, some twenty years ago, from an itinerant bard, who had an imperfect knowledge of it himself, and I have doubtless made it more so, but it is still sufficiently intelligible to point at a remarkable coincidence:
Rājā Chand-kā Ābhāner
Bīahah Sanjog, āyo Girnār.
Dekh Bharat līyo bulāi.
Kiyo bidit, man bikasāi.
Byāo Sanjog, Parmalā barī.
Kos sāth-so man chit dharī;
“Tū betī Kaikum kī,
Nām Parmalā[[A]] ho.
Lekhā huā Kartār ko.
Yā jāna sabb ko”[[A]] [388]
[For the above version of the corrupt lines in the original, the Editor is indebted to Sir G. Grierson, who remarks that the meaning is not clear, and that in the original more than one dialect is used. He offers the following tentative translation: “Sanjog [dwelt] in the midst of Ābhāner of Rāja Chand. He came to Girnār. When Bharat saw him he summoned him. He [Sanjog] made known [his object], and his [Bharat’s] heart expanded. Sanjog married, he chose Parmalā for his bride. From a distance of sixty kos his heart and mind had attracted her. [He said to her] ‘Thou art the daughter of Kaikum. Thy name is Parmalā [i.e. “fairy garland”]. It was the writing of the Creator [i.e. “it was so fated”], this every one knew.’” There is no reason to suppose that the lady was a Persian.]
This is a fragment of a long poem relative to the rivalry of Raja Chand of Abhaner, and Raja Sursen of Indrapuri, who was betrothed to Parmala, daughter of Kaikum, and had gone to Girner, or Girnar, to espouse her, when the Abhaner prince abducted her. Raja Sursen of Indrapuri (Delhi), if the ancestor of the Suraseni, and founder of Surpuri, existed probably twelve hundred years before Christ. That sun-worshippers had established themselves in the peninsula of Saurashtra (whose capital was Junagarh-Girnar), its appellation, in the days of the Greeks of Bactria, as now, proves (see Strabo, Justin, etc.), but whether Kaikum, the father of Parmala, is the Kaiomurs of Firdausi, we shall not stop to inquire. The connexion between this peninsula and Persia was intimate in later times, so as even to give rise to the assertion that the Ranas of Mewar were descended from the Sassanian kings. It was my good fortune to discover Surpuri, on the Jumna, the residence of the rival of Chand of Abhaner, which city I leave to some one imbued with similar taste to visit, and merely add, he will find there an inscription in a kund or fountain dedicated to the Sun. The distance, however, seven hundred coss (kos sath so), whether from Indrapuri or Abhaner, to Girnar, even admitting them to be gao coss, would be too much. I believe this would make it eight hundred miles, and certainly, as the crow flies, it is not seven hundred. Interwoven with the story there is much about Raja Chambha, prince of Jajnagar, a city of great antiquity in Orissa, and containing some of the finest specimens of sculpture I ever saw. There is also mention of a Raja Saer (qu. Sahir or Siharas of Aror) of Parman. In 1804, I passed through Jajnagar, after the conquest of the province of Cuttack, with my regiment. At Jajnagar, my earliest friend, the late Captain Bellet Sealy, employed his pencil for several days with the sculptured remains. These drawings were sent to the authorities at Calcutta: perhaps this notice may rescue from oblivion the remains of Jajnagar, and of my deceased friend’s talent, for Captain Bellet Sealy was an ornament equally to private life and to his profession. He fell a victim to the fever contracted in the Nepal war. The ruins of Abhaner are on the Banganga, three coss east of Lalsont. [The speculations in this note are of no value. For the town of Jājpur in Cuttack, see a full account by Sir W. Hunter, Orissa, i. 265 f.; IGI, xiv. 10 f.]
[A]. Parī-mālā means ‘fairy garland.’
[3]. [About 15 miles N.E. of Jaipur city.]
[4]. Strings, or threads, worn crossways by Muhammadan children. [See Herklots, Qanoon-e-Islam, 156, 158.]
[5]. The town of Amritsar and forty-five villages are still left to the Manoharpur branch.
[6]. The Pannis are a tribe of Duranis, regarding whom Mr. Elphinstone’s account of Kabul may be consulted. In after times, there was a chieftain of this tribe so celebrated for his generosity and hospitality, that his name has become proverbial:
Banē, to banē
Nahīn, Dāūd Khān Panni:
that is, if they failed elsewhere, there was always Daud Khan in reserve. His gallant bearing, and death in Farrukhsiyar’s reign, are related in Scott’s excellent History of the Dekhan. [Ed. 1794, ii. 140 ff. The Panni are a sept of the Kākar or Ghurghusthi Pathāns; see Rose, Glossary, iii. 198, 223.]
[7]. This will recall to the reader’s recollection a similar custom in the ancient Persian empire, where the tribute of the distant Satrapies was of the same kind. Armenia, according to Herodotus, alone gave an annual tribute of twenty thousand colts. [The statement is made by Strabo p. 529.]
[8]. [Jhārli is about 40 miles N. of Jaipur city.]
[9]. It is always agreeable to find the truth of these simple annals corroborated in the historical remains of the conquerors of the Rajputs. The name of Raesal Darbari will be found, in the Ain-i-Akbari, amongst the mansabdars of twelve hundred and fifty horse; a rank of high importance, being equivalent to that conferred on the sons of potent Rajas. [In Āīn (i. 419) he is called Rāē Sāl Darbāri, son of Rāēmall, Shaikhāwat. The Author represents him to be son of Sūja, and apparently grandson of Rāēmall. He is mentioned in the Akbarnāma (trans. H. Beveridge ii. 390).]
[10]. The Nirwan is a sakha, or ramification of the Chauhan race. They had long held possession of these regions, of which Kes, or Kausambi, now Udaipur, was the capital, the city where the grand council of the confederation always meets on great occasions. This may throw light on the Kausambi mentioned on the triumphal pillar at Delhi; the Nirwan capital is more likely to be the town alluded to than Kausāmbi on the Ganges. [The inscription refers to the city in the United Provinces, of which the site is uncertain (V. A. Smith, JRAS, 1898, p. 503).]
[11]. [He died, at an advanced age, in the Deccan (Āīn, i. 419).]
[12]. [Narasinha, the man-lion incarnation of Vishnu.]
[13]. [Khān Jahān Lodi, an Afghān, commanded in the Deccan under Prince Parvez. In 1628, suspected of disloyalty, he took refuge in Bāglān, the headmen of which place refused to surrender him. But he was obliged to fly and, with his son, was killed by the royal troops on January 28, 1631 (Beale, Dict. Oriental Biography, s.v.; BG, i. Part ii. 624 f.; Elliot-Dowson vii. 20 ff.).]
[14]. [Not in Ferishta, but in Dow’s continuation (ed. 1812, iii. 112 ff.).]
[15]. [Parnāla or Panhāla in the Kolhapur District, taken in 1701 (Manucci iii. 257; BG, xxiv. 314.)[314.)]]
[16]. The numerous ruined shrines and mutilated statues in every town and village, still attest the zeal with which the bigot’s orders were obeyed; nor is there an image of any antiquity with an entire set of features (except in spots impervious to his myrmidons), from Lahore to Cape Comorin. Omkarji, whose temple is on a small island of the Nerbudda, alone, it is said, supported his dignity in the indiscriminate attack on the deities of Hind. “If they are gods (said the tyrannical but witty iconoclast), let them evince their power, and by some miracle resist my commands.” Omkarji received the first blow on his head, as if imbued with mortal feeling, for the blood gushed from his nose and mouth, which prevented a repetition of the injury! This sensibility, though without the power of avenging himself, made Omkar’s shrine doubly respected, and it continues to be one of the best frequented and most venerated in these regions. [Numerous accounts of the destruction of Hindu temples by Aurangzeb have been collected by Jadunath Sarkar (History of Aurangzib, iii. 319 ff.). The Omkār temple at Māndhāta in the Nimār District, Central Provinces, is served by a priest of the Bhīlāla caste, half Bhīl, half Rājput, illustrating the mode by which aboriginal deities have been imported into Hinduism (IGI, xvii. 152; Russell, Tribes and Castes Central Provinces, ii. 294).]
[17]. [This is probably the “Kaotah” of the text.]
[18]. [Now in the Patiāla State, Panjāb.]
[19]. [Sayyid Abdulla of Bārha became wazīr of Farrukhsīyar in A.D. 1713, and died in prison in 1723.]
[20]. [About 70 miles S.W. of Ajmer.]
[21]. The fifth, as will be seen hereafter, has been expelled, and authority usurped by the Kasli branch of the family, and unless some fortunate change should occur, the devotion of Kesari was useless, and the prophecy must fall to the ground.
[22]. [About 25 miles N.W. of Jodhpur city.]