CHAPTER 5
Dhāreswar, February 14: six miles; therm. 46° at 5 A.M.—From Kanera to Dhareswar there is a gradual descent, perhaps equal to one-third of the angle of ascent of the table-land. For half the distance the surface is a fine rich soil, but the last half is strewed with fragments of the rock. Dhareswar is beautifully situated at the lowest point of descent, with a clear stream, planted with fine timber to the south. The Bhumia rights are enjoyed by some Kachhwaha Rajputs, who pay a share of the crops to Kanera. Passed a few small hamlets in the grey of the morning, and several herd of elk-deer, who walked away from us with great deliberation; but the surface was too stony to try our horses’ mettle.
15th, Ratangarh Kheri, distance nine miles.—The road over a bare rock, skirting a stream flowing on its surface. Two miles from Dhareswar is the boundary of Kanera, and the Chaurasi (eighty-four townships) of Kheri; the descent still graduating to Kheri, which is probably not above one hundred feet higher than the external plains [637] of Mewar. The road was over loose stones with much jungle, but here and there some fine patches of rich black soil. We kept company with the Dhareswar nala all the way, which is well wooded in its course, and presented a pretty fall at one point of our journey. Passed several hamlets, and a colony of Charans, whom I found to be some of my friends of Marla. They had not forgotten their privilege; but as the ladies were only the matrons of the colony, there would have been no amusement in captivity; so I dropped five rupees into the brazen kalas, and passed on. The cavalcade of the Kamavisdar of Kheri was also at hand, consisting of about two hundred horse and foot, having left his castle on the peak to greet and conduct me to my tents. He is a relation of old Lalaji Balal, and intelligent and polite. Our tents were pitched near the town, to which the Pandit conducted us; after which act of civility, in the character of the locum tenens of my friend Lalaji, and his sovereign Sindhia (in whose camp I sojourned twelve long years), he took his leave, inviting me to the castle; but as it contained nothing antique, I would not give cause for jealousy to his prince by accepting his invitation, and civilly declined.
The Chaurasi, or eighty-four [townships] of Ratangarh Kheri, was in S. 1828 (A.D. 1772) assigned to Mahadaji Sindhia, to pay off a war-contribution; and until S. 1832, its revenues were regularly accounted for. It was then made over to Berji Tap, the son-in-law of Sindhia, and has ever since remained alienated from Mewar. The treason of the chief of Begun, one of the sixteen nobles of the Rana, lost this jewel in his crown, for he seized upon the Chaurasi, which adjoined his own estate, situated on the skirt of this alpine region. To expel him the Rana called on Sindhia, who not only took the Chaurasi, but Begun itself, which was heavily fined, and forty of its best villages, or half his fief, were mortgaged to pay the mulct. The landscape from these heights is very fine; the Pandit, from his aerial abode, can look down on Kheri, and exclaim with Selkirk—
I am monarch of all I survey,
but I would dispute his right with all my heart, if I could do so with success.
Little Atoa.[[1]]—Distance eight miles, thermometer at daybreak 40°, with a cutting wind, straight from the north, which we keenly felt as our party ascended the heights of Ratangarh. The altitude of this second steppe in the plateau is under four hundred feet, although the winding ascent made it by the perambulator five furlongs. The fort is erected on a projection of the mountain, and the works are in pretty good order. They had been adding fresh ones on the accessible side, which the general state of [638] security has put a stop to. In fact, it could not hold out twenty-four hours against a couple of mortars, the whole interior being commanded from a height within easy range. I asked my old guide if the castle had ever stood a storm: his reply was in the negative: “She is still a kumari (a virgin), and all forts are termed kumaris, until they stand an assault.”[[2]] We had a superb view from the summit, which is greatly above the level of Kanera, whose boundary line was distinct. The stream from Dhareswar was traced gliding through its embankments of black rock, covered with luxuriant young crops, and studded with mango and mahua trees. It is a singular fact, that the higher we ascended, the less mischief had been inflicted on the crops, although the sugar-cane looked prematurely ripe. The wheat fields were luxuriant, but the barley showed in their grizzly beards here and there an evidence of having suffered. I also noted that invariably all the low branches of the mahua trees were injured, the leaves shrivelled and dried up, while the superior ones were not affected. The field-peas (batloi)[[3]] sown with the barley were more or less injured, but not nearly so much as at Kanera.
The road was execrable, if road it could be termed, which for many miles was formed for me by the kindness of the Pandit, who cut a path through the otherwise impenetrable jungle, the abode of elks and tigers, sufficient to pass my baggage. This route is never passed by troops; but I had curiosity to indulge, not comfort. About four miles from the castle, we ascended another moderate elevation to the village of Umar, whence we saw Paragarh on the left, and learning that it contained an inscription, I dispatched one of my pandits to copy it. A mile farther brought us to the extremity of the ridge serving as a landmark to the Chaurasi of Kheri. From it we viewed another steppe, that we shall ascend the day after to-morrow, from which I am told the Patar gradually shelves to the banks of the Chambal, the termination of our journey. As we passed the village of Ummedpura (Hopetown), a sub-infeudation of Begun, held by the uncle of its chief, we were greeted by the Thakur, accompanied by two of his kinsmen. They were all well mounted, lance in hand, and attired in their quilted tunics and deer-skin doublet, of itself no contemptible armour. They conveyed their chief’s compliments, and having accompanied me to my tents, took leave.
Chhota, or little Atoa, is also held by a sub-vassal of the same clan, the Meghawats of Begun; his name Dungar Singh, ‘the mountain lion,’ now with me, and who long enjoyed the pre-eminent distinction of being chief reiver of the Patar [639]. With our party he has the familiar appellation of Roderic Dhu, and without boasting of his past exploits, he never dreams of their being coupled with dishonour. Although he scoured the country far and near to bring blackmail to his mountain-retreat, it was from the Mahrattas chiefly that his wants were supplied; and he required but the power, to have attained the same measure of celebrity as his ancestor the ‘Blackcloud’ (Kala-megh) of Begun. Still, his name was long the bugbear of this region, and the words Dungar Singh aya! ‘the mountain lion is at hand!’ were sufficient to scare the peaceful occupants of the surrounding country from their property, or to arm them for its defence. With the ‘Southron’ he had just cause of quarrel, since, but for him, he would have been lord of Nadwai and its twenty-four villages, of which his grandfather was despoiled at the same time that this alpine region was wrested by Sindhia from his sovereign. This tappa, however, fell to Holkar; but the father of Dungar, lance in hand, gave the conqueror no rest, until he granted him a lease in perpetuity of four of the villages of his patrimony, two of which were under Holkar’s own seal, and two under that of the renter. About twenty years ago, the latter having been resumed, Sheo Singh took up his lance again, and initiated the mountain-lion, his son, in the lex talionis. He flung away the scabbard, sent his family for security to the Raja of Shahpura, and gave his mind up to vengeance. The father and son, and many other brave spirits with the same cause of revenge, carried their incursions into the very heart of Malwa, bringing back the spoils to his den at little Atoa. But though his hand was now raised against every man, he forgot not his peculiar feud (wair), and his patrimony of Nadwai yielded little to the Mahratta. But Sheo Singh was surrounded by foes, who leagued to circumvent him, and one day, while driving many a goodly buffalo to his shelter, he was suddenly beset by a body of horse placed in ambush by the Bhao. But both were superbly mounted, and they led them a chase through Mandalgarh, and were within the very verge of security, when, as Sheo Singh put his mare to the nala, she played him false and fell, and ere she recovered herself the long lance of Mahratta was through the rider. Young Dungar was more fortunate, and defying his pursuers to clear the rivulet, bound up the body of his father in his scarf, ascended the familiar path, and burnt it at midnight, amongst the family altars of Nadwai. But far from destroying, this only increased the appetite for vengeance, which has lasted till these days of peace; and, had every chieftain of Mewar acted like Dungar, the Mahratta would have had fewer of their fields to batten on to-day. His frank, but energetic answer, when the envoy mentioned the deep complaints urged [640] against him by the present manager of Nadwai, was “I must have bread!” and this they had snatched from him. But Holkar’s government, which looks not to the misery inflicted, carries loud complaints to the resident authorities, who can only decide on the principle of possession, and the abstract view of Dungar’s course of life. For myself, I do not hesitate to avow, that my regard for the chiefs of Mewar is in the ratio of their retaliation on their ‘Southron’ foe; and entering deeply into all their great and powerful grounds for resentment, I warmly espoused the cause of the ‘mountain-lion’; and as the case (through Mr. Gerald Wellesley) was left by Holkar’s government to my arbitration, I secured to the chief a part of his patrimony under their joint seal, and left him to turn his lance into a plough-share, until fresh causes for just aggression may arise. This settlement gave me another proof of the inalienable right in land granted by the ryot cultivator, and its superiority over that granted by the sovereign. There were certain rights in the soil (bhum) which Dungar’s ancestors had thus obtained, in the township of Nadwai, to which he attached a higher value than to the place itself. Dungar’s story affords a curious instance of the laws of adoption superseding, if not the rank, the fortune resulting from birthright. Sheo Singh and Daulat Singh, both sub-vassals of Begun, were brothers; the former had Nadwai, the latter Rawarda. But Daulat Singh, having no issue, adopted Salim Singh, the younger brother of Dungar, who has thus become lord of Rawarda, of nearly four thousand rupees annual rent, while Dungar’s chief place is little Atoa, and the bhum of Nadwai. Salim Singh is now in high favour with his chief of Begun, to whom he is Faujdar, or leader of the vassals. In personal appearance he has greatly the advantage of Dungar; Salim is tall and very handsome, bold in speech and of gentlemanly deportment; Dungar is compact in form, of dark complexion, rugged in feature, and bluntness itself in phrase, but perfectly good-humoured, frank, and unreserved; and as he rode by my side, he amused me with many anecdotes connected with the scenery around.
Singoli,[[4]] February 17, eight and a half miles, thermometer 40°.—This town is chief of a tappa or subdivision, containing fifty-two villages, of the district of Antri, a term applied to a defile, or tract surrounded by mountains. The Antri of Mewar is fertilized by the Bamani, which finds its way through a singular diversity of country, after two considerable falls, to the Chambal, and is about thirty miles in length, reckoning from Bichor to the summit of the steppe of the plateau, by about ten miles in breadth, producing the most luxuriant crops of wheat, barley, gram, sugar-cane, and poppy; and [641] having, spread over its surface, one hundred villages and hamlets, but a section of the country will make it better understood.
Diagram of part of Eastern Mewār.
From Bichor, the pass opening from the plains of Mewar, to the highest peak of this alpine Patar, the Kala Megh, or ‘black cloud,’ of Begun, bore sway. From him sprung another of the numerous clans of Mewar, who assumed the patronymic Meghawat. These clans and tribes multiply, for Kala Megh and his ancestors were recognized as a branch of the Sangawat, one of the early subdivisions of the Chondawat, the chief clan of Mewar. The descendant of the ‘black cloud,’ whose castle of Begun is near the entrance to Antri, could not now muster above a hundred and fifty men at arms throughout the Patar; to which he might add as many more of foreign Rajputs, as the Hara and Gaur, holding lands for service. The head of the Meghawats has not above twenty villages in his fief of Begun, though these might yield twenty-five thousand rupees annually, if cultivated; the rest is still in the hands of the Mahrattas, as a mortgage contracted nearly forty years ago, and which has been liquidated ten times over: they include, in this, even a third of the produce of his own place of residence, and the town itself is never free from these intruders, who are continually causing disturbances. Unhappily for Mewar, the grand principle of the campaign and its political results, “that of excluding the Mahrattas from the west bank of the Chambal,” was forgotten in our successes, or all the alienated lands of Mewar as far as the Malwa frontier would have reverted to the Rana.
The Chief of Ummedpura.
The descent to Singoli is very gentle, nor are we above eighty feet below the level of Umar, the highest point of the Patar, which I rejoice to have visited, but lament the want of my barometers. Singoli, in such a tract as this, may be entitled a town, having fifteen hundred inhabited dwellings encompassed by a strong wall. The Pandit is indebted to his own good management, and the insecurity around him, for this numerous population. In the centre of the town, the dingy walls of a castle built by Alu Hara strike the eye, from the contrast with the new works added by the Pandit; it has a deep ditch, with a fausse-braye, and parapet. The circumvallation measures a mile and three-quarters. About a mile to the north-west are the remains of a temple to Vijayaseni Bhavani, the Pallas of the Rajputs. I found a tablet recording the piety of the lord paramount of the Patar, in a perpetual gift of lights for the altar. It runs thus: “Samvat 1477 (A.D. 1421), the 2d of Asoj, being Friday (Bhriguwar[[5]]), Maharaja Sri Mokal-ji, in order to furnish lights (jyotis waste) for Vijayaseni Bhavaniji [643], has granted one bigha and a half of land. Whosoever shall set aside this offering, the goddess will overtake him.” This is a memorial of the celebrated Rana Mokal of Mewar, whose tragical death by assassination has been recorded in the annals of that State.[[6]] Mokal was one of the most celebrated of this race; and he defeated, in a pitched battle at Raepur, a grandson of the emperor of Delhi. He was the father of Lalbai, called ‘the Ruby of Mewar,’ regarding whom we have related a little scandal from the chronicle of the Bhattis (see p. [1218]); but the bard of the Khichis, who says that prince Dhiraj espoused her in spite of the insult of the desert chief, had no cause to doubt the lustre of this gem.
Legends of the Hāras.
Ālu Hāra.
The prince of Mandor was aware he had entailed a feud; but so little did he regard what this mountain-chief might do, that he proclaimed “all the lands over which the Hara should march to be in dan (gift) to the Brahmans.” But Alu, who despised not the aid of stratagem, disguised his little troop as horse-merchants, and placing their arms and caparisons in covered carriages, and their steeds in long strings, the hostile caravan reached the capital unsuspected. The party took rest for the night; but with the dawn they saddled, and the nakkaras of the Hara awoke the Rathor prince from his slumber; starting up, he demanded who was the audacious [645] mortal that dared to strike his drum at the gates of Mandor? The answer was,—“Alu Hara of Bumbaoda!”
The mother (probably a Chauhani) of the King of Maru now asked her son “how he meant to fulfil his vaunt of giving to the Brahmans all the lands that the Hara passed over?” but he had the resolution to abide by his pledge, and the magnanimity not to take advantage of his antagonist’s position; and to his formal challenge, conveyed by beat of nakkara, he proposed that single combats should take place, man for man. Alu accepted it, and thanked him for his courtesy, remarking to his kinsmen, “At least we shall have five hundred lives to appease our revenge!”
The lists were prepared; five hundred of the “chosen sons of Siahji” were marshalled before their prince to try the manhood of the Haras; and now, on either side, a champion had stepped forth to commence this mortal strife, when a stripling rushed in, his horse panting for breath, and demanded to engage a gigantic Rathor. The champions depressed their lances, and the pause of astonishment was first broken by the exclamation of the Hara chieftain, as he thus addressed the youth: “Oh! headstrong and disobedient, art thou come hither to extinguish the race of Alu Hara?”—“Let it perish, uncle (kaka), if, when you are in peril, I am not with you!” replied the adopted heir of Bumbaoda. The veteran Rathor smiled at the impetuous valour of the youthful Hara, who advanced with his sword ready for the encounter. His example was followed by his gallant antagonist, and courtesy was exhausted on either side to yield the first blow; till, at length, Alu’s nephew accepted it; and it required no second, for he clove the Rathor in twain. Another took his place—he shared the same fate; a third, a fourth, and in like manner twenty-five, fell under the young hero’s sword. But he bore ‘a charmed life’; the queen of armies (Vijayaseni), whose statue guards the entrance of Bumbaoda, had herself enfranchized the youth from the sevenfold gates, in which his uncle had incarcerated him, and having made him invulnerable except in one spot (the neck),[[8]] sent him forth to aid his uncle, and gain fresh glory for the race of which she was the guardian. But the vulnerable point was at length touched, and Alu saw the child of his love and his adoption stretched upon the earth. The queen-mother of the Rathors, who witnessed the conflict, dreaded a repetition of such valour, from men in whom desire of life was extinct; and she commanded that the contest should cease, and reparation be made to the lord of the Patar, by giving him in marriage a daughter of Mandor. Alu’s honour was redeemed; he accepted the offer, and with his bride repaired to the desolate Bumbaoda. The [646] fruit of this marriage was a daughter; but destiny had decreed that the race of Alu Hara should perish. When she had attained the age of marriage, she was betrothed. Bumbaoda was once more the scene of joy, and Alu went to the temple and invited the goddess to the wedding. All was merriment; and amongst the crowd of mendicants who besieged the door of hospitality was a decrepit old woman, who came to the threshold of the palace, and desired the guard to “tell Alu Hara she had come to the feast, and demanded to see him”; but the guard, mocking her, desired her to be gone, and “not to stand between the wind and him”: she repeated her request, saying that “she had come by special invitation.” But all was in vain; she was driven forth with scorn. Uttering a deep curse, she departed, and the race of Alu Hara was extinct. It was Vijayaseni herself, who was thus repulsed from the house of which she was protectress!
A good moral is here inculcated upon the Rajput, who, in the fatal example of Alu Hara, sees the danger of violating the laws of wide-extended hospitality: besides, there was no hour too sacred, no person too mean, for such claims upon the ruler. For the present, we shall take leave of Alu Hara, and the ‘Mother of Victory’ of the Patar, whose shrine I hope to visit on my return from Haravati; when we shall learn what part of her panoply she parted with to protect the gallant heir of Bumbaoda.
Dāngarmāu,[[9]] February 18, eight miles; thermometer 48°.—A choice of three routes presented itself to us this morning. To the left lay the celebrated Menal, once the capital of Uparmal; on the right, but out of the direct line, was the castle of Bhainsror, scarcely less celebrated; and straight before us the pole-star and Kotah, the point to which I was journeying. I cut the knot of perplexity by deviating from the direct line, to descend the table-land to Bhainsror, and without crossing the Chambal, nearly retraced my steps, along the left bank, to Kotah, leaving Menal for my return to Udaipur. Our route lay through the Antri, or valley, whose northern boundary we had reached, and between it and the Bamani. The tract was barren but covered with jungle, with a few patches of soil lodged amidst the hollows or otherwise bare rock, over whose black surface several rills had cut a low bed, all falling into the Bamani. One of these had a name which we need not translate, Rani bur-ka-khal, and which serves as a boundary between the lands of the Meghawats of Antri and the Saktawats of Bhainsror.
Dangarmau-Barao is a small patta of twelve villages, yielding fifteen thousand [647] rupees of annual rent; but it is now partitioned,—six villages to each of the towns above mentioned. They are Saktawat allotments, and the elder, Sakat Singh, has just returned from court, where he had been to have the sword of investiture (talwar bandhai) girt on him as the lord of Barao. Bishan Singh of Dangarmau is at Kotah, where he enjoys the confidence of Zalim Singh and is commandant of cavalry. He has erected a castle on the very summit of the third steppe of the Patar, whose dazzling white walls contrast powerfully with the black and bleak rock on which it stands, and render it a conspicuous object. The Saktawats of the Patar are of the Bansi family,[[10]] itself of the second grade of nobles of Mewar; and the rank of both the chiefs of Dangarmau and Barao was the third, or that termed gol; but now, having each a patta (at least nominally) of above five thousand rupees yearly rent, they are lifted into the Battisa, or amongst the ‘thirty-two’ of the second class.
The Bamani, whose course will carry us to its close at Bhainsror, flows under the walls of both Dangarmau and Barao, and is the cause not only of great fertility but of diversity, in this singular alpine region. The weather has again undergone a very sensible change, and is extremely trying to those, who, like myself, are affected by a pulmonary complaint, and who are obliged to brave the mists of the mountain-top long before the sun is risen. On the second, at daybreak, the thermometer stood at 60°, and only three days after, at 27°; again it rose to 40° and for several days stood at this point, and 75° at midday. The day before we ascended the Patar it rose to 54°, and 94° at noon; and on reaching the summit, 60° and 90°; again it falls to 40°, and we now shiver with cold. The density of the atmosphere has been particularly annoying both yesterday and to-day. Clouds of mist rolled along the surface of the mountain, which, when the sun cleared the horizon, and shot about ‘spear-high’ in the heavens, produced the most fantastic effects. The orb was clear and the sky brilliant; but the masses of mist, though merely a thin vapour and close to the spectator, exhibited singular and almost kaleidoscopic changes. There was scarcely a figure that the sun did not assume; the upper half appearing orbicular, the lower elliptical: in a second, this was reversed. Sometimes it was wholly elliptical, with a perfect change of the axis, the transverse and conjugate changing places—a loaf, a bowl, and at one instant a scollop-shell, then ‘round as my shield,’ and again a segment of a circle, and thus alternating until its ascension dissipated the medium of this beautiful illusion, the more perfect from the sky being cloudless. The mists disappeared from the mountain long before this phantasmagoria finished [648].
[1]. [About 100 miles N.N.E. of Udaipur city.]
[2]. [In Europe, at times, Metz, Tournay, Magdeburg, Londonderry, and others bore this title. “Several ancient earthworks in England were called Maiden Castle; the sense may possibly be a fortress capable of being defended by maidens; there may have been an allusion to some forgotten legend” (New English Dict., s.v.). In India Hānsi was known as Kumāri, used in the sense of ‘unviolated.’]
[3]. [This name is not found in dictionaries or gazetteers. The field pea, Pisum arvense, is usually called matar (Watt, Comm. Prod. 902). Batūri, of which this may be a corruption, is the chick pea or gram.]
[4]. [About 105 miles N.E.E. of Udaipur city. The Bāmani joins the Chambal at Bhainsrorgarh, about 120 miles E.N.E. of Udaipur city.]
[5]. A name of Sukracharya, the Regent of the planet Venus. The ‘star of eve’ is always called Sukra, but presents a most unpoetic idea to the mind, when we learn that this star, the most beautiful of the heavenly host, is named after an immoral one-eyed male divinity, who lost his other orb in an undignified personal collision, from an assault upon Tara (the star), the wife of a brother-god. Sukracharya, notwithstanding, holds the office of Guru, or spiritual adviser, to the whole celestial body—we may add ex uno disce omnes: and assuredly the Hindu who takes the mythological biography of his gods au pied de la lettre, cannot much strengthen his morality thereby. The classical Hindu of these days values it as he ought, looking upon it as a pretty astronomical fable, akin to the voyage of the Argonauts; but the bulk enter the temple of the “thirty-three millions of gods” with the same firmness of belief as did the old Roman his Pantheon. The first step, and a grand one, has been made to destroy this fabric of Polytheism, and to turn the mind of the Hindu to the perception of his own purer creed, adoration of “the one, omniscient, omnipotent, and eternal God.” Rammohun Roy has made this step, who “has become a law unto himself,” and a precursor, it is to be hoped, of benefit to his race. In the practical effects of Christianity, he is a Christian, though still a devout Brahman, adoring the Creator alone, and exercising an extended charity, with a spirit of meekness, toleration, and benevolence, added to manly resistance of all that savours of oppression, which stamps him as a man chosen for great purposes. To these moral, he adds mental qualifications of the highest order: clear and rapid perception, vigorous comprehension, immense industry of research, and perfect self-possession; having, moreover, a classical knowledge, not of our language only, but of Hebrew, Greek, Latin, Persian, Arabic, and the ‘mother-tongue,’ or langue-mère of all, the Sanskrit. [Philologists now regard Sanskrit as later than Greek or Latin.]
[6]. By means of this simple tablet, we detect an anachronism in the chronicle. It is stated in p. 332 of the first volume, that Kumbha succeeded his father Rana Mokal in S. 1475, or two years anterior to the date of the grant of lights for the goddess. Such checks upon Rajput chronology are always falling in the way of those who will read as they run. [Rāna Mokal (A.D. 1397-1433) was assassinated by Chacha and Mera, the illegitimate sons of his grandfather, Khet Singh. He was succeeded by Rāna Kūmbha his son, then a minor.]
[7]. [Dr. Tessitori writes: “The term is visar, ‘satire.’ I do not think that it has anything to do with vis, 'poison.'”]
[8]. [Compare the story of Achilles, vulnerable only in his heel or ankles, which his mother, Thetis, failed to plunge into the waters of Styx.]
[9]. [About 110 miles N.W.W. of Udaipur city. In the Author’s map the name is written Dūngarmāu, which is possibly right.]
[10]. [Bānsi, 47 miles S.E. of Udaipur city, held by a Saktāwat Rāwat (Erskine ii. A. 92).]