| [CHAPTER I] |
| Introduction |
| Newer ideals of peace are dynamic; if made operative will do away with war as a natural process | [3] |
| Of the older ideals the appeal to pity is dogmatic | [4] |
| The appeal to the sense of prudence also dogmatic and at this moment seems impotent | [5] |
| Outlook for universal peace by international arbitration | [6] |
| Primitive and profound impulses operate against impulse to war | [8] |
| Appeal to pity and prudence unnecessary if the cosmopolitan interest in human affairs is utilized | [9] |
| Social morality originates in social affections | [11] |
| Emotion determines social relations in the poorer quarters of a cosmopolitan city | [13] |
| New immigrants develop phenomenal powers of association | [14] |
| Their ideal of government includes kindliness as well as protection | [15] |
| Crowded city quarters the focal point of governmental progress | [16] |
| Life at these points must shape itself with reference to the demands of social justice | [17] |
| Simple foundations laid there for an international order | [18] |
| Ideals formed “in the depth of anonymous life” make for realization | [20] |
| Impulses toward compassionate conduct imperative | [21] |
| The internationalism of good will foreseen by the philosopher | [23] |
| A quickening concern for human welfare; international aspects illustrated by world-wide efforts to eradicate tuberculosis, first signs of the substitution of nurture for warfare | [25] |
| This substitution will be a natural process | [26] |
| Our very hope for it, a surrender to the ideals of the humble | [27] |
| Accounting must be taken between survivals of militarism and manifestations of newer humanitarianism | [28] |
| Tendency to idealization marked eighteenth-century humanitarian | [29] |
| Newer ideals of this century sustained only by knowledge and companionship | [30] |
| [CHAPTER II] |
| Survivals of Militarism in City Government |
| American Republic founded under the influence of doctrinaire eighteenth-century ideals. Failure in municipal administration largely due to their inadequacy | [31] |
| Modern substitutes of the evolutionary conception of progress for eighteenth-century idealism | [32] |
| Failure of adjustment between the old form of government and present condition results in reversion to military and legal type | [34] |
| National governmental machinery provides no vehicle for organized expression of popular will | [35] |
| Historic governments dependent upon force of arms | [36] |
| Founders placed too exclusive a value upon the principles defended by the War of the Revolution. Example of the overestimation of the spoils of war | [37] |
| Immigration problem an illustration of the failure to treat our growing Republic in a spirit of progressive and developing democracy | [39] |
| Present immigration due partly to the philosophic dogmas of the eighteenth-century. Theory of naturalization still rests upon those dogmas | [40] |
| No adequate formulization of newer philosophy although immigration situation has become much more industrial than political | [42] |
| Exploitation of immigrants carried on under guise of preparation for citizenship | [46] |
| Failure to develop a government fitted to varied peoples | [48] |
| Attitude of contempt for immigrant survival of a spirit of conqueror toward inferior people | [49] |
| Contempt reflected by children toward immigrant parents | [50] |
| Universal franchise implies a recognition of social needs and ideals | [52] |
| Difficulties of administering repressive government in a democracy | [54] |
| The attempt inevitably develops the corrupt politician as a friend of the vicious | [56] |
| He must be followed by successive reformers who represent the righteous and protect tax interests | [57] |
| Illustration from the point of view of humble people | [58] |
| Dramatic see-saw must continue until we attain the ideals of an evolutionary democracy | [59] |
| Community divided into repressive and repressed, representing conqueror and conquered | [60] |
| [CHAPTER III] |
| Failure to Utilize Immigrants in City Government |
| Democratic governments must reckon with the unsuccessful if only because they represent majority of citizens | [62] |
| To demand protection from unsuccessful is to fail in self-government | [63] |
| Study of immigrants might develop result in revived enthusiasm for human possibilities reacting upon ideals of government | [64] |
| Social resources of immigrants wasted through want of recognition of old habits | [65] |
| Illustrated by South Italians’ ability to combine community life with agricultural occupations, which is disregarded | [66] |
| Anglo-Saxon distrust of experiments with land tenure and taxation illustrated by Doukhobors | [67] |
| Immigrant’s contribution to city life | [69] |
| Military ideals blind statesmen to connection between social life and government | [70] |
| Corrupt politician who sees the connection often first friend of immigrant | [71] |
| Real statesmen would work out scheme of naturalization founded upon social needs | [72] |
| Intelligent co-operation of immigrants necessary for advancing social legislation | [74] |
| Daily experience of immigrants not to be ignored as basis of patriotism | [75] |
| Lack of cosmopolitan standard widens gulf between immigrant parents and children | [78] |
| Government is developing most rapidly in its relation to the young criminal and to the poor and dependent | [79] |
| Denver Juvenile Court is significant in its attitude toward repressive government | [81] |
| Good education in reform schools indicates compunction on the part of the State | [83] |
| Government functions extended to care of defectives and dependents | [84] |
| Ignores normal needs of every citizen | [85] |
| Socialists would meet the needs of workingmen by socialized legislation, but refuse to deal with the present state | [86] |
| At present radical changes must come from forces outside life of the people | [87] |
| Imperial governments are now concerning themselves with primitive essential needs of workingmen | [88] |
| Republics restrict functions of the government | [90] |
| Is America, in clinging to eighteenth-century traditions, losing its belief in the average man? | [91] |
| [CHAPTER IV] |
| Militarism and Industrial Legislation |
| American cities slow to consider immigration in relation to industry | [93] |
| Workingmen alone must regard them in relation to industrial situations | [94] |
| Assimilation of immigrants by workingman due both to economic pressure and to idealism | [95] |
| Illustrated by Stock Yards Strike | [96] |
| And by the strike in Anthracite Coal Fields | [97] |
| In the latter aroused public opinion forced Federal Government to deal with industrial conditions | [98] |
| In complicated modern society not always easy to see where social order lies | [101] |
| Chicago Stock Yards Strike illustrates such a situation | [104] |
| Government should have gained the enthusiasm immigrants gave to union | [107] |
| War element an essential part of strike | [109] |
| Appeal to loyalty the nearest approach to a moral appeal | [110] |
| Reluctance of United States Government to recognize matters of industry as germane to government | [112] |
| Resulting neglect of civic duty | [113] |
| The workingman’s attitude toward war as expressed by his international organization | [114] |
| Commerce the modern representative of conquest | [116] |
| Standard of life should be the test of a nation’s prosperity, so recognized by workingmen | [117] |
| Social amelioration undertaken by those in closest contact with social maladjustments | [118] |
| Present difficulties in social reform will continue until class interests are subordinated to a broader conception of social progress | [119] |
| If self-government were inaugurated by advanced thinkers now, they would make research into early forms of industrial governments | [121] |
| Autocratic European governments have recognized workingman’s need of protection | [122] |
| Has Democracy a right to refuse this protection? | [123] |
| [CHAPTER V] |
| Group Morality in the Labor Movement |
| Industrial changes which belong to the community as a whole have unfortunately divided it into two camps | [124] |
| These are typified by Employers’ Associations and Trades Unions each developing a group morality | [125] |
| Trade Unions at present illustrate the eternal compromise between the inner concept and the outer act | [127] |
| Present moment one of crisis in Trades Union development | [128] |
| Newly organized unions in war state of development responsible for serious mistakes | [130] |
| Tacit admission that a strike is war made during the Teamsters’ Strike in Chicago in 1905 | [132] |
| Temporary loss of belief in industrial arbitration | [134] |
| Teamsters’ Strike not adjudicated in court threw the entire city into state of warfare | [136] |
| New organizations of employers exhibit traits of militant youth | [138] |
| Public although powerless to intervene, sees grave social consequences | [140] |
| Division of community into classes; increase of race animosity; spirit of materialism | [141] |
| Class prejudice created among children still another social consequence | [142] |
| Disastrous effect of prolonged warfare upon the labor movement itself | [144] |
| Real effort of trades unions at present is for recognition of the principle of collective bargaining | [145] |
| Trades unions are forced to correct industrial ills inherent in the factory system itself | [146] |
| Illustration from limitation of output | [147] |
| Illustration from attitude towards improved machinery | [148] |
| Disregard of the machine as a social product makes for group morality on the part of the owner and employees | [149] |
| Contempt resulting from group morality justifies method of warfare | [150] |
| [CHAPTER VI] |
| Protection of Children for Industrial Efficiency |
| Deficiency in protective legislation | [151] |
| Contempt for immigrant because of his economic standing | [152] |
| National indifference to condition of working children | [154] |
| Temptation to use child labor peculiar to this industrial epoch | [155] |
| Our sensibilities deadened by familiarity | [155] |
| Protection of the young the concern of government | [156] |
| Effect of premature labor on the child | [158] |
| Effect of child labor on the family | [161] |
| Effect on the industrial product | [162] |
| Effect on civilization | [163] |
| Intelligent labor the most valuable asset of our industrial prosperity | [164] |
| Results of England’s foreign commercial policy | [165] |
| Lack of consistency in the relation of the state to the child in the United States | [166] |
| Failure of public school system to connect with present industrial development | [167] |
| Correlation of new education with industrial situation | [168] |
| Child labor legislation will secure to child its proper play period | [169] |
| Power of association developed through play | [171] |
| Co-operation, not coercion, the ideal factory discipline | [173] |
| Actual factory system divorced from the instinct of workmanship | [174] |
| The activity of youth should be valuable assets for citizenship as well as industry | [175] |
| Military survivals in city government destroys this asset | [176] |
| The gang a training school for group morality | [177] |
| Concern of modern government in the development of its citizens | [179] |
| [CHAPTER VII] |
| Utilization of Women in City Government |
| The modern city founded upon military ideals | [180] |
| Early franchise justly given to grown men on basis of military duty | [181] |
| This early test no longer fitted to the modern city whose problems are internal | [182] |
| Women’s experience in household details valuable to civic housekeeping. No method of making it available | [184] |
| Municipal suffrage to be regarded not as a right or a privilege, but as a piece of governmental machinery | [187] |
| Franchise not only valuable as exercised by educated women, matters to be decided upon too basic to be influenced by modern education | [188] |
| Census of 1900 shows greater increase of workingwomen than of men and increasing youth of working women | [189] |
| Concerted action of women necessary to bring about industrial protection | [191] |
| Women can control surroundings of their work only by means of franchise | [192] |
| Unfair to put task of industrial protection upon women’s trades unions as it often confuses issues | [194] |
| Closer connection between industry and government would result if working women were enfranchised | [196] |
| Failure to educate women to industrial life disastrous to industry itself and to women as employers | [197] |
| Situation must be viewed in relation to recent immigration and in connection with present stage of factory system in America | [199] |