General Features
The pottery from Sikyatki is especially rich in picture writing, and imperfect as these designs are as a means of transmitting a knowledge of manners, customs, and religious conceptions, they can be interpreted with good results.
One of the most important lessons drawn from the pottery is to be had from a study of the symbols used in its decoration, as indicative of current beliefs and practices when it was made. The ancient inhabitants of Sikyatki have left no written records, for, unlike the more cultured people of Central America, they had no codices; but they have left on their old mortuary pottery a large body of picture writings or paleography which reveals many instructive phases of their former culture. The decipherment of these symbols is in part made possible by the aid of a knowledge of modern survivals, and when interpreted rightly they open a view of ancient Tusayan myths, and in some cases of prehistoric practices.[116]
Students of Pueblo mythology and ritual are accumulating a considerable body of literature bearing on modern beliefs and practices. This is believed to be the right method of determining their aboriginal status, and is therefore necessary as a basis of our knowledge of their customs and beliefs. It is reasonable to suppose that what is now practiced in Pueblo ritual contains more or less of what has survived from prehistoric times, but from Taos to Tusayan there is no pueblo which does not show modifications in mythology and ritual due to European contact. Modern Pueblo life resembles the ancient, but is not a facsimile of it, and until we have rightly measured the effects of incorporated elements, we are more or less inexact in our estimation of the character of prehistoric culture. The vein of similarity in the old and the new can be used in an interpretation of ancient paleography, but we overstep natural limitations if by so doing we ascribe to prehistoric culture every concept which we find current among the modern survivors. To show how much the paleography of Tusayan has changed since Sikyatki was destroyed, I need only say that most of the characteristic figures of deities which are used today in the decoration of pottery are not found on the Sikyatki ware. Perhaps the most common figures on modern food bowls is the head of a mythologic being, the Corn-maid, Calako-mana, but this picture, or any which resembles it, is not found on the bowls from Sikyatki. A knowledge of the cult of the Corn-maid possibly came into Tusayan, through foreign influences, after the fall of Sikyatki, and there is no doubt that the picture decoration of modern Tusayan pottery, made within a league of Sikyatki, is so different from the ancient that it indicates a modification of the culture of the Hopi in historic times, and implies how deceptive it may be to present modern beliefs and practices as facsimiles of ancient culture.
The main subjects chosen by the native women for the decoration of their pottery are symbolic, and the most abundant objects which bear these decorations are food bowls and water vases. Many mythic concepts are depicted, among which may be mentioned the Plumed Snake, various birds, reptiles, frogs, tadpoles, and insects. Plants or leaves are seldom employed as decorative motives, but the flower is sometimes used. The feather was perhaps the most common object utilized, and it may likewise be said the most highly conventionalized.
An examination of the decorations of modern food basins used in the villages of East Mesa shows that the mythologic personages most commonly chosen for the ornamentation of their interiors are the Corn or Germ goddesses.[117] These assume a number of forms, yet all are reducible to one type, although known by very different names, as Hewüqti, "Old Woman," Kokle, and the like.
Figures of reptiles, birds, the antelope, and like animals do not occur on any of the food bowls from the large collection of modern Tusayan pottery which I have studied, and as these figures are well represented in the decorations on Sikyatki food bowls, we may suppose their use has been abandoned or replaced by figures of the Corn-maids.[118] This fact, like so many others drawn from a study of the Tusayan ritual, indicates that the cult of the Corn-maids is more vigorous today than it was when Sikyatki was in its prime.
Many pictures of masks on modern Tusayan bowls are identified as Tacab or Navaho katcinas.[119] Their symbolism is well characterized by chevrons on the cheeks or curved markings for eyes. None of these figures, however, have yet been found on ancient Tusayan ceramics. Taken in connection with facts adduced by Hodge indicative of a recent advent of this vigorous Athapascan tribe into Tusayan, it would seem that the use of the Tacab katcina pictures was of recent date, and is therefore not to be expected on the prehistoric pottery of the age of that found in Sikyatki.
In the decoration of ancient pottery I find no trace of figures of the clown-priests, or tcukuwympkiya, who are so prominent in modern Tusayan katcina celebrations. These personages, especially the Tatcukti, often called by a corruption of the Zuñi name Kóyimse (Kóyomäshi), are very common on modern bowls, especially at the extremities of ladles or smaller objects of pottery.
Many handles of ladles made at Hano in late times are modeled in the form of the Paiakyamu,[120] a glutton priesthood peculiar to that Tanoan pueblo. From the data at hand we may legitimately conclude that the conception of the clown-priest is modern in Tusayan, so far as the ornamentation of pottery is concerned.
The large collections of so-called modern Hopi pottery in our museums is modified Tanoan ware, made in Tusayan. Most of the component specimens were made by Hano potters, who painted upon them figures of katcinas, a cult which they and their kindred introduced.
Several of the food bowls had evidently cracked during their firing or while in use, and had been mended before they were buried in the graves. This repairing was accomplished either by filling the crack with gum or by boring a hole on each side of the fracture for tying. In one specimen of black-and-white ware a perfectly round hole was made in the bottom, as if purposely to destroy the usefulness of the bowl before burial. This hole had been covered inside with a rounded disk of old pottery, neatly ground on the edge. It was not observed that any considerable number of mortuary pottery objects were "killed" before burial, although a large number were chipped on the edges. It is a great wonder that any of these fragile objects were found entire, the stones and soil covering the corpse evidently having been thrown into the grave without regard to care.
The majority of the ancient symbols are incomprehensible to the present Hopi priests whom I have been able to consult, although they are ready to suggest many interpretations, sometimes widely divergent. The only reasonable method that can be pursued in determining the meaning of the conventional signs with which the modern Tusayan Indians are unfamiliar seems, therefore, to be a comparative one. This method I have attempted to follow so far as possible.
There is a closer similarity between the symbolism of the Sikyatki pottery and that of the Awatobi ware than there is between the ceramics of either of these two pueblos and that of Walpi, and the same likewise may be said of the other Tusayan ruins so far as known. It is desirable, however, that excavations be made at the site of Old Walpi in order to determine, if possible, how widely different the ceramics of that village are from the towns whose ruins were studied in 1895. There are certain practical difficulties in regard to work at Old Walpi, one of the greatest of which is its proximity to modern burial places and shrines still used. Moreover, it is probable—indeed, quite certain—that most of the portable objects were carried from the abandoned pueblo to the present village when the latter was founded; but the old cemeteries of Walpi contain many ancient mortuary bowls which, when exhumed, will doubtless contribute a most interesting chapter to the history of modern Tusayan decorative art.
One of the largest, and, so far as form goes, one of the most unique vessels, is shown in [plate cxxvi], b. This was not exhumed from Sikyatki, but was said to have been found in the vicinity of that ruin. While the ware is very old, I do not believe it is ancient, and it is introduced in order to show how cleverly ancient patterns maybe simulated by more modern potters. The sole way in which modern imitations of ancient vessels may be distinguished is by the peculiar crackled or crazed surface which the former always has. This is due, I believe, to the method of firing and the unequal contraction or expansion of the slip employed. All modern imitations are covered with a white slip which, after firing, becomes crackled, a characteristic unknown to ancient ware. The most expert modern potter at East Mesa is Nampéo, a Tanoan woman who is a thorough artist in her line of work. Finding a better market for ancient than for modern ware, she cleverly copies old decorations, and imitates the Sikyatki ware almost perfectly. She knows where the Sikyatki potters obtained their clay, and uses it in her work. Almost any Hopi who has a bowl to sell will say that it is ancient, and care must always be exercised in accepting such claims.
An examination of the ornamentation of the jar above referred to shows a series of birds drawn in the fashion common to early pottery decoration. This has led me to place this large vessel among the old ware, although the character of the pottery is different from that of the best examples found at Sikyatki. I believe this vessel was exhumed from a ruin of more modern date than Sikyatki. The woman who sold it to me has farming interests near Awatobi, which leads me to conjecture that she or possibly one of her ancestors found it at or near that ruin. She admitted that it had been in the possession of her family for some time, but that the story she had heard concerning it attributed its origin to Sikyatki.
Human Figures
Very few figures of men or women are found on the pottery, and these are confined to the interior of food basins ([plate cxxix]).[121] They are ordinarily very roughly drawn, apparently with less care and with much less detail than are the figures of animals. From their character I am led to the belief that the drawing of human figures on pottery was a late development in Tusayan art, and postdates the use of animal figures on their earthenware. There are, however, a few decorations in which human figures appear, and these afford an interesting although meager contribution to our knowledge of ancient Tusayan art and custom.
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DECORATED POTTERY FROM SIKYATKI
As is well known, the Hopi maidens wear their hair in two whorls, one over each ear, and that on their marriage it is tied in two coils falling on the breast. The whorl is arranged on a U-shape stick called a gñela; it is commonly done up by a sister, the mother, or some friend of the maiden, and is stiffened with an oil pressed from squash seeds. The curved stick is then withdrawn and the two puffs held in place by a string tightly wound between them and the head. The habit of dressing the hair in whorls is adopted after certain puberty ceremonials, which have elsewhere been described. When on betrothal a Hopi maid takes her gifts of finely ground cornmeal to the house of her future mother-in-law, her hair is dressed in this fashion for the last time, because on her return she is attacked by the women of the pueblo, drawn hither and thither, her hair torn down, and her body smeared with dirt. If her gifts are accepted she immediately becomes the wife of her lover, and her hair is thenceforth dressed in the fashion common to matrons.
The symbolic meaning of the whorls of hair worn by the maidens is said to be the squash-flower, or, perhaps more accurately speaking, the potential power of fructification. There is legendary and other evidence that this custom is very ancient among the Tusayan Indians, and the data obtainable from their ritual point the same way. In the personification of ancestral "breath-bodies," or spirits by men, called katcinas, the female performers are termed katcina-manas (katcina-virgins), and it is their custom to wear the hair in the characteristic coiffure of maidens. In the personification of the Corn-maid by symbolic figures, such as graven images,[122] pictures, and the like, in secret rites, the style of coiffure worn by the maidens is common, as I have elsewhere shown in the descriptions of the ceremonials known as the Flute, Lalakonti, Mamzrauti, Palülükoñti, and others. The same symbol is found in images used as dolls of Calako-mana, the equivalent, as the others, of the same Corn-maid. From the nature of these images there can hardly be a doubt of the great antiquity of this practice, and that it has been brought down, through their ritual, to the present day. This style of hair dressing was mentioned by the early Spanish explorers, and is represented in pictographs of ancient date; but if all these evidences of its antiquity are insufficient the testimony afforded by the pictures on certain food-basins from Sikyatki leaves no doubt on this point.[123]
[Plate cxxix], b, represents a food-basin, on the inside of which is drawn, in brown, the head and shoulders of a woman. On either side the hair is done up in coils which bear some likeness to the whorls worn by the present Hopi maidens. It must be borne in mind, however, that similar coils are sometimes made after ceremonial head-washing, and certain other rites, when the hair is tied with corn husks. The face is painted reddish, and the ears have square pendants similar to the turquois mosaics worn by Hopi women at the present day. Although there is other evidence than this of the use of square ear-pendants, set with mosaic, among the ancient people—and traditions point the same way—this figure of the head of a woman from Sikyatki leaves no doubt of the existence of this form of ornament in that ancient pueblo.
However indecisive the last-mentioned picture may be in regard to the coiffure of the ancient Sikyatki women, [plate cxxix], a, affords still more conclusive evidence. This picture represents a woman of remarkable form which, from likenesses to figures at present made in sand on an altar in the Lalakonti ceremony,[124] I have no hesitation in ascribing to the Corn-maid. The head has the two whorls of hair very similar to those made in that rite on the picture of the Goddess of Germs, and the square body is likewise paralleled in the same figure. The peculiar form is employed to represent the outstretched blanket, a style of art which is common in Mayan codices.[125] On each lower corner representations of feathered strings, called in the modern ritual nakwákwoci,[126] are appended. The figure is represented as kneeling, and the four parallel lines are possibly comparable with the prayer-sticks placed in the belt of the Germ goddess on the Lalakonti altar. In her left hand (which, among the Hopi, is the ceremonial hand or that in which sacred objects are always carried) she holds an ear of corn, symbolic of germs, of which she is the deity. The many coincidences between this figure and that used in the ceremonials of the September moon, called Lalakonti, would seem to show that in both instances it was intended to represent the same mythic being.
There is, however, another aspect of this question which is of interest. In modern times there is a survival among the Hopi of the custom of decorating the inside of a food basin with a figure of the Corn-maid, and this is, therefore, a direct inheritance of ancient methods represented by the specimen under consideration. A large majority of modern food bowls are ornamented with an elaborate figure of Calako-mana, the Corn-maid, very elaborately worked out, but still retaining the essential symbolism figured in the Sikyatki bowl.[127]
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FLAT DIPPERS AND MEDICINE BOX FROM SIKYATKI
While one of the two figures shown in [plate cxxix], e, is valuable as affording additional and corroborative evidence of the character of the ancient coiffure of the women, its main interest is of a somewhat different kind. Two figures are rudely drawn on the inside of the basin, one of which represents a woman, the other, judging from the character of the posterior extremity of the body, a reptilian conception in which a single foreleg is depicted, and the tail is articulated at the end, recalling a rattlesnake. Upon the head is a single feather;[128] the two eyes are represented on one side of the head, and the line of the alimentary tract is roughly drawn. The figure is represented as standing before that of the woman.
With these few lines the potter no doubt intended to depict one of those many legends, still current, of the cultus hero and heroine of her particular family or priesthood. Supposing the reptilian figure to be a totemic one, our minds naturally recall the legend of the Snake-hero and the Corn-mist-maid[129] whom he brought from a mythic land to dwell with his people.
The peculiar hairdress is likewise represented in the figures on the food basin illustrated in [plate cxxix], c, which represent a man and a woman. Although the figures are partly obliterated, it can easily be deciphered that the latter figure wears a garment similar to the kwaca or dark-blue blanket for which Tusayan is still famous, and that this blanket was bound by a girdle, the ends of which hang from the woman's left hip. While the figure of the man is likewise indistinct (the vessel evidently having been long in use), the nature of the act in which he is engaged is not left in doubt.[130]
Among the numerous deities of the modern Hopi Olympus there is one called Kokopeli,[131] often represented in wooden dolls and clay images. From the obscurity of the symbolism, these dolls are never figured in works on Tusayan images. The figure in [plate cxxix], d, bears a resemblance to Kokopeli. It represents a man with arms raised in the act of dancing, and the head is destitute of hair as if covered by one of the peculiar helmets, used by the clowns in modern ceremonials. As many of the acts of these priests may be regarded as obscene from our point of view, it is not improbable that this figure may represent an ancient member of this archaic priesthood.
The three human figures on the food basin illustrated in [plate cxxix], f, are highly instructive as showing the antiquity of a curious and revolting practice almost extinct in Tusayan.
As an accompaniment of certain religious ceremonials among the Pueblo and the Navaho Indians, it was customary for certain priests to insert sticks into the esophagus. These sticks are still used to some extent and may be obtained by the collector. The ceremony of stick-swallowing has led to serious results, so that now in the decline of this cult a deceptive method is often adopted.
In Tusayan the stick-swallowing ceremony has been practically abandoned at the East Mesa, but I have been informed by reliable persons that it has not wholly been given up at Oraibi. The illustration above referred to indicates its former existence in Sikyatki. The middle figure represents the stick-swallower forcing the stick down his esophagus, while a second figure holds before him an unknown object. The principal performer is held by a third figure, an attendant, who stands behind him. This instructive pictograph thus illustrates the antiquity of this custom in Tusayan, and would seem to indicate that it was once a part of the Pueblo ritual.[132] It is possible that the Navaho, who have a similar practice, derived it from the Pueblos, but there are not enough data at hand to demonstrate this beyond question.
Regarding the pose of the three figures in this picture, I have been reminded by Dr Walter Hough of the performers who carry the wad of cornstalks in the Antelope dance. In this interpretation we have the "carrier," "hugger," and possibly an Antelope priest with the unknown object in his hand. This interpretation appears more likely to be a correct one than that which I have suggested; and yet Kopeli, the Snake chief, declares that the Snake family was not represented at Sikyatki. Possibly a dance similar to the Antelope performance on the eighth day of the Snake dance may have been celebrated at that pueblo, and the discovery of a rattlesnake's rattle in a Sikyatki grave is yet to be explained.
One of the most prominent of all the deities in the modern Tusayan Olympus is the cultus-hero called Püükoñhoya, the Little War God. Hopi mythology teems with legends of this god and his deeds in killing monsters and aiding the people in many ways. He is reputed to have been one of twins, children of the Sun and a maid by parthenogenetic conception. His adventures are told with many variants and he reappears with many aliases.
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DOUBLE-LOBE VASES FROM SIKYATKI
The symbolism of Püükoñhoya at the present day consists of parallel marks on the face or body, and when personated by a man the figure is always represented as carrying weapons of war, such as a bow and arrows. Images of the same hero are used in ceremonies, and are sometimes found as household gods or penates, which are fed as if human beings. A fragment of pottery represented in the accompanying illustration ([figure 263]), shows enough of the head of a personage to indicate that Püükoñhoya was intended, for it bears on the cheek the two parallel marks symbolic of that deity, while in his hands he holds a bow and a jointed arrow as if shooting an unknown animal. All of these features are in harmony with the identification of the figure with that of the cultus-hero mentioned, and seem to indicate the truth of the current legend that as a mythologic conception he is of great antiquity in Tusayan.
Fig. 263—War god shooting an animal. (Fragment of food bowl.)
In this connection it may be instructive to call attention to two figures on a food bowl collected by Mr H. R. Voth from a ruin near Oraibi. It represents a man and a woman, the former with two horns, a crescent on the forehead, and holding in his outstretched hand a staff. The woman has a curious gorget, similar to some which I have found in ruins near Tusayan, and a belt like those still worn by Pueblo Indians. This smaller figure likewise has a crescent on its face and three strange appendages on each side of the head.
Another food basin in Mr Voth's collection is also instructive, and is different in its decoration from any which I have found. The character of the ware is ancient, but the figure is decidedly modern. If, however, it should prove to be an ancient vessel it would carry back to the time of its manufacture the existence of the katcina cult in Tusayan, no actual proof of the existence of which, at a time when Sikyatki was in its prime, has yet been discovered.
The three figures represent Hahaiwüqti, Hewüqti, and Natacka exactly as these supernatural beings are now personated at Walpi in the Powamû, as described and figured in a former memoir.[133]
It is unfortunate that the antiquity of this specimen, suggestive as it is, must be regarded as doubtful, for it was not exhumed from the ruin by an archeologist, and the exact locality in which it was found is not known.
The Human Hand
Excepting the figure of the maid's head above described, the human hand, for some unknown reason, is the only part of the body chosen by the ancient Hopi for representation in the decoration of their pottery. Among the present Tusayan Indians the human hand is rarely used, but oftentimes the beams of the kivas are marked by the girls who have plastered them with impressions of their muddy hands, and there is a katcina mask which has a hand painted in white on the face. As in the case of the decoration of all similar sacred paraphernalia, there is a legend which accounts for the origin of the katcina with the imprint of the hand on its mask. The following tale, collected by the late A. M. Stephen, from whose manuscript I quote, is interesting in this connection:
"The figure of a hand with extended fingers is very common, in the vicinity of ruins, as a rock etching, and is also frequently seen daubed on the rocks with colored pigments or white clay. These are vestiges of a test formerly practiced by the young men who aspired for admission to the fraternity of the Calako. The Calako is a trinity of two women and a man from whom the Hopi obtained the first corn, and of whom the following legend is told:
"In the early days, before houses were built, the earth was devastated by a whirlwind. There was then neither springs nor streams, although water was so near the surface that it could be found by pulling up a tuft of grass. The people had but little food, however, and they besought Masauwûh to help them, but he could not.
"There came a little old man, a dwarf, who said that he had two sisters who were the wives of Calako, and it might be well to petition them. So they prepared an altar, every man making a paho, and these were set in the ground so as to encircle a sand hillock, for this occurred before houses were known.
"Masauwûh's brother came and told them that when Calako came to the earth's surface wherever he placed his foot a deep chasm was made; then they brought to the altar a huge rock, on which Calako might stand, and they set it between the two pahos placed for his wives.
"Then the people got their rattles and stood around the altar, each man in front of his own paho; but they stood in silence, for they knew no song with which to invoke this strange god. They stood there for a long while, for they were afraid to begin the ceremonies until a young lad, selecting the largest rattle, began to shake it and sing. Presently a sound like rushing water was heard, but no water was seen; a sound also like great winds, but the air was perfectly still, and it was seen that the rock was pierced with a great hole through the center. The people were frightened and ran away, all save the young lad who had sung the invocation.
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UNUSUAL FORMS OF VASES FROM SIKYATKI
"The lad soon afterward rejoined them, and they saw that his back was cut and bleeding and covered with splinters of yucca and willow. The flagellation, he told them, had been administered by Calako, who told him that he must endure this laceration before he could look upon the beings he had invoked; that only to those who passed through his ordeals could Calako become visible; and, as the lad had braved the test so well, he should thenceforth be chief of the Calako altar. The lad could not describe Calako, but said that his two wives were exceedingly beautiful and arrayed with all manner of fine garments. They wore great headdresses of clouds and every kind of corn which they were to give to the Hopi to plant for food. There were white, red, yellow, blue, black, blue-and-white speckled, and red-and-yellow speckled corn, and a seeded grass (kwapi).
"The lad returned to the altar and shook his rattle over the hole in the rock, and from its interior Calako conversed with him and gave him instructions. In accordance with these he gathered all the Hopi youths and brought them to the rock, that Calako might select certain of them to be his priests. The first test was that of putting their hands in the mud and impressing them upon the rock. Only those were chosen as novices the imprints of whose hands had dried on the instant.
"The selected youths then moved within the altar and underwent the test of flagellation. Calako lashed them with yucca and willow. Those who made no outcry were told to remain in the altar, to abstain from salt and flesh for ten days, when Calako would return and instruct them concerning the rites to be performed when they sought his aid.
"Calako and his two wives appeared at the appointed time, and after many ceremonials gave to each of the initiated five grains of each of the different kinds of corn. The Hopi women had been instructed to place baskets woven of grass at the foot of the rock, and in these Calako's wives placed the seeds of squashes, melons, beans, and all the other vegetables which the Hopi have since possessed.
"Calako and his wives, after announcing that they would again return, took off their masks and garments, and laying them on the rock disappeared within it.
"Some time after this, when the initiated were assembled in the altar, the Great Plumed Snake appeared to them and said that Calako could not return unless one of them was brave enough to take the mask and garments down into the hole and give them to him. They were all afraid, but the oldest man of the Hopi took them down and was deputed to return and represent Calako.
"Shortly afterward Masauwûh stole the paraphernalia, and with his two brothers masqueraded as Calako and his wives. This led the Hopi into great trouble, and they incurred the wrath of Muiyinwûh, who withered all their grain and corn.
"One of the Hopi finally discovered that the supposed Calako carried a cedar bough in his hand, when it should have been willow; then they knew that it was Masauwûh who had been misleading them.
"The boy hero one day found Masauwûh asleep, and so regained possession of the mask. Muiyinwûh then withdrew his punishments and sent Palülükoñ (the Plumed Snake) to tell the Hopi that Calako would never return to them, but that the boy hero should wear his mask and represent him, and his festival should be celebrated when they had a proper number of novices to be initiated."[134]
Several food basins from Sikyatki have a human hand depicted upon them, and in one of these both hands are represented. On the most perfect of these hand figures ([plate cxxxvii], c) a wristlet is well represented, with two triangular figures, which impart to it an unusual form. From between the index and second finger there arises a triangular appendage, which joins a graceful curve, extending on one side to the base of the thumb and continued on the other side to the arm. The whole inside of the basin, except the figure of the hand and its appendage, is decorated with spattering,[135] and on the outside there is a second figure, evidently a hand or the paw of some animal. This external decoration also has a triangular figure in which are two terraces, recalling rain-cloud symbols.
One of the most interesting representations of the human hand ([figure 354]) is found on the exterior of a beautiful bowl. The four fingers and the thumb are shown with representations of nails, a unique feature in such decorations. From between the index finger and the next, or rather from the tip of the former, arises an appendage comparable with that before mentioned, but of much simpler form. The palm of the hand is crossed by a number of parallel lines, which recall a custom of using the palm lines in measuring ceremonial prayer sticks, as I have described in a memoir on the Snake dance. In place of the arm this hand has many parallel lines, the three medial ones being continued far beyond the others, as shown in the figure.
Quadrupeds
Figures of quadrupeds are sparingly used in the decoration of food bowls or basins, but the collection shows several fine specimens on which appear some of the mammalia with which the Hopi are familiar. Most of these are so well drawn that there appears to be no question as to their identification.
One of the most instructive of these figures is shown in [plate cxxx], a, which is much worn, and indistinct in detail, although from what can be traced it was probably intended to represent a mythic creature known as the Giant Elk. The head bears two branched horns, drawn without perspective, and the neck has a number of short parallel marks similar to those occurring on the figure of an antelope on the walls of one of the kivas at Walpi. The hoofs are bifid, and from a short stunted tail there arises a curved line which encircles the whole figure, connecting a series of round spots and terminating in a triangular figure with three parallel lines representing feathers. Perhaps the strangest of all appendages to this animal is at the tail, which is forked, recalling the tail of certain birds. Its meaning is unknown to me.
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MEDICINE BOX AND PIGMENT POTS FROM SIKYATKI
There can be no doubt that the delineator sought to represent in this figure one of the numerous horned Cervidæ with which the ancient Hopi were familiar, but the drawing is so incomplete that to choose between the antelope, deer, and elk seems impossible. It may be mentioned, however, that the Horn people are reputed to have been early arrivals in Tusayan, and it is not improbable that representatives of the Horn clans lived in Sikyatki previous to its overthrow.
Two faintly drawn animals, evidently intended for quadrupeds, appear on the interior of the food bowl shown in [plate cxxx], b. These are interesting from the method in which they were drawn. They are not outlined with defined lines, but are of the original color of the bowl, and appear as two ghost-like figures surrounded by a dense spattering of red spots, similar in technic to the figure of the human hand. I am unable to identify these animals, but provisionally refer them to the rabbit. They have no distinctive symbolism, however, and are destitute of the characteristic spots which members of the Rabbit clan now invariably place on their totemic signatures.
Fig. 264—Mountain sheep
The animal design on the bowl illustrated in [plate cxxx], c, probably represents a rabbit or hare, quite well drawn in profile, with a feathered appendage from the head. Behind it is the ordinary symbol of the dragon-fly. Several crosses are found in an opposite hemisphere, separated from that occupied by the two animal pictures by a series of geometric figures ornamented with crooks and other designs.
The interior of the food bowl shown in [plate cxxx], d, as well as the inner sides of the two ladles represented in [plate cxxxi], b, d, are decorated with peculiar figures which suggest the porcupine. The body is crescentic and covered with spines, and only a single leg, with claws, is represented. It is worthy of mention that so many of these animal forms have only one leg, representative, no doubt, of a single pair, and that many of these have plantigrade paws like those of the bear and badger. The appendages to the head in this figure remind one of those of certain forms regarded as reptiles, with which this may be identical.
Fig. 265—Mountain lion
In another decoration we have what is apparently the same animal furnished with both fore and hind legs, the tail curving upward like that of a cottontail rabbit, which it resembles in other particulars as well. This figure also hangs by a band from a geometric design formed of two crescents and bearing four parallel marks representing feathers. The single crescent depicted on the inside of the ladle shown in [plate cxxxi], b, is believed to represent the same conception, or the moon; and in this connection the very close phonetic resemblance between the Hopi name for moon[136] and that for the mammal may be mentioned. In the decoration last described the same crescentic figure is elaborated into its zoömorphic equivalent.
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CXXIX
DESIGNS ON FOOD BOWLS FROM SIKYATKI
An enumeration of the pictographic representations of mammalia includes the beautiful food bowl shown in [plate cxxx], e, which is made of fine clay spattered with brown pigment. This design (reproduced in [figure 264]) represents probably some ruminant, as the mountain sheep or possibly the antelope, both of which gave names to clans said to have resided at Sikyatki. The hoofs are characteristic, and the markings on the back suggest a fawn or spotted deer. There is a close similarity between the design below this animal and that of the exterior decorations of certain vases and square medicine bowls.
Among the pictures of quadrupedal animals depicted on ancient food bowls there is none more striking than that illustrated in [plate cxxx], f, which has been identified as the mountain lion. While this identification is more or less problematical, it is highly possible. The claws of the forelegs ([figure 265]) are evidently those of one of the carnivora of the cat family, of which the mountain lion is the most prominent in Tusayan. The anterior part of the body is spotted; the posterior and the hind legs are black. The snout bears little resemblance to that of the puma.
The entire inner surface of the bowl, save a central circle in which the head, fore-limbs, and anterior part of the body are represented, is decorated by spattering. Within this spattered area there are highly interesting figures, prominent among which is a squatting figure of a man, with the hand raised to the mouth and holding a ceremonial cigarette, as if engaged in smoking. The seven patches in black might well be regarded as either footprints or leaves, four of which appear to be attached to the band inclosing the central area. In the intervals between three of these there are branched bodies representing plants or bushes.
Reptiles
Snakes and other reptilian forms were represented by the ancient potters in the decoration of food bowls, and it is remarkable how closely some of these correspond in symbolism with conceptions still current in Tusayan. Of all reptilian monsters the worship of which forms a prominent element in Hopi ritual, that of the Great Plumed Snake is perhaps the most important. Effigies of this monster exist in all the larger Hopi villages, and they are used in at least two great rites—the Soyaluña in December and the Palülükonti in March, as I have already described. The symbolic markings and appendages of the Plumed Snake effigy are distinctive, and are found in all modern representations of this mystic being. While several pictographs of snakes are found on Sikyatki pottery, there is not a single instance in which these modern markings appear; consequently there is considerable doubt in regard to the identification of many of the Sikyatki serpents with modern mythologic representatives.
Fig. 266—Plumed serpent
In questioning the priests in regard to the derivation of the Plumed Serpent cult in Tusayan, I have found that they declare that this cultus was brought into Tusayan from a mythic land in the south, called Palatkwabi, and that the effigies and fetiches pertaining to it were introduced by the Patki or Water-house people. From good evidence, I suspect that the arrival of this phratry was comparatively late in Tusayan history, and it is possible that Sikyatki was destroyed before their advent, for in all the legends which I have been able to gather no one ascribes to Sikyatki any clan belonging to the phratries which are said to have migrated from the far south. I believe we must look toward the east, whence the ancestors of the Kokop or Firewood people are reputed to have come, for the origin of the symbolic markings of the snakes represented on Sikyatki ceramics. Figures of apodal reptiles, with feathers represented on their heads, occur in Sikyatki pictography, although there is no resemblance in the markings of their bodies to those of modern pictures. One of the most striking of these occurs on the inside of the food basin shown in [plate cxxxii], a. It represents a serpent with curved body, the tail being connected with the head, like an ancient symbol of eternity. The body ([figure 266]) is destitute of any distinctive markings, but is covered with a crosshatching of black lines. The head bears two triangular markings, which are regarded as feather symbols. The position of the eyes would seem to indicate that the top of the head is represented, but this conclusion is not borne out by comparative studies, for it was often the custom of ancient Tusayan potters, like other primitive artists, to represent both eyes on one side of the head.
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY—— SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CXXX
FOOD BOWLS WITH FIGURES OF QUADRUPEDS FROM SIKYATKI
The zigzag line occupying the position of the tongue and terminating in a triangle is a lightning symbol, with which the serpent is still associated. While striving not to strain the symbolism of this figure, it is suggested that the three curved marks on the lower and upper jaws represent fangs. It is highly probable that conceptions not greatly unlike those which cluster about the Great Plumed Serpent were associated with this mythic snake, the figure of which is devoid of some of the most essential elements of modern symbolism.
While from the worn character of the middle of the food bowl illustrated in [plate cxxxii], b, it is not possible to discover whether the animal was apodal or not from the crosshatching of the body and the resemblance of the appendages of the head to those of the figure last considered, it appears probable that this pictograph likewise was intended to represent a snake of mystic character. Like the previous figure, this also is coiled, with the tail near the head, its body crosshatched, and with two triangular appendages to the head. There is, however, but one eye, and the two jaws are elongated and provided with teeth,[137] as in the case of certain reptiles.
The similarity of the head and its appendages to the snake figure last described would lead me to regard the figure shown in [plate cxxxii], c, as representing a like animal, but the latter picture is more elaborately worked out in details, and one of the legs is well represented. I have shown in the discussion of a former figure how the decorator, recognizing the existence of two eyes, represented them both on one side of the head of a profile figure, although only one is visible, and we see in this picture ([figure 267]) a somewhat similar tendency, which is very common in modern Tusayan figures of animals. The breath line is drawn from the extremity of the snout halfway down the length of the body. In modern pictography a representation of the heart is often depicted at the blind extremity of this line, as if, in fact, there was a connection with this organ and the tubes through which the breath passes. In the Sikyatki pottery, however, I find only this one specimen of drawing in which an attempt to represent internal organs is made.
The tail of this singular picture of a reptile is highly conventionalized, bearing appendages of unknown import, but recalling feathers, while on the back are other appendages which might be compared with wings. Both of these we might expect, considering the association of bird and serpent in the Hopi conception of the Plumed Snake.
Exact identifications of these pictures with the animals by which the Hopi are or were surrounded, is, of course, impossible, for they are not realistic representations, but symbolic figures of mythic beings unknown save to the imagination of the primitive mythologist.
Fig. 267—Unknown reptile
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY—— SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CXXXI
ORNAMENTED LADLES FROM SIKYATKI
Fig. 268—Unknown reptile
A similar reptile is pictured on the food bowl shown in [plate cxxxii], d, in which design, however, there are important modifications, the most striking of which are: (1) The animal ([figure 268]) has both fore and hind legs represented; (2) the head is round; (3) the mouth is provided with teeth; and (4) there are four instead of two feather appendages on the head, two of which are much longer than the others. Were it not that ears are not represented in reptiles, one would be tempted to regard the smaller appendages as representations of these organs. Their similarity to the row of spines on the back and the existence of spines on the head of the "horned toad" suggests this reptile, with which both ancient and modern Hopi are very familiar. On a fragment of a vessel found at Awatobi there is depicted the head of a reptile evidently identical with this, since the drawing is an almost perfect reproduction. There is a like figure, also from Sikyatki, in the collection of pottery made at that ruin by Dr Miller, of Prescott, the year following my work there. The most elaborate of all the pictures of reptiles found on ancient Tusayan pottery is shown in [plate cxxxii], e, in which the symbolism is complicated and the details carefully worked out. A few of these symbols I am able to decipher; others elude present analysis. There is no doubt as to the meaning of the appendage to the head ([figure 269]), for it well portrays an elaborate feathered headdress on which the markings that distinguish tail-feathers, three in number, are prominent. The extension of the snout is without homologue elsewhere in Hopi pictography, and, while decorative in part, is likewise highly conventionalized. On the body semicircular rain cloud symbols and markings similar to those of the bodies of certain birds are distinguishable. The feet likewise are more avian than reptilian, but of a form quite unusual in structure. It is interesting to note the similarity in the carved line with six sets of parallel bars to the band surrounding the figure of the human hand shown in [plate cxxxvii], c. In attempting to identify the pictograph on the bowl reproduced in [plate cxxxiv], a, there is little to guide me, and the nearest I can come to its significance is to ascribe it to a reptile of some kind. Highly symbolic, greatly conventionalized as this figure is, there is practically nothing on which to base the absolute identification of the figure save the serrated appendage to the body and the leg, which resembles that of the lizard as it is sometimes drawn. The two eyes indicate that the enlargement in which these were placed is the head, and the extended curved snout a beak. All else is incomprehensible to me, and my identification is therefore provisional and largely speculative.
Fig. 269—Unknown reptile
I wish, however, in leaving the description of this beautiful bowl, to invite attention to the brilliancy and the characteristics of the coloring, which differ from the majority of the decorated ware from Sikyatki.
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY—— SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CXXXII
FOOD BOWLS WITH FIGURES OF REPTILES FROM SIKYATKI
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY—— SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CXXXIII
BOWLS AND DIPPERS WITH FIGURES OF TADPOLES, BIRDS, ETC. FROM SIKYATKI
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY—— SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CXXXIV
FOOD BOWLS WITH FIGURES OF SUN, BUTTERFLY, AND FLOWER FROM SIKYATKI
Among the fragments of pottery found in the Sikyatki graves there was one which, had it been entire, would doubtless have thrown considerable light on ancient pictography. This fragment has depicted upon it portions of the body and the whole head and neck of a reptilian animal. We find on that part of the body which is represented, three parallel marks which recall those on the modern pictures of the Great Plumed Serpent. On the back there were apparently the representations of wings, a feather of which is shown above the head. The head likewise bears a crest of three feathers, and there are three reptilian like toes. Whether this represents a reptile or a bird it is impossible for me to say, but enough has already been recorded to indicate how close the symbolism of these two groups sometimes is in ancient pictography. It would almost appear as if the profound anatomical discovery of the close kinship of birds and reptiles was unconsciously recognized by a people destitute of the rudiments of the knowledge of morphology.
Tadpoles
Among the inhabitants of an arid region, where rain-making forms a dominant element in their ritual, water animals are eagerly adopted as symbols. Among these the tadpole occupies a foremost position. The figures of this batrachian are very simple, and are among the most common of those used on ceremonial paraphernalia in Tusayan at the present time. In none of these is anything more than a globular head and a zigzag tail represented, and, as in nature, these are colored black. The tadpole appears on several pieces of painted pottery from Sikyatki, one of the best of which is the food bowl illustrated in [plate cxxxiii], a. The design represents a number of these aquatic animals drawn in line across the diameter of the inner surface of the bowl, while on each side there is a row of rectangular blocks representing rain clouds. These blocks are separated from the tadpole figures by crescentic lines, and above them are short parallel lines recalling the symbol of falling rain.
One of the most beautiful forms of ladles from Sikyatki is figured in [plate cxxxiii], b, a specimen in which the art of decoration by spattering is effectively displayed. The interior of the bowl of this dipper is divided by parallel lines into two zones, in each of which two tadpoles are represented. The handle is pointed at the end and is decorated. This specimen is considered one of the best from Sikyatki.
The rudely drawn picture on the bowl figured in [plate cxxxii], f, would be identified as a frog, save for the presence of a tail which would seem to refer it to the lizard kind. But in the evolution of the tadpole into the frog a tailed stage persists in the metamorphosis after the legs develop. In modern pictures[138] of the frog with which I am familiar, this batrachian is always represented dorsally or ventrally with the legs outstretched, while in the lizards, as we have seen, a lateral view is always adopted. As the sole picture found on ancient pottery where the former method is employed, this fact may be of value in the identification of this rude outline as a frog rather than as a true reptile.
Butterflies or Moths
One of the most characteristic modern decorations employed by the Hopi, especially as a symbol of fecundity, is the butterfly or moth. It is a constant device on the beautiful white or cotton blankets woven by the men as wedding gifts, where it is embroidered on the margin in the forms of triangles or even in more realistic patterns. This symbol is a simple triangle, which becomes quite realistic when a line is drawn bisecting one of the angles. This double triangle is not only a constant symbol on wedding blankets, but also is found on the dadoes of houses, resembling in design the arrangement of tiles in the Alhambra and other Moorish buildings. This custom of decorating the walls of a building with triangles placed at intervals on the upper edge of a dado is a feature of cliff-house kivas, as shown in Nordenskiöld's beautiful memoir on the cliff villages of Mesa Verde. While an isosceles triangle represents the simplest form of the butterfly symbol, and is common on ancient pottery, a few vessels from Sikyatki show a much more realistic figure. In [plate cxxxiv], f, is shown a moth with extended proboscis and articulated antennæ, and in d of the same plate another form, with the proboscis inserted in a flower, is given. As an associate with summer, the butterfly is regarded as a beneficent being aside from its fecundity, and one of the ancient Hopi clans regarded it as their totem. Perhaps the most striking, and I may say the most inexplicable, use of the symbol of the butterfly is the so-called Hokona or Butterfly virgin slab used in the Antelope ceremonies of the Snake dance at Walpi, where it is associated with the tadpole water symbol.
Fig. 270—Outline of [plate CXXXV], b
The most beautiful of all the butterfly designs are the six figures on the vase reproduced in [plate cxxxv], b. From the number of these pictures it would seem that they bore some relationship to the six world-quarters—north, west, south, east, zenith, and nadir. The vase has a flattened shoulder, and the six butterfly figures are represented as flying toward the orifice. These insect figures closely resemble one another, and are divided into two groups readily distinguished by the symbolism of the heads. Three have each a cross with a single dot in each quadrant, and each of the other three has a dotted head without the cross. These two kinds alternate with each other, and the former probably indicate females, since the same symbols on the heads of the snakes in the sand picture of the Antelope altar in the Snake dance are used to designate the female.[139]
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY—— SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CXXXV
VASES WITH FIGURES OF BUTTERFLIES FROM SIKYATKI
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY—— SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CXXXVI
VASES WITH FIGURES OF BIRDS AND FEATHERS FROM SIKYATKI
Two antennæ and a double curved proboscis are indicated in all the figures of butterflies on the vase under consideration. The zones above and below are both cut by a "line of life," the opening through which is situated on opposite equatorial poles in the upper and under rim.
Fig. 271—Butterfly design on upper surface of [plate CXXXV], b
The rectangular figures associated with the butterflies on this elaborately decorated vase are of two patterns alternating with each other. The rectangles forming one of these patterns incloses three vertical feathers, with a triangle on the right side and a crook on the left. The remaining three rectangles also have three feathers, but they are arranged longitudinally on the surface of the vase.
The elaborate decoration of the zone outside the six butterflies is made up of feathers arranged in three clusters of three each, alternating with key patterns, crosshatched crooks, triangles, and frets. The wealth of ornament on this part of the vase is noteworthy, and its interpretation very baffling. This vase may well be considered the most elaborately decorated in the whole collection from Sikyatki.
There are several figures of butterflies, like those shown in [plate cxxxi], a, in which the modifications of wings and body have proceeded still further, and the only features which refer them to insects are the jointed antennæ. The passage from this highly conventionalized design into a triangular figure is not very great. There are still others where the head, with attached appendages, arises not from an angle of a triangle, but from the middle of one side. This gives us a very common form of butterfly symbol, which is found, variously modified, on many ancient vessels. In such designs there is commonly a row of dots on each side, which may be represented by a sinuous line, a series of triangles, bars, or parallel bars.
The design reproduced in [plate cxxxiv], d, represents a moth or butterfly associated with a flower, and several star symbols. It is evidently similar to that figured in a of the same plate, and has representations of antennæ and extended proboscis, the latter organ placed as if extracting honey from the flower. The conventional flower is likewise shown in e of this plate. The two crescentic designs in [plate cxxxv], a, are regarded as butterflies.
The jar illustrated in [plate cxlv], b, is ornamented with highly conventionalized figures on four sides, and is the only one taken from the Sikyatki cemeteries in which the designs are limited to the equatorial surface. The most striking figure, which is likewise found on the base of the paint saucer shown in [plate cxlvi], f, is a diamond-shape design with a triangle at each corner ([figure 276]). The pictures drawn on alternating quadrants have very different forms, which are difficult to classify, and I have therefore provisionally associated this beautiful vessel with those bearing the butterfly and the triangle. The form of this vessel closely approaches that of the graceful cooking pots made of coiled and coarse indented ware, but the vessel was evidently not used for cooking purposes, as it bears no marks of soot.[140]
Dragon-flies
Among the most constant designs used in the decoration of Sikyatki pottery are figures of the dragon-fly. These decorations consist of a line, sometimes enlarged into a bulb at one end, with two parallel bars drawn at right angles across the end, below the enlargement. Like the tadpole, the dragon-fly is a symbol of water, and with it are associated many legends connected with the miraculous sprouting of corn in early times. It is a constant symbol on modern ceremonial paraphernalia, as masks, tablets, and pahos, and it occurs also on several ancient vessels ([plates cxl], b; [clxiii], a), where it always has the same simple linear form, with few essential modifications.
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY—— SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CXXXVII
VESSELS WITH FIGURES OF HUMAN HAND, BIRDS, TURTLE, ETC. FROM SIKYATKI
The symbols of four dragon-flies are well shown on the rim of the square box represented in [plate cxxviii], a. This box, which was probably for charm liquid, or possibly for feathers used in ceremonials, is unique in form and is one of the most beautiful specimens from the Sikyatki cemeteries. It is elaborately decorated on the four sides with rain-cloud and other symbols, and is painted in colors which retain their original brilliancy. The interior is not decorated.
The four dragon-flies on the rim of this object are placed in such a way as to represent insects flying about the box in a dextral circuit, or with the heads turned to the right. This position indicates a ceremonial circuit, which is exceptional among the Tusayan people, although common in Navaho ceremonies. In the sand picture of the Snake society, for instance, where four snakes are represented in a border surrounding a mountain lion, these reptiles are represented as crawling about the picture from right to left. This sequence is prescribed in Tusayan ceremonials, and has elsewhere been designated by me as the sinistral circuit, or a circuit with the center on the left hand. The circuit used by the decorator of this box is dextral or sunwise.
Several rectangular receptacles of earthenware, some with handles and others without them, were obtained in the excavations at Sikyatki. The variations in their forms may be seen in [plates cxxviii], a, c, and [cxxv], f. These are regarded as medicine bowls, and are supposed to have been used in ancient ceremonials where asperging was performed. In many Tusayan ceremonials square medicine bowls, some of them without handles, are still used,[141] but a more common and evidently more modern variety are round and have handles. The rim of these modern sacred vessels commonly bears, in its four quadrants, terraced elevations representing rain-clouds of the cardinal points, and the outer surface of the bowl is decorated with the same symbols, accompanied with tadpole or dragon-fly designs.
One of the best figures of the dragon-fly is seen on the saucer shown in [plate cxx], f. The exterior of this vessel is decorated with four rectangular terraced rain-cloud symbols, one in each quadrant, and within each there are three well-drawn figures of the dragon-fly. The curved line below represents a rainbow. The terrace form of rain-cloud symbol is very ancient in Tusayan and antedates the well-known semicircular symbol which was introduced into the country by the Patki people. It is still preserved in the form of tablets[142] worn on the head and in sand paintings and various other decorations on altars and religious paraphernalia.
Birds
The bird and the feather far exceed all other motives in the decoration of ancient Tusayan pottery, and the former design was probably the first animal figure employed for that purpose when the art passed out of the stage where simple geometric designs were used exclusively. A somewhat similar predominance is found in the part which the bird and the feather play in the modern Hopi ceremonial system. As one of the oldest elements in the decoration of Tusayan ceramics, figures of birds have in many instances become highly conventionalized; so much so, in fact, that their avian form has been lost, and it is one of the most instructive problems in the study of Hopi decoration to trace the modifications of these designs from the realistic to the more conventionalized. The large series of food bowls from Sikyatki afford abundant material for that purpose, and it may incidentally be said that by this study I have been able to interpret the meaning of certain decorations on Sikyatki bowls of which the best Hopi traditionalists are ignorant.[143] In order to show the method of reasoning in this case I have taken a series illustrating the general form of an unknown bird.
There can be no reasonable doubt that the decoration of the food basin shown in [plate cxxxvii], a, represents a bird, and analogy would indicate that it is the picture of some mythologic personage. It has a round head ([figure 272]), to which is attached a headdress, which we shall later show is a highly modified feather ornament. On each side of the body from the region of the neck there arise organs which are undoubtedly wings, with feathers continued into arrowpoints. The details of these wings are very carefully and, I may add, prescriptively worked out, so that almost every line, curve, or zigzag is important. The tail is composed of three large feathers, which project beyond two triangular extensions, marking the end of the body.
The technic of this figure is exceedingly complicated and the colors very beautiful. Although this bowl was quite badly broken when exhumed, it has been so cleverly mended by Mr Henry Walther that no part of the symbolism is lost.
While it is quite apparent that this figure represents a bird, and while this identification is confirmed by Hopi testimony, it is far from a realistic picture of any known bird with which the ancients could have been familiar. It is highly conventionalized and idealized with significant symbolism, which is highly suggestive.
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY—— SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CXXXVIII
FOOD BOWLS WITH FIGURES OF BIRDS FROM SIKYATKI
Bearing in mind the picture of this bird, we pass to a second form ([plate cxxxviii], a), in which we can trace the same parts without difficulty. On a round head is placed a feathered headdress. The different parts of the outstretched wings are readily homologized even in details in the two figures. There are, for instance, two terminal wing feathers in each wing; the appendages to the shoulder exist in both, and the lateral spurs, exteriorly and interiorly, are represented with slight modifications.
Fig. 272—Man-eagle
The body is ornamented in the same way in both figures. It is continued posteriorly on each side into triangular extensions, and the same is true of its anterior, which in one figure has three curved lines, and in the other a simple crook. There are three tail-feathers in each figure. I believe there can be no doubt that both these designs represent the same idea, and that a mythologic bird was intended in each instance.
The step in conventionalism from the last-mentioned figure of a bird to the next ([plate cxlvii], a) is even greater than in the former. The head in this picture is square or rectangular, and the wings likewise simple, ending in three incurved triangles without appendages. The tail has five feathers instead of three, in which, however, the same symbolic markings which distinguish tail-feathers are indicated.
The conventionalized wings of this figure are repeated again and again in ancient Tusayan pottery decorations, as one may see by an examination of the various birds shown in the plates. In many instances, however, all the other parts of the bird are lost and nothing but the triangular feathers remain; but as these have the same form, whatever organs are missing, the presumption is that their meaning has not changed.
In passing to the figure of the bird shown in [plate cxxxviii], b, we find features homologous with those already considered, but also detect considerable modification. The head is elongated, tipped with three parallel lines, but decorated with markings similar to those of the preceding figure. The outstretched wings have a crescentic form, on the anterior horn of which are round spots with parallel lines arising from them. This is a favorite figure in pottery decoration, and is found very abundantly on the exterior of food bowls; it represents highly conventionalized feathers, and should be so interpreted wherever found. The figure of the body of the bird depicted is simple, and the tail is continued into three tail-feathers, as is ordinarily the case in highly conventionalized bird figures.
The most instructive of all the appendages to the body are the club-shape bodies, one on each side, rising from the point of union of the wings and the breast. These are spatulate in form, with a terraced terminal marking. They, like other appendages, represent feathers, but that peculiar kind which is found under the wing is called the breath feather.[144] This feather is still used in certain ceremonials, and is tied to certain prayer offerings. Its ancient symbolism is very clearly indicated in this picture, and is markedly different from that of either the wing or tail feathers, which have a totally different ceremonial use at the present time.
For convenience of comparison, a number of pictures which undoubtedly refer to different birds in ancient interpretations will be grouped in a single series.
[Plate cxxxviii], d, represents a figure of a bird showing great relative modification of organs when compared with those previously discussed. The head is very much broadened, but the semicircular markings, which occur also on the heads of previously described bird figures, are well drawn. The wings are mere curved appendages, destitute of feather symbols, but are provided with lateral spurs and have knobs at their bases. The body is rectangular; the tail-feathers are numerous, with well-marked symbolism. Perhaps the most striking appendages to the body are the two well-defined extensions of parts of the body itself, which, although represented in other pictures of birds, nowhere reach such relatively large size.
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY—— SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CXXXIX
FOOD BOWLS WITH FIGURES OF BIRDS FROM SIKYATKI
The figure of a bird shown in [plate cxxxviii], c, is similar in many respects to that last described. The semicircular markings on the head of the former are here replaced by triangles, but both are symbolic of rain-clouds. The wings are curved projections, without any suggestion of feathers or basal spurs and knobs. The tail-feathers show nothing exceptional, and the body is bounded posteriorly by triangular extensions, as in figures of birds already described.
The representation of the bird in [plate cxxxviii], e, has a triangular body continued into two points on the posterior end, between which the tail-feathers are situated. The body is covered with terraced and triangular designs, and the head is rectangular in form. On each side of the bird figure there is a symbol of a flower, possibly the sunflower or an aster.
In the figures of birds already considered the relative sizes of the heads and bodies are not overdrawn, but in the picture of a bird on the food bowl shown in [plate cxxxviii], f, the head is very much enlarged. It bears a well-marked terraced rain-cloud symbol above triangles of the same meaning. The wings are represented as diminutive appendages, each consisting of two feathers. The body has a triangular extension on each side, and the tail is composed of two comparatively short rectangular feathers. The figure itself could hardly be identified as a representation of a bird were it not for the correspondence, part for part, with figures which are undoubtedly those of birds or flying animals.
A more highly conventionalized figure of a bird than any thus far described is painted on the food bowl reproduced in [plate cxl], b. The head is represented by a terraced figure similar to those which appear as decorations on some of the other vessels; the wings are simply extended crescents, the tips of which are connected by a band which encircles the body and tail; the body is continued at the posterior end into two triangular appendages, between which is a tail, the feathers of which are not differentiated. On each side of the body, in the space inclosed by the band connecting the tips of the wings, a figure of a dragon-fly appears.
The figure on the food bowl illustrated in [plate cxxxix], c, may also be reduced to a conventionalized bird symbol. The two pointed objects on the lower rim represent tail-feathers, and the triangular appendages, one on each side above them, the body, as in the designs which have already been described. Above the triangles is a rectangular figure with terraced rain-cloud emblems, a constant feature on the body and head of the bird, and on each side, near the rim of the bowl, occur the primary feathers of the wings. The cross, so frequently associated with designs representing birds, is replaced by the triple intersecting lines in the remaining area. The resemblance of this figure to those already considered is clearly evident after a little study.
The decoration on the food basin presented in [plate cxxxix], a, is interesting in the study of the evolution of bird designs into conventional forms. In this figure those parts which are identified as homologues of the wings extend wholly across the interior of the food bowl, and have the forms of triangles with smaller triangular spurs at their bases. The wings are extended at right angles to the axis of the body, and taper uniformly to the rim of the bowl. The smaller spurs near the union of the wings and body represent the posterior part of the latter, and between them are the tail-feathers, their number being indicated by three triangles.
There is no representation of a head, although the terraced rain-cloud figure is drawn on the anterior of the body between the wings.
The reduction of the triangular wings of the last figure to a simple band drawn diametrically across the inner surface of the bowl is accomplished in the design shown in [plate cxxxix], b. At intervals along this line there are arranged groups of blocks, three in each group, representing stars, as will later be shown. The semicircular head has lost all appendages and is reduced to a rain-cloud symbol. The posterior angles of the body are much prolonged, and the tail still bears the markings representing three tail-feathers.
The association of a cross with the bird figure is both appropriate and common; its modified form in this decoration is not exceptional, but why it is appended to the wings is not wholly clear. We shall see its reappearance on other bowls decorated with more highly conventionalized bird figures.
In the peculiar decoration used in the treatment of the food bowl shown in [plate cxxxix], c, we have almost a return to geometric figures in a conventional representation of a bird. In this case the semblance to wings is wholly lost in the line drawn diametrically across the interior of the bowl. On one side of it there are many crosses representing stars, and on the other the body and tail of a bird. The posterior triangular extensions of the former are continued to a bounding line of the bowl, and no attempt is made to represent feathers in the tail. The rectangular figure, with serrated lower edge and inclosed terraced figures, finds, however, a homologue in the heads and bodies of most of the representations of birds which have been described.
This gradual reduction in semblance to a bird has gone still further in the figure represented in [plate cxxxix], d, where the posterior end of the body is represented by two spurs, and the tail by three feathers, the triangular rain-clouds still persisting in the rectangular body. In fact, it can hardly be seen how a more conventionalized figure of a bird were possible did we not find in e of the same plate this reduction still greater. Here the tail is represented by three parallel lines, the posterior of the body by two dentate appendages, and the body itself by a square.
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY—— SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CXL
FIGURES OF BIRDS FROM SIKYATKI
In [plate cxl], c, we have a similar conventional bird symbol where two birds, instead of one, are represented. In both these instances it would appear that the diametric band, originally homologous to wings, had lost its former significance.
It must also be pointed out that there is a close likeness between some of these so-called conventionalized figures of birds and those of moths or butterflies. If, for instance, they are compared with the figures of the six designs of the upper surface of the vase shown in [plate cxxxv], b, we note especially this resemblance. While, therefore, it can hardly be said there is absolute proof that these highly conventionalized figures always represent birds, we may, I think, be sure that either the bird or the moth or butterfly is generally intended.
There are several modifications of these highly conventionalized figures of birds which may be mentioned, one of the most interesting of which is figured in [plate cxxxix], f. In this representation the two posterior triangular extensions of the body are modified into graceful curves, and the tail-feathers are simply parallel lines. The figure in this instance is little more than a trifid appendage to a broad band across the inner surface of the food bowl. In addition to this highly conventionalized bird figure, however, there are two crosses which represent stars. In this decoration all resemblance to a bird is lost, and it is only by following the reduction of parts that one is able to identify this geometric design with the more elaborate pictures of mythic birds. When questioned in regard to the meaning of this symbol, the best informed Hopi priests had no suggestion to offer.
In all the figures of birds thus far considered, the head, with one or two exceptions, is represented or indicated by symbolic markings. In that which decorates the vessel shown in [plate cxl], a, we find a new modification; the wings, instead of being attenuated into a diametric line or band, are in this case curved to form a loose spiral. Between them is the figure of a body and the three tail-feathers, while the triangular extensions which generally indicate the posterior of the body are simply two rounded knobs at the point of union of the wings and tail. There is no indication of a head.
The modifications in the figure of the bird shown in the last mentioned pictograph, and the highly conventionalized forms which the wings and other parts assume, give me confidence to venture an interpretation of a strange figure shown in [plate cxli], a. This picture I regard as a representation of a bird, and I do so for the following resemblances to figures already studied. The head of the bird, as has been shown, is often replaced by a terraced rain-cloud symbol. Such a figure occurs in the pictograph under consideration, where it occupies the position of the head. On either side of what might be regarded as a body we find, at the anterior end, two curved appendages which so closely resemble similarly placed bodies in the pictograph last discussed that they are regarded as representations of wings. These extensions at the posterior end of the body are readily comparable with prolongations in that part on which we have already commented. The tail, although different from that in figures of birds thus far discussed, has many points of resemblance to them. The two circles, one on each side of the bird figure, are important additions which are treated in following pages.[145]
From the study of the conventionalized forms of birds which I have outlined above it is possible to venture the suggestion that the star-shape figure shown in [plate clxvii], b, may be referred to the same group, but in this specimen we appear to have duplication, or a representation of the bird symbol repeated in both semicircles of the interior of the bowl. Examining one of these we readily detect the two tail-feathers in the middle, with the triangular end of the body on each side. The lateral appendages duplicated on each side correspond with the band across the middle of the bowl in other specimens, and represent highly conventionalized wings. The middle of this compound figure is decorated with a cross, and in each quadrant there is a row of the same emblems, equidistant from one another.
It would be but a short step from this figure to the ancient sun symbol with which the eagle and other raptorial birds are intimately associated. The figure represented in [plate cxxxiii], c, is a symbolic bird in which the different parts are directly comparable with the other bird pictographs already described. One may easily detect in it the two wings, the semicircular rain-cloud figures, and the three tail-feathers. As in the picture last considered, we see the two circles, each with a concentric smaller circle, one on each side of the mythic bird represented. Similar circular figures are likewise found in the zone surrounding the centrally placed bird picture.
In the food bowl illustrated in [plate cxli], b, we find the two circles shown, and between them a rectangular pictograph the meaning of which is not clear. The only suggestion which I have in regard to the significance of this object is that it is an example of substitution—the substitution of a prayer offering to the mythic bird represented in the other bowls for a figure of the bird itself. This interpretation, however, is highly speculative, and should be accepted only with limitations. I have sometimes thought that the prayer-stick or paho may originally have represented a bird, and the use of it is an instance of the substitution[146] of a symbolic effigy of a bird, a direct survival of the time when a bird was sacrificed to the deity addressed.
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY—— SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CXLI
FOOD BOWLS WITH FIGURES OF BIRDS AND FEATHERS FROM SIKYATKI
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY—— SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CXLII
VASES, BOWL, AND LADLE, WITH FIGURES OF FEATHERS, FROM SIKYATKI
The studies of the conventional bird figures which are developed in the preceding pages make it possible to interpret one of the two pictures on the food bowl represented in [plate clii], while the realistic character of the smaller figure leaves no question that we can rightly identify this also as a bird. In the larger figure the wings are of unequal size and are tipped with appendages of a more or less decorative nature. The posterior part of the body is formed of two triangular extensions, to which feathers are suspended, and the tail is composed of three large pointed feathers. The head bears the terraced rain-cloud designs almost universal in pictographs of birds.
It is hardly necessary for me to indicate the head, body, wings, and legs of the smaller figure, for they are evidently avian, while the character of the beak would indicate that a parrot or raptorial genus was intended. The same beak is found in the decoration of a vase with a bird design, which will later be considered.
From an examination of the various figures of birds on the Sikyatki pottery, and an analysis of the appendages to the wings, body, and legs, it is possible to determine the symbolic markings characteristic of two different kinds of feathers, the large wing or tail feathers and the so-called breath or body feathers. There is therefore no hesitation, when we find an object of pottery ornamented with these symbols, in interpreting them as feathers. Such a bowl is that shown in [plate cxli], c, in which we find a curved line to which are appended three breast feathers. This curved band from which they hang may take the form of a circle with two pendent feathers as in [plate cxli], d.
In the design on the bowl figured in [plate cxli], e, tail-feathers hang from a curved band, at each extremity of which is a square design in which the cross is represented. It has been suggested that this represents the feathered rainbow, a peculiar conception of both the Pueblo and the Navaho Indians. The design appearing on the small food bowl represented in [plate cxli], f, is no doubt connected in some way with that last mentioned, although the likeness between the appendages to the ring and feathers is remote. It is one of those conventionalized pictures, the interpretation of which, with the scanty data at hand, must be largely theoretical.
Figures of feathers are most important features in the decoration of ancient Sikyatki pottery, and their many modifications may readily be seen by an examination of the plates. In modern Tusayan ceremonials the feather is appended to almost all the different objects used in worship; it is essential in the structure of the tiponi or badge of the chief, without which no elaborate ceremony can be performed or altar erected; it adorns the images on the altars, decorates the heads of participants, is prescribed for the prayer-sticks, and is always appended to aspergills, rattles, and whistles.
In the performance of certain ceremonials water from sacred springs is used, and this water, sometimes brought from great distances, is kept in small gourd or clay vases, around the necks of which a string with attached feathers is tied. Such a vase is the so-called patne which has been described in a memoir on the Snake ceremonies at Walpi.[147] The artistic tendency of the ancient people of Sikyatki apparently exhibited itself in painting these feathers on the outside of similar small vases. [Plate cxlii], a, shows one of these vessels, decorated with an elaborate design with four breath-feathers suspended from the equator. (See also [figure 273].) On the vases shown in [plate cxlii], b, c, are found figures of tail-feathers arranged in two groups on opposite sides of the rim or orifice. One of these groups has eight, the other seven, figures of these feathers, and on the two remaining quadrants are the star emblems so constantly seen in pottery decorated with bird figures. The upper surface of the vase ([figure 274]) shows a similar arrangement, although the feathers here are conventionalized into triangular dentations, seven on one side and three on the other, individual dentations alternating with rectangular designs which suggest rain-clouds. This vase ([plate cxliii], a, b) is also striking in having a well-drawn figure of a bird in profile, the head, wings, tail, and legs suggesting a parrot. The zone of decoration of this vessel, which surrounds the rows of feathers, is strikingly complicated, and comprises rain-cloud, feather, and other designs.
Fig. 273—Pendent feather ornaments on a vase.
In a discussion of the significance of the design on the food bowl represented in [plate cxxxix], a, b, I have shown ample reason for regarding it a figure of a highly conventionalized bird. On the upper surface of the vase ([plate cxliv], a, b) are four similar designs, representing birds of the four cardinal points, one on each quadrant. The wings are represented by triangular extensions, destitute of appendages but with a rounded body at their point of juncture with the trunk. Each bird has four tail-feathers and rain-cloud symbols on the anterior end of the body. As is the case with the figures on the food basins, there are crosses representing stars near the extended wings. A broad band connects all these birds, and terraced rain-cloud symbols, six in number and arranged in pairs, fill the peripheral sections between them. This vase, although broken, is one of the most beautiful and instructive in the rich collection of Sikyatki ceramics.
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY—— SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CXLIII
VASE WITH FIGURES OF BIRDS FROM SIKYATKI
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY—— SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CXLIV
VASE WITH FIGURES OF BIRDS FROM SIKYATKI
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY—— SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CXLV
VASES WITH FIGURES OF BIRDS FROM SIKYATKI
Fig. 274—Upper surface of vase with bird decoration
I have not ventured, in the consideration of the manifold pictures of birds on ancient pottery, to offer an interpretation of their probable generic identification. There is no doubt, however, that they represent mythic conceptions, and are emblematic of birds which figured conspicuously in the ancient Hopi Olympus. The modern legends of Tusayan are replete with references to such bird-like beings which play important rôles and which bear evidence of archaic origins. There is, however, one fragment of a food bowl which is adorned with a pictograph so realistic and so true to modern legends of a harpy that I have not hesitated to affix to it the name current in modern Tusayan folklore. This fragment is shown in [figure 275].
Fig. 275—Kwataka eating an animal
According to modern folklore there once lived in the sky a winged being called Kwataka, or Man-eagle, who sorely troubled the ancients. He was ultimately slain by their War god, the legends of which have elsewhere been published. There is a pictograph of this monster near Walpi,[148] and pictures of him, as he exists in modern conceptions, have been drawn for me by the priests. These agree so closely with the pictograph and with the representation on the potsherd from Sikyatki, that I regard it well-nigh proven that they represent the same personage. The head is round and bears two feathers, while the star emblem appears in the eye. The wing and the stump of a tail are well represented, while the leg has three talons, which can only be those of this monster. He holds in his grasp some animal form which he is represented as eating. Across the body is a kilt, or ancient blanket, with four diagonal figures which are said to represent flint arrowheads. It is a remarkable fact that these latter symbols are practically the same as those used by Nahuatl people for obsidian arrow- or spearpoints. In Hopi lore Kwataka wore a garment of arrowpoints, or, according to some legends, a flint garment, and his wings are said to have been composed of feathers of the same material.
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY—— SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CXLVI
BOWLS AND POTSHERD WITH FIGURES OF BIRDS FROM SIKYATKI
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY—— SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CXLVII
FOOD BOWLS WITH FIGURES OF BIRDS, FROM SIKYATKI
From the pose of the figure and the various details of its symbolism there can be little doubt that the ancient Sikyatki artists intended to represent this monster, of which the modern Hopi rarely speak, and then only in awe. Probably several other bird figures likewise represent Kwataka, but in none of these do the symbols conform so closely to legends of this monster which are still repeated in the Tusayan villages. The home of Kwataka is reputed to be in the sky, and consequently figures of him are commonly associated with star and cloud emblems; he is a god of luck or chance, hence it is not exceptional to find figures of gaming implements[149] in certain elaborate figures of this monster.
By far the most beautiful of the many food bowls from Sikyatki, and, I believe, the finest piece of prehistoric aboriginal pottery from the United States, is that figured in [plate cxlvi], d. This remarkable object, found with others in the sands of the necropolis of this pueblo, several feet below the surface, is decorated with a highly conventional figure of a bird in profile, but so modified that it is difficult to determine the different parts. The four appendages to the left represent the tail; the two knobs at the right the head, but the remaining parts are not comprehensible. The delicacy of the detailed crosshatching on the body is astonishing, considering that it was drawn freehand and without pattern. The coloring is bright and the surface glossy.
The curved band from which this strange figure hangs is divided into sections by perpendicular incised lines, which are connected by zigzag diagonals. The signification of the figure in the upper part of the bowl is unknown. While this vessel is unique in the character of its decoration, there are others of equal fineness but less perfect in design. Competent students of ceramics have greatly admired this specimen, and so fresh are the colors that some have found it difficult to believe it of ancient aboriginal manufacture. The specimen itself, now on exhibition in the National Museum, gives a better idea of its excellence than any figure which could be made. This specimen, like all the others, is in exactly the same condition as when exhumed, save that it has been wiped with a moist cloth to clean the traces of food from its inner surface. All the pottery found in the same grave is of the finest character, and although no two specimens are alike in decoration, their general resemblances point to the same maker. This fact has been noticed in several instances, although there were many exceptional cases where the coarsest and most rudely painted vessels were associated with the finest and most elaborately decorated ware.
The ladle illustrated in [plate cxlii], e, is one of the most beautiful in the collection. It is decorated with a picture of an unknown animal with a single feather on the head. The eyes are double and the snout continued into a long stick or tube, on which the animal stands. While the appendage to the head is undoubtedly a feather and the animal recalls a bird, I am in doubt as to its true identification. The star emblems on the handle of the ladle are in harmony with known pictures of birds.
The feather decoration on the broken ladle shown in [plate cxxxi], f, is of more than usual interest, although it is not wholly comprehensible. The representations include rain-cloud symbols, birds, feathers, and falling rain. The medially placed design, with four parallel lines arising from a round spot, is interpreted as a feather design, and the two triangular figures, one on each side, are believed to represent birds.
The design on the food bowl depicted in [plate cxxxi], e, is obscure, but in it feather and star symbols predominate. On the inside of the ladle shown in [plate cxxxi], c, there is a rectangular design with a conventionalized bird at each angle. The reduction of the figure of a bird to head, body, and two or more tail-feathers occurs very constantly in decorations, and in many instances nothing remains save a crook with appended parallel lines representing feathers. Examples of this kind occur on several vessels, of which that shown in [plate cxlv], a, is an example.
Fig. 276—Decoration on the bottom of [plate CXLVI], f
There are many pictures of birds and feathers where the design has become so conventionalized that it is very difficult to recognize the intention of the decorator. [Plate cxlvii], f, shows one of these in which the feather motive is prominent and an approximation to a bird form evident. The wings are shown with a symmetric arrangement on the sides of the tail, while the latter member has the three feathers which form so constant a feature in many bird symbols. In b of the same plate there is shown a more elaborated bird figure, also highly modified, yet preserving many of the parts which have been identified in the design last described.
The beautiful design shown in [plate cxlvi], e, represents a large breath feather with triangular appendages on the sides, recalling the posterior end of the body of the bird figures above discussed.
The interior of the saucer illustrated in [plate clxvi], f, is decorated with feather symbols and four triangles. The remaining figures of this plate have already been considered.
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY—— SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CXLVIII
FOOD BOWLS WITH SYMBOLS OF FEATHERS FROM SIKYATKI
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY—— SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CXLIX
FOOD BOWLS WITH SYMBOLS OF FEATHERS FROM SIKYATKI
The figures on the vessel shown in [plate clxvii] are so arranged that there can be little question of their homologies, and from comparisons it is clear that they should all be regarded as representations of birds. There appears no necessity of discussing figures a and b of the plate in this interpretation. In figure c the center of the design becomes circular, recalling certain sun symbols, and the tail-feathers are readily recognized on one side. I am by no means sure, however, that the lateral terraced appendages at the opposite pole are representations of wings, but such an interpretation can not be regarded as a forced one. Figure d shows the three tail-feathers, lateral appendages suggestive of wings, and a square body with the usual decorations of the body and head of a bird. The design shown in figure f suggests in many ways a sun-bird, and is comparable with those previously studied and illustrated. There is no question of the homologues of tail, head, and wings. The meridional band across the bowl is similar to those already discussed, and its relationship to the head and tail of the bird identical. This design is interpreted as that of one of the numerous birds associated with the sun. The crescentic extension above what is apparently the head occurs in many bird figures and may represent a beak.
Many food bowls from Sikyatki are ornamented on their interior with highly conventionalized figures, generally of curved form, in which the feather is predominant. Many of these are shown in [plates cxlviii] to [clvii], inclusive, and in studying them I have found it very difficult to interpret the symbolism, although the figures of feathers are easy to find in many of them. While my attempt at decipherment is not regarded as final, it is hoped that it may at least reveal the important place which the feather plays in Tusayan ceramic decoration.
[Plate cxlviii], a, shows the spiral ornament worn down to its lowest terms, with no hint of the feather appendage, but its likeness in outline to those designs where the feather occurs leads me to introduce it in connection with those in which the feather is more prominent. Figure b of the same plate represents a spiral figure with a bird form at the inner end, and a bundle of tail-feathers at the outer extremity. On this design there is likewise a figure of the dragon-fly and several unknown emblems. Figure c has at one extremity a trifid appendage, recalling a feather ornament on the head of a bird shown in [plate cxxxviii], a. Figure d has no conventionalized feather decoration, but the curved line terminates with a triangle. Its signification is unknown to me. For several reasons the design in e reminds me of a bird; it is accompanied by three crosses, which are almost invariably found in connection with bird figures, and at the inner end there is attached a breath feather. This end of the figure is supposed to be the head, as will appear by later comparative studies. The bird form is masked in f, but the feather designs are prominent. This bowl is exceptional in having an encircling band broken at two points, one of the components of which is red, the other black.
Feather designs are conspicuous in [plate cxlix], a, b, in the former of which curved incised lines are successfully used. In c, however, is found the best example of the use of incised work as an aid in pottery decoration, for in this specimen there are semicircles, and rings with four triangles, straight lines, and circles. The symbolism of the whole figure has eluded analysis. Figure d has no feather symbols, but e may later be reduced to a circle with feathers. The only symbols in the design shown in f which are at all recognizable are the two zigzag figures which may have been intended to represent snakes, lightning, or tadpoles.
When the design in [plate cl], a, is compared with the beautiful bowl shown in [plate cxlvi], d, a treatment of somewhat similar nature is found. It is believed that both represent birds drawn in profile; the four bands (a) are tail-feathers, while the rectangle represents the body and the curved appendage a part of the head. From a similarity to modern figures of a turkey feather, it is possible that the triangle at the end of the curved appendage is the feather of this bird. An examination of b leads to the conclusion that the inner end of the spiral represents a bird's head. Two eyes are represented therein, and from it feathers are appended. The parallel marks on the body are suggestive of similar decorations on the figure of the Plumed Snake painted on the kilts of the Snake priests of Walpi. The star emblems are constant accompaniments of bird designs. Figure c has, in addition to the spiral, the star symbols and what appears to be a flower. The design shown in d is so exceptional that it is here represented with the circular forms. It will be seen that there are well-marked feathers in its composition. Figure f is made up of several bird forms, feathers, rectangles, and triangles, combined in a complicated design, the parts of which may readily be interpreted in the light of what has already been recorded.
The significance of the spiral in the design on [plate cli], a, is unknown. It is found in several pictures, in some of which it appears to have avian relationship. Figure b of the same plate is a square terraced design appended to the median line, on which symbolic stars are depicted. As in many bird figures, a star is found on the opposite semicircle. There is a remote likeness between this figure and that of the head of the bird shown in [plate cxlv], d. [Plate cli], c, is a compound figure, with four feathers arranged in two pairs at right angles to a median band. The triangular figure associated with them is sometimes found in symbols of the sun. Figure d is undoubtedly a bird symbol, as may be seen by a comparison of it with the bird figures shown in [plate cxxxviii], a-f. There are two tail-feathers, two outstretched wings, and a head which is rectangular, with terraced designs. The cross is triple, and occupies the opposite segment, which is finely spattered with pigment. This trifid cross represents a game played by the Hopi with reeds and is depicted on many objects of pottery. As representations of it sometimes accompany those of birds I am led to interpret the figure ([plate clvii], c) as that of a bird, which it somewhat resembles. The two designs shown in [plate cli], e, f, are believed to be decorative, or, if symbolic, they have been so worn by the constant use of the vessel that it is impossible to determine their meaning by comparative methods. Both of these figures show the "line of life" in a somewhat better way than any yet considered.
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY—— SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CL
FIGURES OF BIRDS AND FEATHERS FROM SIKYATKI
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY—— SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CLI
FIGURES OF BIRDS AND FEATHERS FROM SIKYATKI
In [plate clii], a, is shown a compound figure of doubtful significance, made up of a series of crescents, triangles, and spirals, which, in c, are more compactly joined together, and accompanied by three parallel lines crossing three other lines. The curved figure shown in b represents three feathers; a large one on each side, inclosing a medially smaller member. In d is shown the spiral bird form with appended feathers, triangles, and terraced figures. Figure f of this plate is decorated with a design which bears many resemblances to a flower, the peripheral appendages resembling bracts of a sunflower. A somewhat similar design is painted on the side of the helmets of some katcina dancers, where the bracts or petals are colored in sequence, with the pigments corresponding to the six directions—north, west, south, east, above, and below. In the decoration on the ancient Sikyatki bowl we find seven peripheral bracts, one of which is speckled. The six groups of stamens(?) are represented between the triangular bracts.
The designs shown in [plates cliii] to [clv], inclusive, still preserve the spiral form with attached feathers, some of them being greatly conventionalized or differentiated. In the first of these plates (figure b) is represented a bird form with triangular head with four feathers arranged in fan shape. These feathers are different from any which I have been able to find attached to the bodies of birds, and are thus identified from morphological rather than from other reasons.
The body of the conventionalized bird is decorated with terraced figures, spirals, flowers, and other designs arranged in a highly complicated manner. From a bar connecting the spiral with the encircling line there arises a tuft of feathers. Figure a of the same plate is characterized by a medially placed triangle and a graceful pendant from which hangs seven feathers. In this instance these structures take the form of triangles and pairs of lines. The relation of these structures to feathers would appear highly speculative, but they have been so interpreted for the following reason: If we compare them with the appendages represented in the design on the vase shown in cxliii, b, we find them the same in number, form, and arrangement; the triangles in the design on this vase are directly comparable with the figures in [plate cxliii], b, in the same position, which are undoubtedly feathers, as has been shown in the discussion of this figure. Consequently, although the triangles on the pendant in [plate cliii], a, appear at first glance to have no relation to the prescribed feather symbol, morphology shows their true interpretation. The reduction of the wing feather to a simple triangular figure is likewise shown in several other pictures on food vessels, notably in the figure, undoubtedly of a bird, represented in [plate cxlvi], a.
In the two figures forming [plate cliv] are found simple bird symbols and feather designs very much conventionalized. The same is true of the two figures given in [plate clv].
The vessels illustrated in [plate clvi], a, b, are decorated with designs of unknown meaning, save that the latter recalls the modification of the feather into long triangular forms. On the outer surface this bowl has a row of tadpoles encircling it in a sinistral direction, or with the center of the bowl on the left. The design of figure c shows a bird's head in profile, with a crest of feathers and with the two eyes on one side of the head and a necklace. The triangular figure bears the symbolism of the turkey feather, as at present designated in Tusayan altar paraphernalia. As with other bird figures, there is a representation in red of the triple star.
Figure d is the only specimen of a vessel in the conventional form of a bird which was found at Sikyatki; it evidently formerly had a handle. The vessel itself is globular, and the form of the bird is intensified by the designs on its surface. The bird's head is turned to the observer, and the row of triangles represent wing feathers. The signification of the designs on e and f is unknown to me.
Figures e and f of [plate clvi] are avian decorations, reduced in the case of the former to geometric forms. The triangular figure is a marked feature in the latter design.
The designs represented in [plate clvii] are aberrant bird forms. Of these a and b are the simplest and c one of the most complicated. Figure d is interpreted as a double bird, or twins with a common head and tails pointing in opposite directions. Figure e shows a bird in profile with one wing, furnished with triangular feathers, extended. There is some doubt about the identification of f as a bird, but there is no question that the wing, tail, and breath feathers are represented in it. Of the last mentioned there are three, shown by the notch, colored black at their extremities.
Vegetal Designs
Inasmuch as they so readily lend themselves as a motive of decoration, it is remarkable that the ancient Hopi seem to have used plants and their various organs so sparingly in their pottery painting. Elsewhere, especially among modern Pueblos, this is not the case, and while plants, flowers, and leaves are not among the common designs on modern Tusayan ware, they are often employed. It would appear that the corn plant or fruit would be found among other designs, especially as corn plays a highly symbolic part in mythic conceptions, but we fail to find it used as a decoration on any ancient vessel.
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY—— SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CLII
FOOD BOWLS WITH BIRD, FEATHER, AND FLOWER SYMBOLS FROM SIKYATKI
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY—— SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CLIII
FOOD BOWLS WITH FIGURES OF BIRDS AND FEATHERS FROM SIKYATKI
In a figure previously described, a flower, evidently an aster or sunflower, appears with a butterfly, and in the bowl shown in [plate cxxxiv], e, we have a similar design. This figure evidently represents the sunflower, the seeds of which were ground and eaten in ancient times. The plant apparently is represented as growing from the earth and is surrounded by a broad band of red in rudely circular form. The totem of the earth today among the Hopi is a circle; possibly it was the same among the ancients, in which case the horizon may have been represented by the red encircling band, which is accompanied by the crook and the emblem of rain. The petals are represented by a row of dots and no leaves are shown. From the kinship of the ancient accolents of Sikyatki with the Flute people, it is to be expected that in their designs figures of asters or sunflowers would appear, for these plants play a not inconspicuous rôle in the ritual of this society which has survived to modern times.
The Sun
Sun worship plays a most important part in modern Tusayan ritual, and the symbol of the sun in modern pictography can not be mistaken for any other. It is a circle with radiating feathers on the periphery and ordinarily with four lines arranged in quaternary groups. The face of the sun is indicated by triangles on the forehead, two slits for eyes, and a double triangle for the mouth. This symbol, however, is not always used as that of the sun, for in the Oraibi Powalawû there is an altar in which a sand picture of the sun has the form of a four-pointed star. The former of these sun symbols is not found on Sikyatki pottery, but there is one picture which closely resembles the latter. This occurs on the bowl illustrated in [plate clxi], c. The main design is a four-pointed star, alternating with crosses and surrounded by a zone in which are rectangular blocks. While the identification may be fanciful, its resemblances are highly suggestive. The existence of a double triangle adjacent to this figure on the same bowl, and its likeness to the modern mouth-design of sun pictures, appears to be more than a coincidence, and is so regarded in this identification.
In the design shown in [plate clviii], a, one of the elaborate ancient sun figures is represented. As in modern symbols, the tail-feathers of the periphery of the disk are arranged in the four quadrants, and in addition there are appended to the same points curved figures which recall the objects, identified as stringed feathers, attached to the blanket of the maid ([plate cxxix], a). The design on the disk is different from that of any sun emblem known to me, and escapes my interpretation. I have used the distribution of the feathers on the four quadrants as an indication that this figure is a sun symbol, although it must be confessed this evidence is not so strong as might be wished. The triangles at the sides of two feathers indicate that a tail-feather is intended, and for the correlated facts supporting this conclusion the reader is referred to the description of the vessels shown in [plate cxxxviii].
It would appear that there is even more probability that the picture on the bowl illustrated in [plate clviii], b, is a sun symbol. It represents a disk with tail and wing feathers arranged on the periphery in four groups. This recalls the sun emblems used in Tusayan at the present time, although the face of the sun is not represented on this specimen. There is a still closer approximation to the modern symbol of the sun on a bowl in a private collection from Sikyatki.
In [plate clviii], c, the sun's disk is represented with the four clusters of feathers replaced by the extremities of the bodies of four birds, the tail-feathers, for some unknown reason, being omitted. The design on the disk is highly symbolic, and the only modern sun symbol found in it are the triangles, which form the mouth of the face of the sun in modern Hopi symbolism.
One of the most aberrant pictures of the sun, which I think can be identified with probability, is shown in the design on the specimen illustrated in [plate cxxxiv], b. The reasons which have led me to this identification may briefly be stated as follows:
Among the many supernaturals with which modern Hopi mythology is replete is one called Calako-taka, or the male Calako. In legends he is the husband of the two Corn-maids of like name. The ceremonials connected with this being occur in Sichomovi in July, when four giant personifications enter the village as have been described in a former memoir. The heads of these giants are provided with two curved horns, between which is a crest of eagle tail-feathers.
Two of these giants, under another name, but with the same symbolism, are depicted on the altars of the katcinas at Walpi and Mishoñinovi, where they represent the sun. A chief personifying the same supernatural flogs children when they are initiated into the knowledge of the katcinas.
The figure on the bowl under discussion has many points of resemblance to the symbolism of this personage as depicted on the altars mentioned. The head has two horns, one on each side, with a crest, apparently of feathers, between them. The eyes and mouth are represented, and on the body there is a four-pointed cross. The meaning of the remaining appendages is unknown, but the likenesses to Calako-taka[150] symbolism are noteworthy and important. The figure on the food bowl illustrated in [plate cxxxiv], c, is likewise regarded as a sun emblem. The disk is represented by a ring in the center, to which feathers are appended. The triangle, which is still a sun symbol, is shown below a band across the bowl. This band is decorated with highly conventionalized feathers.
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FOOD BOWLS WITH FIGURES OF BIRDS AND FEATHERS FROM SIKYATKI
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FOOD BOWLS WITH FIGURES OF BIRDS AND FEATHERS FROM SIKYATKI
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FOOD BOWLS WITH FIGURES OF BIRDS AND FEATHERS FROM SIKYATKI
It may be added that in this figure we have probably the most aberrant sun-symbol yet recognized, and on that account there is a possibility that the validity of my identification is more or less doubtful.
The three designs shown in [plate clviii], c, d, e, evidently belong in association with sun or star symbols, but it is hardly legitimate to definitely declare that such an interpretation can be demonstrated. The modern Tusayan Indians declare that the equal-arm cross is a symbol of the "Heart of the Sky" god, which, from my studies of the effigies of this personage on various altars, I have good reason to identify with the lightning.
Geometric Figures
INTERPRETATION OF THE FIGURES
Most of the pottery from Sikyatki is ornamented with geometric designs and linear figures, the import of many of which are unknown.
Two extreme views are current in regard to the significance of these designs. To one school everything is symbolic of something or some religious conception; to the other the majority are meaningless save as decorations. I find the middle path the more conservative, and while regarding many of the designs as highly conventionalized symbols, believe that there are also many where the decorator had no thought of symbolism. I have ventured an explanation of a few of the former.
Terraced figures are among the most common rectangular elements in Pueblo ceramic decorations. These designs bear so close a likeness to the modern rain-cloud symbol that they probably may all be referred to this category. Their arrangement on a bowl or jar is often of such a nature as to impart very different patterns. Thus terraced figures placed in opposition to each other may leave zigzag spaces suggesting lightning, but such forms can hardly be regarded as designed for symbols.
Rectangular patterns ([plates clxii][-clxv]) are more ancient in the evolution of designs on Tusayan pottery than curved geometric figures, and far outnumber them in the most ancient specimens; but there has been no epoch in the development reaching to modern times when they have been superseded. While there are many specimens of Sikyatki pottery of the type decorated with geometric figures, which bear ornamentations of simple and complex terraced forms, the majority placed in this type are not reducible to stepped or terraced designs, but are modified straight lines, bars, crosshatching, and the like. In older Pueblo pottery the relative proportion of terraced figures is even less, which would appear to indicate that basket-ware patterns were secondary rather than primary decorative forms.
By far the largest element in ancient Tusayan pottery decoration must be regarded as simple geometric lines, triangles, spirals, curves, crosshatching, and the like, some of which are no doubt symbolic, others purely decorative ([plate clxvi]). In the evolution of design I am inclined to believe that this was the simplest form, and I find it the most constant in the oldest ware. Rectangular figures are regarded as older than circular figures, and they possibly preceded the latter in evolution, but in many instances both are forms of reversion, highly conventionalized representations of more elaborate figures. Circles and crosses are sometimes combined, the former modified into a wavy line surrounding the latter, as in [plate clix], c, d, where there is a suggestion (d) of a sun emblem.
CROSSES
A large number of food bowls are decorated with simple or elaborate crosses, stars, and like patterns. Simple crosses with arms of equal length appear on the vessels shown in [plate clix], c, d. There are many similar crosses, subordinate to the main design, in various bowls, especially those decorated with figures of birds and sky deities.
[Plate clx], a, exhibits a cruciform design, to the extremities of three arms of which bird figures are attached. In this design there are likewise two sunflower symbols. The modified cross figure in b of the same plate, like that just mentioned, suggests a swastica, but fails to be one, and unless the complicated design in figure c may be so interpreted, no swastica was found at Sikyatki or Awatobi. [Plate clx], d, shows another form of cross, two arms of which are modified into triangles.
On the opening of the great ceremony called Powamû or "Bean-planting," which occurs in February in the modern Tusayan villages, there occurs a ceremony about a sand picture of the sun which is called Powalawû. The object of this rite is the fructification of all seeds known to the Hopi. The sand picture of the sun which is made at that time is in its essentials identical with the design on the food bowl illustrated in [plate clxi], c; consequently it is possible that this star emblem represents the sun, and the occurrence of the eight triangles in the rim, replaced in the modern altar by four concentric bands of differently colored sands, adds weight to this conclusion. The twin triangles outside the main figure are identical with those in the mouth of modern sun emblems. These same twin triangles are arranged in lines which cross at right angles in [plate clxi], d, but from their resemblance to figure b they possibly have a different meaning.
The most complicated of all the star-shape figures, like the simplest, takes us to sun emblems, and it seems probable that there is a relationship between the two. [Plate clxi], f, represents four bundles of feathers arranged in quadrants about a rectangular center. These feathers vary in form and arrangement, and the angles between them are occupied by horn-shape bodies, two of which have highly complicated extremities recalling conventionalized birds.
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FIGURES OF BIRDS AND FEATHERS FROM SIKYATKI
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FOOD BOWLS WITH FIGURES OF SUN AND RELATED SYMBOLS FROM SIKYATKI
A large number of crosses are represented in [plate clxii], d, in which the remaining semicircle is filled with a tessellated pattern. A spiral line with round spots at intervals adorns the specimen shown in [plate clxi], a. Parallel lines with similar spots appear on the vessel illustrated in [plate clxii], e, and a network of the same is shown in f of the same plate. [Plate clxvii], b, represents a compound star.
While simple swasticas are not found on any of the Sikyatki pottery, modified and compound forms are well represented. There are several specimens of figures of the Maltese cross, and one closely approximating the Saint Andrew's cross. It is scarcely necessary to say that the presence of the various kinds of crosses do not necessarily indicate the influence of Semitic or Aryan races, for I have already shown[151] that even cross-shape prayer-sticks were in use among the Pueblos when Coronado first visited them.
TERRACED FIGURES
Among the most common of all geometric designs on ancient Tusayan pottery none excel in variety or number those which I place in the above group. They form the major part of all decoration, and there is hardly a score of ornamented vessels in which they can not be detected. In a typical form they appear as stepped designs, rectangular figures with diagonals continuous, or as triangular designs with steps represented along their sides.
While it is probable that in some instances these figures are simply decorative, with no attempt at symbolism, in other cases without doubt they symbolize rain-clouds, and the same figures are still used with similar intent in modern ceremonial paraphernalia—altars, mask-tablets, and the like. Decorative modifications of this figure were no doubt adopted by artistic potters, thus giving varieties where the essential meaning has been much obscured or lost.
THE CROOK
Among the forms of geometric designs on ancient Tusayan pottery there are many jars, bowls, and other objects on which a crook, variously modified, is the essential type. This figure is so constant that it must have had a symbolic as well as a decorative meaning. The crook plays an important part in the modern ritual, and is prominent on many Tusayan altars. Around the sand picture of the rain-cloud, for example, we find a row of wooden rods with curved ends, and in the public Snake dance these are carried by participants called the Antelopes. A crook in the form of a staff to which an ear of corn and several feathers are attached is borne by katcinas or masked participants in certain rain dances. It is held in the hand by a personage who flogs the children when they are initiated into certain religious societies. Many other instances might be mentioned in which this crozier-like object is carried by important personages. While it is not entirely clear to me that in all instances this crook is a badge of authority, in some cases it undoubtedly represents the standing of the bearer. There are, likewise, prayer offerings in the form of crooks, and even common forms of prayer-sticks have miniature curved sticks attached to them.
Some of the warrior societies are said to make offerings in the form of a crook, and a stick of similar form is associated with the gods of war. There is little doubt that some of the crook-form decorations on ancient vessels may have been used as symbols with the same intent as the sticks referred to above. The majority of the figures of this shape elude interpretation. Many of them have probably no definite meaning, but are simply an effective motive of decoration.
In some instances the figure of the crook on old pottery is a symbol of a prayer offering of a warrior society, made in the form of an ancient weapon, allied to a bow.
THE GERMINATIVE SYMBOL
The ordinary symbol of germination, a median projection with lateral extensions at the base ([plate cxlix], e), occurs among the figures on this ancient pottery. In its simplest form, a median line with a triangle on each side attached to one end, it is a phallic emblem. When this median line becomes oval, and the triangles elongated and curved at the ends, it represents the ordinary squash symbol,[152] also used as an emblem of fertility.
The triangle is also an emblem of germination and of fecundity—the female, as the previously mentioned principle represents the male. The geometric designs on the ancient Sikyatki ware abundantly illustrate both these forms.
BROKEN LINES
In examining the simple encircling bands of many of the food bowls, jars, and other ceramic objects, it will be noticed that they are not continuous, but that there is a break at one point, and this break is usually limited to one point in all the specimens. Various explanations of the meaning of this failure to complete the band have been suggested, and it is a remarkable fact that it is one of the most widely extended characteristics of ancient pottery decoration in the whole Pueblo area, including the Salado and Gila basins. While in the specimens from Sikyatki the break is simple and confined to one point, in those from other regions we find two or three similar failures in the continuity of encircling lines, and in some instances the lines at the point of separation are modified into spirals, terraces, and other forms of geometric figures. In the more complex figures we find the most intricate variations, which depart so widely from the simple forms that their resemblances are somewhat difficult to follow. A brief consideration of these modifications may aid toward an understanding of the character of certain geometric ornamental motives.
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CROSS AND RELATED DESIGNS FROM SIKYATKI
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CROSS AND OTHER SYMBOLS FROM SIKYATKI
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STAR, SUN, AND RELATED SYMBOLS FROM SIKYATKI
If any of the interlocking spirals on bowls or vases are traced, it is found that they do not join at the center of the figure. The same is true when these spirals become frets. There is always a break in the network which they form. This break is comparable with the hiatus on encircling bands and probably admits of the same interpretation. In a simple form this motive appears as two crescents or two key patterns with the ends overlapping. This simple ornament, called the friendship sign, is commonly used in the decoration of the bodies of katcinas, and has been likened to the interlocking of fingers or hands of the participants in certain dances, the fingers half retracted with inner surfaces approximated, the palms of the hands facing in opposite directions and the wrists at opposite points. If the points be extended into an elaborate key pattern or curved into extended spirals, a complicated figure is produced in which the separation is less conspicuous although always present.
The same points may be modified into terraced figures, the separation then appearing as a zigzag line drawn across the figure, or they may have interlocking dentate or serrate prolongations imparting a variety of forms to the interval between them.[153] In order to trace out these modifications it would be necessary to specify each individual case, but I think that is unnecessary. In other words, the broken line appears to be a characteristic not only of simple encircling bands, but also of all geometric figures in which highly complicated designs extend about the periphery of a utensil.
Decorations on the Exterior of Food Bowls
The decorations on the exterior of the ancient food bowls are in most instances very characteristic and sometimes artistic. Generally they reproduce patterns which are found on the outside of vases and jars and sometimes have a distant relationship to the designs in the interior of the bowl upon which they occur. Usually these external decorations are found only on one side, and in that respect they differ from the modern food bowls, in which nothing similar to them appears.
The characteristics of the external decorations of food bowls are symbolic, mostly geometric, square or rectangular, triangular or stepped figures; curved lines and spirals rarely if ever occur, and human or animal figures are unknown in this position in Sikyatki pottery; the geometric figures can be reduced to a few patterns of marked simplicity.
It is apparent that I can best discuss the variety of geometric designs by considering these external decorations of food vessels at length. From the fact that they are limited to one side, the design is less complicated by repetition and seems practically the same as the more typical forms. It is rarely that two of these designs are found to be exactly the same, and as there appears to be no duplication a classification of them is difficult. Each potter seems to have decorated her ware without regard to the work of her contemporaries, using simple designs but combining them in original ways. Hence the great variety found even in the grave of the same woman, whose handiwork was buried with her. As, however, the art of the potter degenerated, as it has in later times, the patterns became more alike, so that modern Tusayan decorated earthenware has little variety in ornamentation and no originality in design. Every potter uses the same figures.
Fig. 277—Oblique parallel line decoration
Fig. 278—Parallel lines fused at one point
Fig. 279—Parallel lines with zigzag arrangement
The simplest form of decoration on the exterior of a food bowl is a band encircling it. This line may be complete or it may be broken at one point. The next more complicated geometric decoration is a double or multiple band, which, however, does not occur in any of the specimens from Sikyatki. The breaking up of this multiple band into parallel bars is shown in [figure 277]. These bars generally have a quadruple arrangement, and are horizontal, vertical, or, as in the illustration, inclined at an angle. They are often found on the lips of the bowls and in a similar position on jars, dippers, and vases. The parallel lines shown in [figure 278] are seven in number, and do not encircle the bowl. They are joined by a broad connecting band near one extremity. The number of parallel bands in this decoration is highly suggestive.
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GEOMETRIC ORNAMENTATION FROM SIKYATKI
Four parallel bands encircle the bowl shown in [figure 279], but they are so modified in their course as to form a number of trapezoidal figures placed with alternating sides parallel. This interesting pattern is found only on one vessel.
The use of simple parallel bars, arranged at equal intervals on the outside of food bowls, is not confined to these vessels, for they occur on the margin of vases, cups, and dippers. They likewise occur on ladle handles, where they are arranged in alternate transverse and longitudinal clusters.
Fig. 280—Parallel lines connected by middle bar.
The combination of two vertical bands connected by a horizontal band, forming the letter H, is an ornamental design frequently occurring on the finest Hopi ware. [Figure 280] shows such an H form, which is ordinarily repeated four times about the bowl.
Fig. 281—Parallel lines of different width; serrate margin
The interval between the parallel bands around the vessel may be very much reduced in size, and some of the bands may be of different width, or otherwise modified. Such a deviation is seen in [figure 281], which has three bands, one of which is broad with straight edges, the other with serrate margin and hook-like appendages.
Fig. 282—Parallel lines of different width; median serrate
Fig. 283—Parallel lines of different width; marginal serrate
In [figure 282] eight bands are shown, the marginal broad with edges entire, and the median pair serrated, the long teeth fitting each other in such a way as to impart a zigzag effect to the space which separates them. The remaining four lines, two on each side, appear as black bands on a white ground. It will be noticed that an attempt was made to relieve the monotony of the middle band of figure 282 by the introduction of a white line in zigzag form. A similar result was accomplished in the design shown in [figure 283] by rectangles and dots.
Fig. 284—Parallel lines and triangles
The modification of the multiple bands in [figure 283] has produced a very different decorative form. This design is composed of five bands, the marginal on each side serrate, and the middle band relatively very broad, with diagonals, each containing four round dots regularly arranged. In [figure 284] there are many parallel, noncontinuous bands of different breadth, arranged in groups separated by triangles with sides parallel, and the whole united by bounding lines. This is the most complicated form of design where straight lines only are used.
Fig. 285—Line with alternate triangles
We have thus far considered modifications brought about by fusion and other changes in simple parallel lines. They may be confined to one side of the food bowl, may repeat each other at intervals, or surround the whole vessel. Ordinarily, however, they are confined to one side of the bowls from Sikyatki.
Fig. 286—Single line with alternate spurs
Fig. 287—Single line with hourglass figures
Returning to the single encircling band, it is found, in [figure 285], broken up into alternating equilateral triangles, each pair united at their right angles. This modification is carried still further in [figure 286], where the triangles on each side of the single line are prolonged into oblique spurs, the pairs separated a short distance from each other. In [figure 287] there is shown still another arrangement of these triangular decorations, the pairs forming hourglass-shape figures connected by an encircling line passing through their points of junction.
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FOOD BOWLS WITH GEOMETRIC ORNAMENTATION FROM SIKYATKI
Fig. 288—Single line with triangles
Fig. 289—Single line with alternate triangles and ovals
Fig. 290—Triangles and quadrilaterals
Fig. 291—Triangle with spurs
In [figure 288] the double triangles, one on each side of the encircling band, are so placed that their line of separation is lost, and a single triangle replaces the pair. These are connected by the line surrounding the bowl and there is a dot at the smallest angle. In [figure 289] there is a similar design, except that alternating with each triangle, which bears more decoration than that shown in figure 288, there are hourglass figures composed of ovals and triangles. The dots at the apex of that design are replaced by short parallel lines of varying width. The triangles and ovals last considered are arranged symmetrically in relation to a simple band. By a reduction in the intervening spaces these triangles may be brought together and the line disappears. I have found no specimen of design illustrating the simplest form of the resultant motive, but that shown in [figure 290] is a new combination comparable with it.
The simple triangular decorative design reaches a high degree of complication in [figure 290], where a connecting line is absent, and two triangles having their smallest angles facing each other are separated by a lozenge shape figure made up of many parallel lines placed obliquely to the axis of the design. The central part is composed of seven parallel lines, the marginal of which, on two opposite sides, is minutely dentate. The median band is very broad and is relieved by two wavy white lines. The axis of the design on each side is continued into two triangular spurs, rising from a rectangle in the middle of each triangle. This complicated design is the highest development reached by the use of simple triangles. In [figure 291], however, we have a simpler form of triangular decoration, in which no element other than the rectangle is employed. In the chaste decoration seen in [figure 292] the use of the rectangle is shown combined with the triangle on a simple encircling band. This design is reducible to that shown in figure 290, but is simpler, yet not less effective. In [figure 293] there is an aberrant form of design in which the triangle is used in combination with parallel and oblique bands. This form, while one of the simplest in its elements, is effective and characteristic. The triangle predominates in [figure 294], but the details are worked out in rectangular patterns, producing the terraced designs so common in all Pueblo decorations. Rectangular figures are more commonly used than the triangular in the decoration of the exterior of the bowls, and their many combinations are often very perplexing to analyze.
Fig. 292—Rectangle with single line
Fig. 293—Double triangle; multiple lines
Fig. 294—Double triangle; terraced edges
Fig. 295—Single line; closed fret
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FOOD BOWLS WITH GEOMETRIC ORNAMENTATION FROM SIKYATKI
Fig. 296—Single line; open fret
Fig. 297—Single line; broken fret
Fig. 298—Single line; parts displaced
In [figure 295], starting with the simple encircling band, it is found divided into alternating rectangles. The line is continuous, and hence one side of each rectangle is not complete. Both this design and its modification in [figure 296] consist of an unbroken line of equal breadth throughout. In the latter figure, however, the openings in the sides are larger or the approach to a straight line closer. The forms are strictly rectangular, with no additional elements. [Figure 297] introduces an important modification of the rectangular motive, consisting of a succession of lines broken at intervals, but when joined are always arranged at right angles.
Fig. 299—Open fret; attachment displaced
Fig. 300—Simple rectangular design
Possibly the least complex form of rectangular ornamentation, next to a simple bar or square, is the combination shown in [figure 298], a type in which many changes are made in interior as well as in exterior decorations of Pueblo ware. One of these is shown in [figure 299], where the figure about the vessel is continuous. An analysis of the elements in [figure 300] shows squares united at their angles, like the last, but that in addition to parallel bands connecting adjacent figures there are two marginal lines uniting the series. Each of the inner parallel lines is bound to a marginal on the opposite side by a band at right angles to it. The marginal lines are unbroken through the length of the figure. Like the last, this motive also may be regarded as developed from a single line.
Fig. 301—Rectangular reversed S-form
Fig. 302—Rectangular S-form with crooks
[Figures 301] and [302] are even simpler than the design shown in [figure 300], with appended square key patterns, all preserving rectangular forms and destitute of all others. They are of S-form, and differ more especially in the character of their appendages.
Fig. 303—Rectangular S-form with triangles
Fig. 304—Rectangular S-form with terraced triangles
While the same rectangular idea predominates in [figure 303], it is worked out with the introduction of triangles and quadrilateral designs. This fairly compound pattern, however, is still classified among rectangular forms. A combination of rectangular and triangular geometric designs, in which, however, the former predominate, is shown in [figure 304], which can readily be reduced to certain of those forms already mentioned. The triangles appear to be subordinated to the rectangles, and even they are fringed on their longer sides with terraced forms. It may be said that there are but two elements involved, the rectangle and the triangle.
Fig. 305—S-form with interdigitating spurs
The decoration in [figure 305] consists of rectangular and triangular figures, the latter so closely approximated as to leave zigzag lines in white. These lines are simply highly modified breaks in bands which join in other designs, and lead by comparison to the so-called "line of life" which many of these figures illustrate.
Fig. 306—Square with rectangles and parallel lines
Fig. 307—Rectangles, triangles, stars, and feathers
The distinctive feature of [figure 306] is the square, with rectangular designs appended to diagonally opposite angles and small triangles at intermediate corners. These designs have a distant resemblance to figures later referred to as highly conventionalized birds, although they may be merely simple geometrical patterns which have lost their symbolic meaning.
Fig. 308—Crook, feathers, and parallel lines
[Figure 307] shows a complicated design, introducing at least two elements in addition to rectangles and triangles. One of these is a curved crook etched on a black ground. In no other exterior decoration have curved lines been found except in the form of circles, and it is worthy of note how large a proportion of the figures are drawn in straight lines. The circular figures with three parallel lines extending from them are found so constantly in exterior decorations, and are so strikingly like some of the figures elsewhere discussed, that I have ventured a suggestion in regard to their meaning. I believe they represent feathers, because the tail-feathers of certain birds are symbolized in that manner, and their number corresponds with those generally depicted in the highly conventionalized tails of birds. With this thought in mind, it may be interesting to compare the two projections, one on each side of the three tail-feathers of this figure, with the extremity of the body of a bird shown in [plate cxli], e. On the supposition that a bird figure was intended in this design, it is interesting also to note the rectangular decorations of the body and the association with stars made of three blocks in several bird figures, as already described. It is instructive also to note the fact that the figure of a maid represented in [plate cxxix], a, has two of the round designs with appended parallel lines hanging to her garment, and four parallel marks drawn from her blanket. It is still customary in Hopi ceremonials to tie feathers to the garments of those who personate certain mythic beings, and it is possible that such was also the custom at Sikyatki. If so, it affords additional evidence that the parallel lines are representations of feathers.
Fig. 309—Crooks and feathers
Fig. 310—Rectangle, triangles, and feathers
Fig. 311—Terraced crook, triangle, and feathers
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FOOD BOWLS WITH GEOMETRIC ORNAMENTATION FROM SIKYATKI
In [figure 308] a number of these parallel lines are represented, and the general character of the design is rectangular. In [figure 309] is shown a combination of rectangular and triangular figures with three tapering points and circles with lines at their tips radiating instead of parallel. Another modification is shown in [figure 310] in which the triangle predominates, and [figure 311] evidently represents one-half of a similar device with modifications.
Fig. 312—Double key
Fig. 313—Triangular terrace
One of the most common designs on ancient pottery is the stepped figure, a rectangular ornamentation, modifications of which are shown in figures 312-314. This is a very common design on the interior of food vessels, where it is commonly interpreted as a rain-cloud symbol.
Fig. 314—Crook, serrate end
Of all patterns on ancient Tusayan ware, that of the terrace figures most closely resemble the geometrical ornamentation of cliff-house pottery, and there seems every reason to suppose that this form of design admits of a like interpretation. The evolution of this pattern from plaited basketry has been ably discussed by Holmes and Nordenskiöld, whose works have already been quoted in this memoir. The terraced forms from the exterior of food bowls here considered are highly aberrent; they may be forms of survivals, motives of decoration which have persisted from very early times. Whatever the origin of the stepped figure in Pueblo art was, it is well to remember, as shown by Holmes, that it is "impossible to show that any particular design of the highly constituted kind was desired through a certain identifiable series of progressive steps."
Fig. 315—Key pattern; rectangle and triangles
Fig. 316—Rectangle and crook
For some unknown reason the majority of the simple designs on the exterior of food bowls from Tusayan are rectangular, triangular, or linear in their character. Many can be reduced to simple or multiple lines. Others were suggested by plaited ware.
Fig. 317—Crook and tail feathers
In [figure 312] is found one of the simplest of rectangular designs, a simple band, key pattern in form, at one end, with a reentrant square depression at the opposite extremity. In [figure 313] is an equally simple terrace pattern with stepped figures at the ends and in the middle. These forms are common decorative elements on the exterior of jars and vases, where they occur in many combinations, all of which are reducible to these types. The simplest form of the key pattern is shown in [figure 314], and in [figure 315] there is a second modification of the same design a little more complicated. This becomes somewhat changed in [figure 316], not only by the modifications of the two extremities, but also by the addition of a median geometric figure.
Fig. 318—Rectangle, triangle, and serrate spurs
Fig. 319—W-pattern; terminal crooks
Fig. 320—W-pattern; terminal rectangles
The design in [figure 317] is rectangular, showing a key pattern at one end, with two long feathers at the opposite extremity. The five bodies on the same end of the figure are unique and comparable with conventionalized star emblems. The series of designs in the upper left-hand end of this figure are unlike any which have yet been found on the exterior of food bowls, but are similar to designs which have elsewhere been interpreted as feathers. On the hypothesis that these two parts of the figure are tail-feathers, we find in the crook the analogue of the head of a bird. Thus the designs on the equator of the vase ([plate cxlv], a), which are birds, have the same crook for the head, and two simple tail-feathers, rudely drawn but comparable with the two in [figure 317]. The five dentate bodies on the lower left-hand end of the figure also tell in favor of the avian character of the design, for the following reason: These bodies are often found accompanying figures of conventionalized birds ([plates cxliv], [cliv], and others). They are regarded as modified crosses of equal arms, which are all but universally present in combinations with birds and feathers ([plates cxliv], a, b; [cliv], a), from the fact that in a line of crosses depicted on a bowl one of the crosses is replaced by a design of similar character. The arms of the cross are represented; their intersection is left in white. The interpretation of [figure 317] as a highly conventionalized bird design is also in accord with the same interpretation of a number of similar, although less complicated, figures which appear with crosses. Thus the three arms of [plate clx], a, have highly conventionalized bird symbols attached to their extremities. In the cross figure shown in [plate clviii], d, we find four bird figures with short, stumpy tail-feathers. These highly conventionalized birds, with the head in the form of a crook and the tail-feathers as parallel lines, are illustrated on many pottery objects, nowhere better, however, than in those shown in [plates cxxvi], a, and [clx], e. [Figure 318] may be compared with [figure 317].
Fig. 321—W-pattern; terminal terraces and crooks.
Fig. 322—W-pattern; terminal spurs
Numerous modifications of a key pattern, often assuming a double triangular form, but with rectangular elements, are found on the exterior of many food bowls. These are variations of a pattern the simplest form of which is shown in [figure 319]. Resolving this figure into two parts by drawing a median line, we find the arrangement is bilaterally symmetrical, the two sides exactly corresponding. Each side consists of a simple key pattern with the shank inclined to the rim of the bowl and a bird emblem at its junction with the other member.
In [figure 320] there is a greater development of this pattern by an elaboration of the key, which is continued in a line resembling a square spiral. There are also dentations on a section of the edge of the lines.
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY—— SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CLXVI
LINEAR FIGURES ON FOOD BOWLS FROM SIKYATKI
In [figure 321] there is a still further development of the same design and a lack of symmetry on the two sides. The square spirals are replaced on the left by three stepped figures, and white spaces with parallel lines are introduced in the arms of a W-shape figure.
Fig. 323—W-pattern; bird form
In [figure 322] the same design is again somewhat changed by modification of the spirals into three triangles rimmed on one side with a row of dots, which are also found on the outer lines surrounding the lower part of the design.
Fig. 324—W-pattern; median triangle
In [figure 323] the same W shape design is preserved, but the space in the lower reentrant angle is occupied by a symmetrical figure resembling two tail-feathers and the extremity of the body of a bird. When this figure is compared with the design on [plate cxlvi], a, resemblances are found in the two lateral appendages or wings. The star emblem is also present in the design. The median figure in that design which I have compared to the tail of a bird is replaced in [figure 324] by a triangular ornament. The two wings are not symmetrical, but no new decorative element is introduced. It, however, will be noticed that there is a want of symmetry on the two sides of a vertical line in the figure last mentioned. The right-hand upper side is continued into five pointed projections, which fail on the left-hand side. There is likewise a difference in the arrangement of the terraced figures in the two parts. The sides of the median triangles are formed of alternating black and white blocks, and the quadrate figure which it incloses is etched with a diagonal and cross.
Fig. 325—Double triangle; two breath feathers
Fig. 326—Double triangle; median trapezoid
The decoration in [figure 325] consists of two triangles side by side, each having marginal serrations, and a median square key pattern. One side of these triangles is continued into a line from which hang two breath feathers, while the other end of the same line ends in a round dot with four radiating, straight lines. The triangles recall the butterfly symbol, the key pattern representing the head.
Fig. 327—Double triangle; median rectangle
Fig. 328—Double compound triangle; median rectangle
In [figure 326] there is a still more aberrant form of the W-shape design. The wings are folded, ending in triangles, and prolonged at their angles into projections to which are appended round dots with three parallel lines. The median portion, or that in the reentrant angle of the W, is a four-sided figure in which the triangle predominates with notched edges. [Figure 327] shows the same design with the median portion replaced by a rectangle, and in which the key pattern has wholly disappeared from the wings. In [figure 328] there are still greater modifications, but the symmetry about a median axis remains. The ends of the wings instead of being folded are expanded, and the three triangles formerly inclosed are now free and extended. The simple median rectangle is ornamented with a terrace pattern on its lower angles.
Fig. 329—Double triangle; median triangle
Fig. 330—Double compound triangle
[Figure 329] shows a design in which the extended triangles are even more regular and simple, with triangular terraced figures on their inner edge. The median figure is a triangle instead of a rectangle.
Fig. 331—Double rectangle; median rectangle
[Figure 330] shows the same design with modification in the position of the median figure, and a slight curvature in two of its sides.
Fig. 332—Double rectangle; median triangle
Fig. 333—Double triangle with crooks
Somewhat similar designs, readily reduced to the same type as the last three or four which have been mentioned, are shown in [figures 331] and [332]. The resemblances are so close that I need not refer to them in detail. The W form is wholly lost, and there is no resemblance to a bird, even in its most highly conventionalized forms. The median design in [figure 331] consists of a rectangle and two triangles so arranged as to leave a rectangular white space between them. In [figure 332] the median triangle is crossed by parallel and vertical zigzag lines.
Fig. 334—W-shape figure; single line with feathers
In the design represented in [figure 333] there are two triangular figures, one on each side of a median line, in relation to which they are symmetrical. Each triangle has a simple key pattern in the middle, and the line from which they appear to hang is blocked off with alternating black and white rectangles. At either extremity of this line there is a circular dot from which extend four parallel lines.
Fig. 335—Compound rectangle, triangles, and feathers
A somewhat simpler form of the same design is found in [figure 334], showing a straight line above terminating with dots, from which extend parallel lines, and two triangular figures below, symmetrically placed in reference to an hypothetical upright line between them.
Fig. 336—Double triangle
[Figure 335] bears a similarity to the last mentioned only so far as the lower half of the design is concerned. The upper part is not symmetrical, but no new decorative element is introduced. Triangles, frets, and terraced figures are inserted between two parallel lines which terminate in round dots with parallel lines.
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY—— SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CLXVII
GEOMETRIC ORNAMENTATION FROM AWATOBI
Fig. 337—Double triangle and feathers
The design in [figure 336] is likewise unsymmetrical, but it has two lateral triangles with incurved terrace and dentate patterns. The same general form is exhibited in [figure 337], with the introduction of two pointed appendages facing the hypothetical middle line. From the general form of these pointed designs, each of which is double, they have been interpreted as feathers. They closely resemble the tail-feathers of bird figures on several bowls in the collection, as will be seen in several of the illustrations.
Fig. 338—Twin triangles
Fig. 339—Triangle with terraced appendages
Fig. 340—Mosaic pattern
[Figure 338] is composed of two triangular designs fused at the greatest angles. The regularity of these triangles is broken by a square space at the fusion. At each of the acute angles of the two triangles there are circular designs with radiating lines, a common motive on the exterior of food bowls. Although no new elements appear in figure 338, with the exception of bracket marks, one on each side of a circle, the arrangement of the two parts symmetrically about a line parallel with the rim of the bowl imparts to the design a unique form. The motive in [figure 339] is reducible to triangular and rectangular forms, and while exceptional as to their arrangement, no new decorative feature is introduced.
The specimen represented in [figure 340] has as its decorative elements, rectangles, triangles, parallel lines, and birds' tails, to which may be added star and crosshatch motives. It is therefore the most complicated of all the exterior decorations which have thus far been considered. There is no symmetry in the arrangement of figures about a central axis, but rather a repetition of similar designs.
Fig. 341—Rectangles, stars, crooks, and parallel lines
The use of crosshatching is very common on the most ancient Pueblo ware, and is very common in designs on cliff-house pottery. This style of decoration is only sparingly used on Sikyatki ware. The crosshatching is provisionally interpreted as a mosaic pattern, and reminds one of those beautiful forms of turquois mosaic on shell, bone, or wood found in ancient pueblos, and best known in modern times in the square ear pendants of Hopi women. [Figure 340] is one of the few designs having terraced figures with short parallel lines depending from them. These figures vividly recall the rain-cloud symbol with falling rain represented by the parallel lines. [Figure 341] is a perfectly symmetrical design with figures of stars, rectangles, and parallel lines. It may be compared with that shown in [figure 340] in order to demonstrate how wide the difference in design may become by the absence of symmetrical relationship. It has been shown in some of the previous motives that the crook sometimes represents a bird's head, and parallel lines appended to it the tail-feathers. Possibly the same interpretation may be given to these designs in the following figures, and the presence of stars adjacent to them lends weight to this hypothesis.
Fig. 342—Continuous crooks
Fig. 343—Rectangular terrace pattern
An indefinite repetition of the same pattern of rectangular design is shown in [figure 342]. This highly decorative motive may be varied indefinitely by extension or concentration, and while it is modified in that manner in many of the decorations of vases, it is not so changed on the exterior of food bowls.
There are a number of forms which I am unable to classify with the foregoing, none of which show any new decorative design. All possible changes have been made in them without abandoning the elemental ornamental motives already considered. The tendency to step or terrace patterns predominates, as exemplified in simple form in [figure 343]. In [figure 344] there is a different arrangement of the same terrace pattern, and the design is helped out with parallel bands of different length at the ends of a rectangular figure. A variation in the depth of color of these lines adds to the effectiveness of the design. This style of ornamentation is successfully used in the designs represented in [figures 345] and [346], in the body of which a crescentic figure in the black serves to add variety to a design otherwise monotonous. The two appendages to the right of figure 346 are interpreted as feathers, although their depart forms widely from that usually assumed by these designs. The terraced patterns are replaced by dentate margins in this figure, and there is a successful use of most of the rectangular and triangular designs.
Fig. 344—Terrace pattern with parallel lines
Fig. 345—Terrace pattern
Fig. 346—Triangular pattern with feathers
In the specimens represented in [figures 347] and [348] marginal dentations are used. I have called the design referred to an S-form, which, however, owing to its elongation is somewhat masked. The oblique bar in the middle of the figure represents the body of the letter, the two extremities taking the forms of triangles.
Fig. 347—S-pattern
Fig. 348—Triangular and terrace figures
So far as decorative elements are concerned the design in [figure 349] can be compared with some of those preceding, but it differs from them in combination. The motive in [figure 350] is not unlike the ornamentation of certain oriental vases, except from the presence of the terraced figures. In [figure 351] there are two designs separated by an inclined break the edge of which is dentate. This figure is introduced to show the method of treatment of alternating triangles of varying depth of color and the breaks in the marginal bands or "lines of life." One of the simplest combinations of triangular and rectangular figures is shown in [figure 353], proving how effectually the original design may be obscured by concentration.
Fig. 349—Crook, terrace, and parallel lines
Fig. 350—Triangles, squares, and terraces
In the foregoing descriptions I have endeavored to demonstrate that, notwithstanding the great variety of designs considered, the types used are very limited in number. The geometrical forms are rarely curved lines, and it may be said that spirals, which appear so constantly on pottery from other (and possibly equally ancient or older) pueblos than Sikyatki, are absent in the external decorations of specimens found in the ruins of the latter village.
Every student of ancient and modern Pueblo pottery has been impressed by the predominance of terraced figures in its ornamentation, and the meaning of these terraces has elsewhere been spoken of at some length. It would, I believe, be going too far to say that these step designs always represent clouds, as in some instances they are produced by such an arrangement of rectangular figures that no other forms could result.
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY—— SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CLXVIII
GEOMETRIC ORNAMENTATION FROM AWATOBI
Fig. 351—Bifurcated rectangular design
Fig. 352—Lines of life and triangles
Fig. 353—Infolded triangles
The material at hand adds nothing new to the theory of the evolution of the terraced ornament from basketry or textile productions, so ably discussed by Holmes, Nordenskiöld, and others. When the Sikyatki potters decorated their ware the ornamentation of pottery had reached a high development, and figures both simple and complicated were used contemporaneously. While, therefore, we can so arrange them as to make a series, tracing modifications from simple to complex designs, thus forming a supposed line of evolution, it is evident that there is no proof that the simplest figures are the oldest. The great number of terraced figures and their use in the representation of animals seem to me to indicate that they antedate all others, and I see no reason why they should not have been derived from basketry patterns. We must, however, look to pottery with decorations less highly developed for evidence bearing on this point. The Sikyatki artists had advanced beyond simple geometric figures, and had so highly modified these that it is impossible to determine the primitive form.
As I have shown elsewhere, the human hand is used as a decorative element in the ornamentation of the interior of several food bowls. It is likewise in one instance chosen to adorn the exterior. It is the only part of the human limbs thus used. [Figure 354] shows the hand with marks on the palm probably intended to represent the lines which are used in the measurement of the length of pahos or prayer-sticks. From between the index and the middle finger rises a line which recalls that spoken of in the account of the hand on the interior of the food bowl shown in [plate cxxxvii].
Fig. 354—Human hand
The limb of an animal with a paw, or possibly a human arm and hand, appears as a decoration on the outside of another food bowl, where it is combined with the ever-constant stepped figure, as shown in [figure 355].
Fig. 355—Animal paw, limb, and triangle
PIGMENTS
The ancient Sikyatki people were accustomed to deposit in their mortuary vessels fragments of minerals or ground oxides and carbonates, of different colors, used as paints. It thus appears evident that these substances were highly prized in ancient as in modern times, and it may be mentioned that the present native priests regard the pigments found in the graves as so particularly efficacious in coloring their ceremonial paraphernalia that they begged me to give them fragments for that purpose. The green color, which was the most common, is an impure carbonate of copper, the same as that with which pahos are painted for ceremonial use today. Several shallow, saucer-like vessels contained yellow ocher, and others sesquioxide of iron, which afforded both the ancients and the moderns the red pigment called cuta, an especial favorite of the warrior societies. The inner surface of some of the bowls is stained with the pigments which they had formerly contained, and it was not uncommon to find several small paint pots deposited in a single grave. The white used was an impure kaolin, which was found both in masses and in powdered form, and there were unearthed several disks of this material which had been cut into definite shape as if for a special purpose.
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY—— SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CLXIX
ARROWSHAFT SMOOTHERS, SELENITE, AND SYMBOLIC CORN FROM SIKYATKI
One of these disks or circular plates ([figure 356]) was found on the head of a skeleton. The rim is rounded, and the opposite faces are concave, with a perforation in the middle. Other forms of this worked kaolin are spherical, oblong, or lamellar, sometimes more or less decorated on the outer surface, as shown in [plate clxxii], e. Another, shown in f, of the same plate, is cylindrical, and other fragments of irregular shapes were found. A pigment made of micaceous hematite was found in one of the Sikyatki paint jars. This material is still used as coloring matter by the Tusayan Indians, by whom it is called yayala, and is highly prized by the members of the warrior societies.
Fig. 356—Kaolin disk (natural size)
STONE OBJECTS
Almost every grave at Sikyatki contained stone objects which were found either in the bowls or in the soil in the immediate neighborhood of the skeletons. Some of these implements are pecked or chipped, others are smooth—pebbles apparently chosen for their botryoidal shape, polished surface, or fancied resemblance to some animal or other form.
Many of the smooth stones were probably simply polishing stones, used by the women in rubbing pottery to a gloss before it was fired. Others were charm stones such as are still employed in making medicine, as elsewhere described. There were still other stones which, from their resemblance to animals, may have been personal fetishes. Among the unusual forms of stones found in this association is a quartz crystal. As I have shown in describing several ceremonies still observed, a quartz crystal is used to deflect a ray of sunlight into the medicine bowl, and is placed in the center of a sand picture of the sun in certain rites called Powalawû; the crystal is also used in divining, and for other purposes, and is highly prized by modern Tusayan priests.
A botryoidal fragment of hematite found in a grave reminds me that in the so-called Antelope rock[154] at Walpi, around which the Snake dancers biennially carry reptiles in their mouths, there is in one side a niche in which is placed a much larger mass of that material, to which prayers are addressed on certain ceremonial occasions, and upon which sacred meal and prayer emblems are placed.
One or two mortuary bowls contained fragments of stalactites apparently from the Grand canyon of the Colorado or from some other locality where water is or has been abundant.
The loose shaly deposit which underlies the Tusayan mesas contains many cephalopod fossils, a collection of which was made in former years and deposited in the National Museum. Among these the most beautiful are small cephalopods called by the Hopi, koaitcoko. Among the many sacred objects in the tiponi baskets of the Lalakonti society, as described in my account[155] of the unwrapping of that fetish, there was a specimen of this ammonite; that the shell was preserved in this sacred bundle is sufficient proof that it is highly venerated. As a natural object with a definite form it is regarded as a fetish which is looked upon with reverence by the knowing ones and pronounced bad by the uninitiated. The occurrence of this fossil in one of the mortuary bowls is in harmony with the same idea and shows that it was regarded in a similar light by the ancient occupants of Sikyatki.
But the resemblance of these and other stones to animal fossils[156] is not always so remote as in the instances above mentioned. There was in one grave a single large fetish of a mountain lion, made of sandstone ([plate clxxii], b, c), in which legs, ears, tail, and eyes are represented, and the mouth still retains the red pigment with which it was colored, although there was no sign of paint on other parts of the body. This fetish is very similar to the one found at Awatobi, and is identical in form with those made by the Hopi at the present time.
It was customary to bury in Sikyatki graves plates or fragments of selenite or mica, some of which are perforated as if for suspension, while others are in plain sheets ([plate clxix], c).
Among the stone implements used as mortuary offerings which were found in the cemeteries, was one made of the same fine lithographic limestone as the so-called tcamahia ([plate clxxi], g) which occur on the Antelope altar in the Snake ceremonies. The exceptional character of this fragment is instructive, and its resemblance to the finely polished stone hoes found in other ruins is very suggestive.
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY—— SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CLXX
CORN GRINDER FROM SIKYATKI
There were found many disk-shape stones, pecked on the periphery as if used in grinding pigment or in bruising seeds, and spheroidal stones with a facet worn at one pole as if used for the same or a similar purpose ([plate clxxi], b, c). A few stone axes and hatchets were also taken from the graves; most of these are rude specimens of stone working, although one of them can hardly be excelled in any other collection. Many arrowpoints were found, but these are in no respect peculiar. They are made of many different kinds of stone, but those of obsidian are the most numerous. They were generally found in numbers, sometimes in bowls. Evidently they had not been attached to shafts when buried, for no sign of the reeds remained. Arrowheads sewed into a bandoleer are still worn as insignia of rank by warriors, and it is probable that such was also true in the past, so that on interment these arrowpoints might have been placed in the mortuary basin deposited by the side of the warrior, as indicative of his standing or rank, and the bandoleer or leather strap to which they were attached decayed during its long burial in the earth. Spearpoints of much coarser make and larger in size than the arrowheads were also found in the graves, and a rare knife, made of chalcedony, showed that the ancient, like the modern Hopi, prized a sharp cutting instrument.
Among the many large stones picked up on the mounds of Sikyatki there was one the use of which has long puzzled me. This is a rough stone, not worked save in an equatorial groove. The object is too heavy to have been carried about, except with the utmost difficulty, and the probability of the former existence of a handle is out of the question. It has been suggested that this and similar but larger grooved stones might have been used as tethers for some domesticated animal, as the eagle or the turkey, which is about the only explanation I can suggest. Both of these creatures, and (if we may trust early accounts) a quadruped about the size of a dog, were domesticated by the ancient Pueblo people, but I have found no survival of tethering in use today. Eagles, however, are tied by the legs and not confined in corrals as at Zuñi, while sheep are kept in stone inclosures. It is probable that this latter custom came with the introduction of sheep, and that these stones were weights to which the Sikyatki people tied by the legs the eagles and turkeys, the feathers of which play an important part in their sacred observances.
Certain small rectangular slabs of stone have been found, with a groove extending across one surface diagonally from one angle to another ([plate clxix], a, b.) These are generally called arrowshaft polishers, and were used to rub down the surface of arrowshafts or prayer-sticks. Several of these polishers were taken from Sikyatki graves, and one or two were of such regular form that considerable care must have been used in their manufacture. A specimen from Awatobi is decorated with a bow and an arrow scratched on one side, and one of dark basaltic rock evidently came from a distance. A number of metates and mullers were found in the graves at Sikyatki. One of the best of the latter is shown in [plate clxx]. These stones are of different degrees of fineness, and vary from simple triangular slabs of fine sandstone to very coarse lava. The specimen figured has depressions on the sides to facilitate handling.[157]
Perhaps the most significant of all the worked stones found in the Sikyatki cemeteries were the flat slabs the edges of which near the surface of the soil marked the presence of the graves. These slabs may be termed headstones, but they have a far different meaning from those that bear the name of the deceased with which we are most familiar, for when they have any marking on their faces, it is not a totem of the dead, but a symbol of the rain-cloud, which is connected with ancestor worship.
One of the best of these mortuary slabs has its edge cut in such a way as to give it a terraced outline, and on one face a similar terrace is drawn in black pigment. These figures are symbols of rain-clouds, and the interpretation of the use of this design in graves is as follows:
The dead, according to current Tusayan thought, become rain-cloud gods, or powerful intercessors with those deities which cause or send the rains. Hence, the religious society to which the deceased belonged, and the members of the clan who survive, place in the mortuary bowls, or in the left hand of their friend, the paho or prayer emblem for rain; hence, also, in prayers at interment they address the breath body of the dead as a katcina, or rain god. These katcinas, as divinized ancestors, are supposed to return to the villages and receive prayers for rain. In strict accord with this conception the rain-cloud symbol is placed, in some instances, on the slab of rock in the graves of the dead at Sikyatki. It proves to me that the cult of ancestor worship, and the conception that the dead have power to bring needed rain, were recognized in Sikyatki when the pueblo was in its prime. One of these slabs is perforated by a small hole, an important fact, but one for which I have only a fanciful explanation, namely, to allow the escape of the breath body. Elsewhere I have found many instances of perforated mortuary stone slabs, which will be considered in a report of my excavations in 1896.
OBSIDIAN
Many fragments of obsidian, varying in size, are found strewn over the surface of the majority of ancient ruins in Tusayan, and the quantity of this material on some mounds indicates its abundance in those early habitations. This material must have been highly prized for knives, arrowpoints, and weapons of various kinds, as several of the graves contained large fragments of it, some more or less chipped, others in natural forms. The fact of its being deemed worthy of deposit in the graves of the Sikyatkians would indicate that it was greatly esteemed. I know of no natural deposit of obsidian near Sikyatki or in the province of Tusayan, so that the probability is that these fragments had been brought a considerable distance before they were buried in the earth that now covers the dead of the ancient pueblos.
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY—— SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CLXXI
STONE IMPLEMENTS FROM PALATKI, AWATOBI, AND SIKYATKI
NECKLACES, GORGETS, AND OTHER ORNAMENTS
The Sikyatki people buried their dead adorned with necklaces and other ornaments as when living. The materials most highly prized for necklaces were turquois and shell which were fashioned into beads, some of which were finely made. These necklaces did not differ from those now worn, and the shells employed were mostly marine varieties of the genus Pectunculus. The turquois beads are often as finely cut as any now worn, and their presence in the graves led to the only serious trouble which I had with my native workmen, as they undoubtedly appropriated many which were found. Some of these turquois beads are simply flat fragments, perforated at one end, others are well formed. Many skeletons had a single turquois near the mastoid process of the skull, showing that they had been worn as ear pendants. On the neck of one skeleton we found a necklace of many strands, composed of segments of the leg bones of the turkey, stained green. There were other specimens of necklaces made of turkey bones, which were smoothly finished and apparently had not been stained.
Necklaces of perforated cedar berries were likewise found, some of them still hanging about the necks of the dead, and in one instance, a small saucer like vessel ([plate cxx], d) was filled with beads of this kind, as if the necklace had thus been deposited in the grave as a votive offering.
For gorgets the Sikyatki people apparently prized slabs of lignite ([plate clxxii], d) and plates of selenite. It was likewise customary to make small clay imitations of birds and shells for this and for other ornamental purposes; these, for the most part, however, were not found in the graves, but were picked up on the surface or in the débris within the rooms.
The three forms imitating birds shown in [plate clxxiii], g, h, i, are rude in character, and one of them is crossed by a black line from which depend parallel lines, representing falling rain; all of these specimens have a perforated knot on the under side for suspension, as shown in the figure between them.
The forms of imitations of shells, in clay, of which examples are shown in [plate clxxiii], j, k, l, are rude in character; they are often painted with longitudinal or vertical black lines, and have a single or double perforation for suspension. The shell imitated is probably the young Pectunculus, a Pacific-coast mollusk, with which the ancient Hopi were familiar.
TOBACCO PIPES
I have elsewhere mentioned that every modern Tusayan ceremony opens and closes with a ceremonial smoke, and it is apparent that pipes were highly prized by the ancient Sikyatkians.
The form of pipe used in most ceremonials today has a bowl with its axis at right angles to the stem, but so far as I have studied ancient Pueblo pipes this form appears to be a modern innovation.[158] To determine the probable ancient form of pipe, as indicated by the ritual, I will invite attention to one of the most archaic portions of the ceremonies about the altar of the Antelope priesthood, at the time of the Snake dance at Walpi:[159]
"The songs then ceased, and Wí-ki sent Ká-tci to bring him a light. Ká-tci went out, and soon returned with a burning corncob, while all sat silently awaiting Wí-ki's preparation for the great Ó-mow-ûh smoke, which was one of the most sacred acts performed by the Antelope priests in these ceremonials.
"The wu-kó-tco-ño is a huge, stemless pipe, which has a large opening in the blunt end, and a smaller one in the pointed. It is five inches long, one inch in diameter at the large aperture, and its greatest circumference is seven and a half inches. The pipe is made of some black material, possibly stone, and as far as could be seen was not ornamented. The bowl had previously been filled with leaves carefully gathered from such places as are designated by tradition. In the subsequent smokes the ashes, "dottle," were saved, being placed in a small depression in the floor, but were not again put in the pipe.
"Wí-ki took the live ember from Ká-tci and placed it in the large opening of the pipe, on the leaves which filled its cavity. He then knelt down and placed the pipe between the two tí-po-nis, so that the pointed end rested on the head of the large fetish, between the ears. Every one remained silent, and Wí-ki blew several dense clouds of smoke upon the sand altar, one after another, so that the picture was concealed. The smoke was made by blowing through the pipe, the fire being placed in the bowl next the mouth, and the whole larger end of the pipe was taken into the mouth at each exhalation.
"At the San Juan pueblo, near Santa Fé, where I stopped on my way to Tusayan, I purchased a ceremonial headdress upon which several spruce twigs were tied. Wí-ki received some fragments of these with gratitude, and they formed one of the ingredients which were smoked in the great ó-mow-ûh pipe. The scent of the mixture was very fragrant, and filled the room, like incense. The production of this great smoke-cloud, which is supposed to rise to the sky, and later bring the rain, ended the first series of eight songs.
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY—— SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CLXXII
PAINT GRINDER, FETISH, KAOLIN DISKS, AND LIGNITE FROM SIKYATKI
"Immediately after this event, Há-ha-we filled one of the small-stemmed pipes lying near the fireplace with native tobacco, and after lighting it puffed smoke on the altar. He passed the pipe to Wí-ki, holding it near the floor, bowl foremost, as he did so, and exchanging the customary terms of relationship. Wí-ki then blew dense clouds of smoke over the two tí-po-nis and on the sand picture. Há-ha-we, meanwhile, lit a second pipe, and passed it to Kó-pe-li, the Snake chief, who enjoyed it in silence, indiscriminately puffing smoke on the altar, to the cardinal points, and in other directions. Kó-pe-li later gave his pipe to Ká-kap-ti, who sat at his right, and Wí-ki passed his to Na-syuñ-'we-ve, who, after smoking, handed the pipe to Kwá-a, who in turn passed it to Ká-tci, by whom it was given to Há-ha-we. Ká-tci, the last priest to receive it before it was returned to the pipe-lighter, smoked for a long time, and repeatedly puffed clouds of smoke upon the sand picture. Meanwhile Ká-kap-ti had handed his pipe to Há-ha-we, both exchanging terms of relationship and carefully observing the accompanying ceremonial etiquette. Há-ha-we, as was his unvarying custom, carefully cleaned the two pipes, and laid them on the floor by the side of the fireplace."
The form of pipe used in the above ceremony is typical of ancient Pueblo pipes, several of which were found at Sikyatki. One of these, much smaller than the ó-mow-ûh pipe, was made of lava, and bore evidence of use before burial. It is evident, however, that these straight pipes were not always smoked as above described. The most interesting pipes found at Sikyatki were more elongated than that above mentioned and were made of clay. Their forms are shown in [plate clxxiii], b, c, d, f. One of these (b) is very smooth, almost glazed, and enlarged into two lateral wings near the mouth end, which is perforated with a small hole. The cavity at the opposite end is large enough to hold sufficient for a good smoke, and shows evidence of former use. The whole median region of the exterior is formed by a collar incised with lines, as if formerly wrapped with fiber. In some of the modern ceremonials, as that of the Bear-Puma dramatization in the Snake dance, a reed cigarette is used, ancient forms of which have been found in sacrificial caves, and there seems no doubt that this pipe is simply a clay form of those reeds. The markings on the collar would by this interpretation indicate the former existence of a small fabric wrapped about it. The two pipes shown, in [plate clxxiii], b, f, are tubular in shape,[160] highly polished, and on one of them (f) we see scratches representing the same feature as the collar of b, and probably made with the same intent.
The fragment of a pipe shown in [plate clxxiii], d, is interesting in the same connection. The end of this pipe is broken, but the stem is intact, and on two sides of the bowl there are elevations covered with crosshatching. The pipe is of clay and has a rough external surface.
It is improbable that these pipes were always smoked as the wu-kó-tco-ño of the Snake ceremony, but the smaller end was placed to the mouth, and smoke taken into the mouth and exhaled. It is customary in ceremonials now practiced, to wind a wisp of yucca about the stem of a short pipe, that it may not become too hot to hold in the hand. This may be a possible explanation[161] of the scratches on the sides of the ancient tube pipes from Sikyatki.
PRAYER-STICKS
One of the most important objects made in the secret ceremonials of the modern Pueblos is sacrificial in nature, and is called a paho or "water wood," which is used as an offering to the gods ([figure 357]). These pahos are made of a prescribed wood, of length determined by tradition, and to them are tied appendages of symbolic meaning. They are consecrated by songs, about an altar, upon which they are laid, and afterward deposited in certain shrines by a special courier.
Fig. 357—Mortuary prayer-stick (natural size)
In modern times the forms of these pahos differ very greatly, the shape depending on the society which makes them, the god addressed, and the purpose for which they are used, as understood by the initiated. Among many other uses they are sometimes mortuary in character, and are deposited in the graves of chiefs, as offerings either to the God of Death, or to other deities, to whom they may be presented by the shade or breath body of the deceased. This use of pahos is of ancient origin in Tusayan, as shown by the excavations at Sikyatki, where they were found in mortuary bowls or vases deposited by the relatives or surviving members of the sacerdotal societies to which the deceased had belonged.
This pre-Spanish custom in Tusayan was discovered in my excavations at Awatobi, but the prayer-sticks from that place were fragmentary as compared with the almost perfect pahos from Sikyatki. These pahos are of many forms;[162] some of them are of considerable size, and the majority are of distinctive forms ([plates clxxiv][-clxxv]). There are also many fragments, the former shapes of which could not be determined. When it is considered that these wooden objects with their neat carvings were fashioned with stone implements, the high character of the work is very remarkable. They show, in several instances, the imprint of attached strings and feathers, portions of which still remain; also, in one instance, fragments of a pine needle. They are painted with green and black mineral pigments, the former of which had undoubtedly done much to preserve the soft wood of which they were manufactured. As at the present day, cottonwood and willow were the favorite prescribed woods for pahos, and some of the best were made of pine. The forms of these ancient prayer offerings, as mentioned hereafter, differ somewhat from those of modern make, although in certain instances there is a significant resemblance between the two kinds.
One of the most striking instances of resemblance between the old and the new is the likeness of some of these ancient pahos to those now made by the Flute society, and if this resemblance is more than a coincidence, the conclusion that the present flute paho is a survival of the ancient form may be accepted. As adding weight to this theory it may be mentioned that traditionally the Flute people claim to be the ancient people of Tusayan, and possibly contemporaries, in that province, with the ancient inhabitants of Sikyatki. There is likewise a most suggestive resemblance between these pahos and certain similar sticks from cliff dwellings, and it is a belief, which I can not yet demonstrate as true, that kindred people, or the same sacerdotal societies represented in cliff houses and in Sikyatki, manufactured ceremonial prayer offerings which are identical in design. [Plate clxxiv], a, represents a double stick paho, which closely resembles the prayer offering of the modern Flute society. The two rods were found together and originally had been attached, as indicated by the arrangement of the impression of the string midway of their length. The stick of the left has a facet cut on one side, upon which originally three dots were depicted to represent the eyes and the mouth. This member of the paho was the female; the remaining stick was the male. There are two deep grooves, or ferules, cut midway of their length, a distinctive characteristic of the modern flute paho. Both components are painted green, as is still customary in prayer-sticks of this fraternity. The pahos shown in b, c, and d, are likewise ascribed to the same society, and differ from the first only in length. They represent female sticks of double flute pahos. The length of these prayer-sticks varies on different ceremonial days, and is determined by the distance of the shrines for which they are intended. The unit of measurement is the length of certain joints of the finger, and the space between the tip of longest digit to certain creases in the palm of the hand. The length of the ancient Sikyatki pahos, ascribed to the Flute society, follows the same rule.
[Plate clxxiv], e, f, have the same ferules referred to in the description above, but are of greater diameter. They are unlike any modern paho except in this particular. In g is depicted a still larger prayer-stick, with two serrate incisions on each side of the continuation of the flattened facet.
Specimens h to m are forms of pahos which I can not identify. They are painted green, generally with black tips, round, flattened, and of small size. Figure n is a part of a paho which closely resembles prayer-sticks found in the cliff houses of Mesa Verde and San Juan valley of northern New Mexico.
Numerous specimens of a peculiar razor-shape paho were found, two of which are shown in [plate clxxv], o, s. The paho shown in figure d is flat on one side and rounded on the other, narrowing at one end, where it was probably continued in a shaft, and a hole is punctured at the opposite extremity, as if for suspension. It is barely possible that this may have been a whizzer or bull-roarer, such as are used at the present day to imitate the wind, and commonly carried by the performer in a public dance who personifies the warrior. Figure t differs from the ordinary flute paho in having five constrictions in the upper part, and in being continued into a very long shank.
The best preserved of all the pahos from the Sikyatki graves are represented in u and v, both of which were found in the same mortuary bowl. They are painted with a thick layer of green pigment, and have shafts, which are blackened and placed in opposite directions in the two figures. Their general form may be seen at a glance. The lower surface of the object shown in u is perfectly flat, and the part represented at the upper end is evidently broken off. This is likewise true of both extremities of the object shown in v; it is also probable that it had originally a serrated end, comparable with that shown in c. A similar terraced extremity survives in the corn paho carried by the so-called Flute girls in the biennial celebrations of the Flute ceremonies in the modern Tusayan pueblos.
I refer the paho to the second group of sacrifices mentioned by Tylor,[163] that of homage, "a doctrine that the gist of sacrifice is rather in the worshiper giving something precious to himself than in the deity receiving benefit. This may be called the abnegation theory, and its origin may be fairly explained by considering it as derived from the original gift theory."
While it is probably true that the Hopi barters his paho with the idea of receiving in return some desired gift, the main element is probably homage, but there is involved in it the third and highest element of sacrifice, abnegation. It is a sacrifice by symbolism, a part for the whole.
On this theory the query naturally is, what does a paho represent? While it is difficult to answer this question, I think a plausible suggestion can be made. It is a sacrifice by symbolic methods of that which the Hopi most prize, corn or its meal.
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY—— SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CLXXIV
PAHOS OR PRAYER-STICKS FROM SIKYATKI
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY—— SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CLXXV
PAHOS OR PRAYER-STICKS FROM SIKYATKI
In a simple prayer the sacrifice is a pinch of meal thrown on the fetish or toward it. This is an individual method of prayer, and the pinch of meal, his prayer bearer, the sacrifice.
When a society made its prayers this meal, symbolic of a gift of corn, is tied in a packet and attached to two sticks, one male, the other female, with prescribed herbs and feathers. Here we have the ordinary prayer-stick, varying in details but essentially the same, a sacrifice to the gods appropriately designated by prescribed accessories.
Frequently this packet of meal may be replaced by a picture of an ear of corn drawn on a flat slat, the so-called "corn paho" of the Flute maidens,[164] or we may have an ear of corn tied to the wooden slat. In the Mamzrau ceremony the women carry these painted slats in their hands, as I have elsewhere described.[165] It appears as if, in all these instances, there exists a sacrificial object, a symbolic offering of corn or meal.
The constant appearance of the feather on the paho has suggested an interpretation of the prayer-plumes as symbolic sacrifices of birds on the theory of a part for the whole; we know that among the Nahua sacrifices of birds were common in many ceremonials. The idea of animal sacrifice, and, if we judge from legends, of human sacrifice, was not an unknown conception among the Pueblos. While it is possible that the omnipresence of the feather on the prayer-sticks may admit of that interpretation, to which it must be confessed the male and the female components in double pahos lend some evidence,[166] I believe the main object was, as above stated, an offering of meal, which constituted the special wealth of an agricultural people.
MARINE SHELLS AND OTHER OBJECTS
The excavations at Sikyatki did not reveal a large number of marine shells, although some of the more common genera used in the ancient pueblos were found.
There were several fragments of Pectunculus cut into the form of wristlets, like those from the ruins on the Little Colorado which I have described. Two beautiful specimens of Oliva angulata, truncated at each pole, which occurred in one of the mortuary bowls, and a few conical rattles, made of the spires of Conus, were taken from the graves; there were also a few fragments of an unknown Haliotis. All of the above genera are common to the Pacific, and no doubt were obtained by barter or brought by migratory clans to Tusayan from the far south. One of the most interesting objects in Sikyatki food basins from the necropolis was a comparatively well preserved rattle of a rattlesnake. The Walpi Snake chief, who was employed by me when this was found and was present at the time it was removed from the earth, declared that, according to the legends, there were no Snake people living at Sikyatki when it was destroyed, but the discovery of the snake rattle shows that the rattler was not without reverence there, even if not in the house of his friends, and some other explanation may be suggested to account for this discovery. There are evidences that the ancient Hopi, like certain Yuman tribes, wore a snake's rattle as an ornament for the neck, in which case the rattle found in the Sikyatki food basin may have been simply a votive offering, and in no way connected with ceremonial symbolism.
Among many other mortuary offerings was one which was particularly suggestive. This specimen represented in [plate clxix], e, is made of unbaked clay, and has a reticulated surface, as if once incrusted with foreign objects. The Hopi who were at work for me declared that this incrustation had been composed of seeds, and that the pits over the surface of the clay cone were evidence of their former existence. They identified this object as a "corn mound," and reminded me that a similar object is now used in the Powamu, Lalakonti, and certain other ceremonies. I have elsewhere mentioned the clay corn mound incrusted with seeds of various kinds in a description of the altar of the last-mentioned ceremony. These corn mountains (ká-ü-tü'-kwi) are made in the November ceremony called the Nā-ác-nai-ya, as described in my account of those rites from which I quote[167]—
"The Tá-tau-kya-mû were very busy in their kib-va. Every member was shelling corn of the different colors as if on a wager. Each man made a figure of moist clay, about four or five inches across the base. Some of these were in the form of two mammæ, and there were also many wedge and cone forms, in all of which were embedded corn kernels, forming the cloud and other of the simpler conventional figures in different colors, but the whole surface was studded as full as possible with the kernels. Each man brought down his own pó-o-tas (tray), on which he sprinkled prayer-meal, and set his ká-ü-tü'-kwi (corn mountain) upon it. He also placed ears of corn on the tray."
These corn mountains were carried by the Tá-tau-kya-mû priesthood during an interesting ceremony which I have thus described:[168]
"The whole line then passed slowly along the front of the village sideways, facing the north, and singing, and all the women came out and helped themselves to the clay molds and the ears of corn borne by the Tá-tau-kya-mû, bestowing many thanks upon the priests."
The fragment of polished stone shown in [plate clxix], d, is perforated near the edge for suspension, and was found near the aural orifice of a skull, apparently indicating that it had been used as a pendant. With this object, many rude arrowpoints, concretions of stone, and the kaolin disk mentioned above were also found. Small round disks of pottery, with a median perforation, were not common, although sometimes present. They are identified as parts of primitive drills.
No object made of metal was found at Sikyatki, nor is there any evidence that the ancient people of that pueblo ever saw the Spaniards or used any implement of their manufacture. While negative evidence can hardly be regarded as a safe guide to follow, so far as knowledge of copper is concerned, it is possible that the people of ancient Tusayan pueblos, in their trading expeditions to southern Arizona, may have met races who owned small copper bells and trinkets of metal. I can hardly believe, however, that the Tusayan Indians were familiar with the art of tempering copper, and even if objects showing this treatment shall be found hereafter in the ruins of this province it will have to be proved that they were made in that region, and not brought from the far south.
No glazed pottery showing Spanish influence was found at Sikyatki, but there can hardly be a doubt that the art of glazing pottery was practiced by the ancestors of the Tusayan people. The modern potters of the East Mesa never glaze their pottery, and no fragment of glazed ware was obtained from the necropolis of Sikyatki.
PERISHABLE CONTENTS OF MORTUARY FOOD BOWLS
It is the habit of the modern Tusayan Indians to deposit food of various kinds on the graves of their dead. The basins used for that purpose are heaped up with paper-bread, stews, and various delicacies for the breath-body of the deceased. Naturally from its exposed position much of this food is devoured by animals or disappears in other ways. There appears excellent evidence, however, that the mortuary food offerings of the ancient Sikyatkians were deposited with the body and covered with soil and sometimes stones.
The lapse of time since these burials took place has of course caused the destruction of the perishable food substances, which are found to be simple where any sign of their former presence remains. Thin films of interlacing rootlets often formed a delicate network over the whole inner surface of the bowl. Certain of the contents of these basins in the shape of seeds still remain; but these seeds have not germinated, possibly on account of previous high temperatures to which they have been submitted. A considerable quantity of these contents of mortuary bowls were collected and submitted to an expert, the result of whose examination is set forth in the accompanying letter:
U. S. Department of Agriculture, Division of Botony,
Washington, D. C., March 25, 1896.
Dear Dr Fewkes: Having made a cursory examination of the samples of supposed vegetable material sent by you day before yesterday, collected at Sikyatki, Arizona, in supposed prehistoric burial places, I have the following preliminary report to make:
No. 156247. A green resinous substance. I am unable to say whether or not this is of vegetable origin.
No. 156248. A mass of fibrous material intermixed with sand, the fibers consisting in part of slender roots, in part of the hair of some animal.
No. 156249. This consists of a mixture of seed with a small amount of sand present. The seeds are, in about the relative order of their abundance, (a) a leguminous shiny seed of a dirty olive color, possibly of the genus Parosela (usually known as Dalea); (b) the black seed shells, flat on one side and almost invariably broken, of a plant apparently belonging to the family Malvaceae; (c) large, flat, nearly black achenia, possibly of a Coreopsis, bordered with a narrow-toothed wing; (d) the thin lenticular utricles of a Carex; (e) the minute black, bluntly trihedral seeds of some plant of the family Polygonaceae, probably an Eriogonum. The majority of these seeds have a coating of fine sand, as if their surface had originally been viscous; (f) a dried chrysalis bearing a slight resemblance to a seed.
No. 156250. This bottle contains the same material as No. 156249, except that no larvæ are found, but a large, plump, brownish, lenticular seed 4 mm. in diameter, doubtless the seed of a Croton.
No. 156251. A thin fragment of matter consisting of minute roots of plants partially intermixed on one surface with sand.
No. 156252. This consists almost wholly of plant rootlets and contains a very slight amount of sand.
No. 156254. This consists of pieces of rotten wood through which had grown the rootlets of plants. The wood, upon a microscopical examination, is shown to be that of some dicotyledonous tree of a very loose and light texture. The plant rootlets in most cases followed the large ducts that run lengthwise through the pieces of wood and take up the greater part of the space.
No. 156255. The mass contained in this bottle is made up of (a) grains, contained in their glumes or husks, of some grass, probably Oryzopsis membranacea; (b) what appears to be the minute spherical spore cases of some microscopical fungus. The spore cases have a wall with a shiny brown covering, or apparently with this covering worn off and exhibiting an interior white shell. Within this is a very large number of spherical spore-like bodies of a uniform size; (c) a few plant rootlets.
No. 156256. The material in this bottle is similar to that in 156255 except that the amount of rootlets is greater, the grass seeds are of a darker color, seemingly somewhat more disorganized, and somewhat more slender in form, and that the spore cases seem to be entirely wanting.
No. 156257. The material in this bottle is similar to that in No. 156249, containing the seeds numbered a, b, c, and d mentioned under that number, besides a greater amount of plant rootlets and some fragments of corncob.
No. 156258. This consists almost entirely of plant rootlets and sand.
No. 156259. This consists chiefly of the leaves of some coniferous tree, either an Abies or a Pseudotsuga.
All the seeds with the exception of those of the leguminous plant are dead and their seed-coats rotten. The leguminous seeds are still hard and will be subjected to a germination test.[169]
For a specific and positive identification of these seeds it will be necessary either for a botanist to visit the region from which they came or to have at his disposal a complete collection of the plants of the vicinity. Under such conditions he could by process of exclusion identify the seeds with an amount of labor almost infinitely less than would be required in their identification by other means.
Very sincerely yours,
Frederick V. Coville, Botanist.
FOOTNOTES
[1] See "The Prehistoric Culture of Tusayan," American Anthropologist, May, 1896. "Two Ruins Recently Discovered in the Red Rock Country, Arizona," ibid., August, 1896. "The Cliff Villages of the Red Rock Country, and the Tusayan Ruins, Sikyatki and Awatobi, Arizona," Smithsonian Report for 1895.
[2] The reader's attention is called to the fact that this report is not intended to cover all the ruins in the section of Arizona through which the expedition passed; it is simply a description of those which were examined, with a brief mention of such others as would aid in a general comprehension of the subject. The ruins on the Little Colorado, near Winslow, Arizona, will be considered in a monograph to follow the present, which will be a report on the field work in 1896. If a series of monographs somewhat of this nature, but more comprehensive, recording explorations during many years in several different sections, were available, we would have sufficient material for a comprehensive treatment of southwestern archeology.
[3] It may be borne in mind that several other clans besides the Patki claim to have lived long ago in the region southward from modern Tusayan. Among these may be mentioned the Patuñ (Squash) and the Tawa (Sun) people who played an important part in the early colonization of Middle Mesa.
[4] Report upon the Indian Tribes, Pacific Railroad Survey, vol. iii, pt. iii, p. 14, Washington, 1856. The cavate dwellings of the Rio Verde were first described by Dr E. A. Mearns. Although it has sometimes been supposed that Coronado followed the trail along Verde valley, and then over the Mogollones to Rio Colorado Chiquito, Bandelier has conclusively shown a more easterly route.
[5] See mention of cliff houses in Walnut canyon in the Fifth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology.
[6] The kinship of Cliff dwellers and Pueblos was long ago recognized by ethnologists, both from resemblances of skulls, the character of architecture, and archeological objects found in each class of dwellings. It is only in later years, however, that the argument from similar ceremonial paraphernalia has been adduced, owing to an increase of our knowledge of this side of Pueblo life. See Bessels, Bull. U. S. Geological and Geographical Survey of the Territories, vol. ii, 1876; Hoffman, Report on Chaco Cranium, ibid., 1877, p. 457. Holmes, in 1878, says: "The ancient peoples of the San Juan country were doubtless the ancestors of the present Pueblo tribes of New Mexico and Arizona." See, likewise, Cushing, Nordenskiöld, and later writers regarding the kinship of Cliff villagers and Pueblos.
[7] Report of the Director of the Bureau of American Ethnology for the year ending June 30, 1894; Smithsonian Report, 1894.
[8] The ruins in Chaves Pass, 110 miles south of Oraibi, will be considered in the report of the expedition of 1896, when extensive excavations were made at this point. About midway between the Chaves Pass ruins and those of Beaver creek, in Verde valley, there are other ruins, as at Rattlesnake Tanks, and as a well-marked trail passes by these former habitations and connects the Verde series with those of Chaves Pass, it is possible that early migrations may have followed this course. There is also a trail from Homolobi and the Colorado Chiquito ruins through Chaves Pass into Tonto Basin.
[9] Smithsonian Report, 1883; Report of Major Powell, Director of the Bureau of Ethnology, p. 57 et seq. Explorations in the Southwest, ibid., 1886, p. 52 et seq.
[10] Report of an Expedition down the Zuñi and Colorado rivers; Washington, 1853.
[11] Smithsonian Report, 1883, Report of the Director of the Bureau of Ethnology, p. 62: "Pending the arrival of goods at Moki, Mr Cushing returned across the country to Zuñi for the purpose of observing more minutely than on former occasions the annual sun ceremonials. En route he discovered two ruins, apparently before unvisited. One of these was the outlying structure of K'n'-i-K'él, called by the Navajos Zïnni-jin'ne and by the Zuñis He'-sho'ta pathl-tâĭe, both, according to Zuñi tradition, belonging to the Thlé-e-tâ-kwe, the name given to the traditional northwestern migration of the Bear, Crane, Frog, Deer, Yellow-wood, and other gentes of the ancestral pueblos."
[12] The reduplicated syllable recalls Hopi methods of forming their plural, but is not characteristic of them, and the word Totonteac has a Hopi sound. The supposed derivation of Tonto from Spanish tonto, "fool," is mentioned, elsewhere. The so-called Tonto Apache was probably an intruder, the cause of the desertion of the "basin" by the housebuilders. The question whether Totonteac is the same as Tusayan or Tuchano is yet to be satisfactorily answered. The map makers of the sixteenth century regarded them as different places, and notwithstanding Totonteac was reported to be "a hotte lake" in the middle of the previous century, it held its place on maps into the seventeenth century. It is always on or near a river flowing into the Gulf of California.
[13] Thirteenth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology.
[14] Mr Mindeleff's descriptions deal with the same cluster of cavate ruins here described, but are more specially devoted to the more southern section of them, not considering, if I understand him, the northern row here described. I had also made extensive studies of the rooms figured by him previously to the publication of his article, but as my notes on these rooms are anticipated by his excellent memoir I have not considered the rooms described by him, but limited my account to brief mention of a neighboring row of chambers not described in his report.
[15] Journal of American Ethnology and Archæology, vol. ii, No. 1. All the Tusayan kivas with which I am familiar have this raised spectator's part at one end. The altars are always erected at the opposite end of the room, in which is likewise the hole in the floor called the sipapû, symbolic of the traditional opening through which races emerged to the earth's surface from an underworld. Banquettes exist in some Tusayan kivas; in others, however, they are wanting. The raised platform in dwelling rooms is commonly a sleeping place, above which blankets are hung and, in some instances, corn is stored. A small opening in the step often admits light to an otherwise dark granary below the floor. In no instance, however, are there more than one such platform, and that commonly partakes of the nature of another room, although seldom separated from the other chamber by a partition.
[16] Counting from the point of the cliff shown in [plate xcia]. The positions of the rooms are indicated by the row of entrances.
[17] It was from this region that the individual chambers, described by Mindeleff, were chosen.
[18] Mr Mindeleff, in his valuable memoir, has so completely described the cavate dwellings of the Rio Grande and San Juan regions that their discussion in this account would be superfluous.
[19] See Mindeleff, Cliff Ruins of Canyon de Chelly, American Anthropologist, April, 1895. The suggestion that cliff outlooks were farming shelters in some instances is doubtless true, but I should hesitate giving this use a predominance over outlooks for security. In times of danger, naturally the agriculturist seeks a high or commanding position for a wide outlook; but to watch his crops he must camp among them.
[20] Ancient Dwellings of the Rio Verde Valley, Dr E. A. Mearns; Popular Science Monthly, vol. xxvii. Mindeleff, Aboriginal Remains in Verde Valley; Thirteenth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology.
[21] Since the above lines were written Mr C. F. Lummis, who has made many well-known contributions to the ethnology and archeology of the Pueblo area, has published in Land of Sunshine (Los Angeles, 1895), a beautiful photographic illustration and an important description of this unique place.
[22] Miscellaneous Ethnographic Observations on Indians inhabiting Nevada, California, and Arizona, Tenth Annual Report of the Hayden Survey, p. 478; Washington, 1878.
[23] The cliff houses of Bloody Basin I have not examined, but I suspect they are of the same type as the so-called Montezuma Castle, or Casa Montezuma, on the right bank of Beaver creek. The latter is referred to the cliff-house class, but it differs considerably from the ruins of the Red-rocks, on account of the character of the cavern in which it is built (see [figure 246]).
[24] Fortified hilltops occur in many places in Arizona and are likewise found in the Mexican states of Sonora and Chihuahua, where they are known as trincheras. They are regarded as places of refuge of former inhabitants of the country, contemporaneous with ancient pueblos and cliff houses.
[25] This pinnacle is visible for miles, and is one of many prominences in the surrounding country. Unfortunately this region is so imperfectly surveyed that only approximations of distances are possible in this account, and the maps known to me are too meager in detail to fairly illustrate the distribution of these buttes.
[26] In certain cavate houses on Oak creek we find these caverns in two tiers, one above the other, and the hill above is capped by a well-preserved building. In one of these we find the entrance to the cavern walled in, with the exception of a T-shape doorway and a small window. This chamber shows a connecting link between the type of true cavate dwellings and that of cliff-houses.
[27] The absence of kivas in the ruins of the Verde has been commented on by Mindeleff, and has likewise been found to be characteristic of the cliff houses on the upper courses of the other tributaries of Gila and Salado rivers. The round kiva appears to be confined to the middle and eastern ruins of the pueblo area, and are very numerous in the ruins of San Juan valley.
[28] See "Tusayan Totemic Signatures," American Anthropologist, Washington, January, 1897.
[29] An exhaustive report on the ruins near Winslow, at the Sunset Crossing of the Little Colorado, will later be published. These ruins were the sites of my operations in the summer of 1896, and from them a very large collection of prehistoric objects was taken. The report will consider also the ruins at Chaves Pass, on the trail of migration used by the Hopi in prehistoric times in their visits, for barter and other purposes, to the Gila-Salado watershed.
[30] Possibly the Shoshonean elements in Hopi linguistics are due to the Snake peoples, the early colonists who came from the north, where they may have been in contact with Paiute or other divisions of the Shoshonean stock. The consanguinity of this phratry may have been close to that of the Shoshonean tribes, as that of the Patki was to the Piman, or the Asa to the Tanoan. The present Hopi are a composite people, and it is yet to be demonstrated which stock predominates in them.
[31] A Study of Pueblo Architecture: Tusayan and Cibola; Eighth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, 1886-87.
[32] This account was copied from a copy made by the eminent scholar, A. F. Bandelier, for the archives of the Hemenway Expedition, now at the Peabody Museum, in Cambridge, Massachusetts.
[33] Hano or "Tewa."
[34] Sichomovi. In the manuscript report by Don José Cortez, who wrote of the northern provinces of Mexico, where he lived in 1799, Sichomovi is mentioned as a nameless village between Tanos (Hano) and Gualpi (Walpi), settled by colonists from the latter pueblo. One of the first references to this village by name was in a report by Indian Agent Calhoun (1850), where it is called Chemovi.
[35] Mishoñinovi.
[36] Shipaulovi.
[37] Shuñopovi.
[38] In 1896 I collected over a hundred beautiful specimens from this cemetery.
[39] There lived in Walpi, years ago, an old woman, who related to a priest, who repeated the story to the writer, that when a little girl she remembered seeing the Payüpki people pass along the valley under Walpi when they returned to the Rio Grande. Her story is quite probable, for the lives of two aged persons could readily bridge the interval between that event and our own time.
[40] "La Mission de N. Sra. de las Dolores de Zandia de Indios Teguas á Moqui."
[41] See J. F. Meline, Two Thousand Miles on Horseback, 1867. Sandia, according to Bancroft, is not mentioned by Menchero in 1744, but Bonilla gave it a population of 400 Indians in 1749. In 1742 two friars visited Tusayan, and, it is said, brought out 441 apostate Tiguas, who were later settled in the old pueblo of Sandia. Considering, then, that Sandia was resettled in 1748, six years after this visit, and that the numbers so closely coincide, we have good evidence that Payüpki, in Tusayan, was abandoned about 1742. It is probable, from known evidence, that this pueblo was built somewhere between 1680 and 1690; so that the whole period of its occupancy was not far from fifty years.
[42] Mindeleff mentions two other sites of Old Walpi—a mound near Wala, and one in the plain between Mishoñinovi and Walpi; but neither of these is large, although claimed as former sites of the early clans which later built the town on the terrace of East Mesa below Walpi. I have regarded Küchaptüvela as the ancient Walpi, but have no doubt that the Hopi emigrants had several temporary dwellings before they settled there.
[43] Sometimes called Nüsaki, a corruption of "Missa ki," Mass House, Mission. One of the beams of the old mission at Nüsaki or Kisakobi is in the roof of Pauwatiwa's house in the highest range of rooms of Walpi. This beam is nicely squared, and bears marks indicative of carving. There are also large planks in one of the kivas which were also probably from the church building, although no one has stated that they are. Pauwatiwa, however, declares that a legend has been handed down in his family that the above-mentioned rafter came from the mission.
[44] Proceedings of the Boston Society of Natural History, January 2, 1895, p. 441.
[45] Thus in Castañeda's account we are told: "Farther off [near Cia?] was another large village where we found in the courtyards a great number of stone balls of the size of a leather bag, containing one arroba. They seem to have been cast with the aid of machines, and to have been employed in the destruction of the village." It is needless for me to say that I find no knowledge of such a machine in Tusayan!
[46] The ceremonials attending to burial of the eagle, whose plumes are used in secret rites, have never been described, and nothing is known of the rites about the Eagle shrine at Tukinobi.
[47] Recent Archeologic Find in Arizona, American Anthropologist, Washington, July, 1893.
[48] For a previous description see the Preliminary Account, Smithsonian Report for 1895; also "Awatobi: An Archeological Verification of a Tusayan Legend," American Anthropologist, Washington, October, 1893.
[49] This important ceremony celebrates the departure from the pueblos of ancestral gods called katcinas, and is one of the most popular in the ritual.
[50] Pacheco-Cardenas, Colleccion de Documentos Inéditos, xv, 122, 182.
[51] Voyages, iii, pp. 463, 470, 1600; reprint 1810.
[52] Pacheco-Cardenas, Documentos Inéditos, op. cit., xvi, 139.
[53] Menologio Franciscano, 275; Teatro Mexicano, iii, 321.
[54] San Bernardino de Ahuatobi (Vetancurt, 1680); San Bernardo de Aguatuvi (Vargas, 1692). I find that the mission at Walpi was also mentioned by Vargas as dedicated to San Bernardino. The church at Oraibi was San Francisco de Oraybe and San Miguel. The mission at Shuñopovi was called San Bartolomé, San Bernardo, and San Bernabe.
[55] This article was in type too early for a review of Dellenbaugh's identification of Cibola with a more southeasterly locality. His arguments bear some plausibility, but they are by no means decisive.
[56] An exact translation by Winship of the copy of Castañeda in the Lenox Library was published in the Fourteenth Annual Report of the Bureau.
[57] "At evening the chiefs asked that notices be written for them warning all white people to keep away from the mesa tomorrow, and these were set up by the night patrols in cleft wands on all the principal trails. At daybreak on the following morning the principal trails leading from the four cardinal points were 'closed' by sprinkling meal across them and laying on each a whitened elk horn. Anawita told the observer that in former times if any reckless person had the temerity to venture within this proscribed limit the Kwakwantû inevitably put him to death by decapitation and dismemberment." ("Naacnaiya," Journal of American Folk-lore, vol. v, p. 201.) This appears to be the same way in which the Awatobians "closed" the trail to Tobar.
[58] When the Flute people approach Walpi, as is biennially dramatized at the present time, "an assemblage of people there (at the entrance to the village) meet them, and just back of a line of meal drawn across the trail stood Winuta and Hoñyi," also two girls and a boy. After these Flute people are challenged and sing their songs the trail is opened, viz: "Alosaka drew the end of his moñkohu along the line of meal, and Winuta rubbed off the remainder from the trail with his foot." "Walpi Flute Observance," Journal of American Folk-lore, vol. vii, p. 19.
[59] This custom of sprinkling the trail with sacred meal is one of the most common in the Tusayan ritual. The gods approach and leave the pueblos along such lines, and no doubt the Awatobians regarded the horses of Espejo as supernatural beings and threw meal on the trail before them with the same thought in mind that they now sprinkle the trails with meal in all the great ceremonials in which personators of the gods approach the villages.
[60] According to the reprint of 1891. In the reprint of 1810 it appears as "Ahuato." I would suggest that possibly the error in giving the name of a pueblo to a chief may have arisen not from the copyist or printer, but from inability of the Spaniards and Hopi to understand each other. If you ask a Hopi Indian his name, nine times out of ten he will not tell you, and an interlocutor for a party of natives will almost invariably name the pueblos from which his comrades came.
[61] This was possibly the expedition which P. Fr. Antonio (Alonzo?) made among the Hopi in 1628; however that may be, there is good evidence that Porras, after many difficulties, baptized several chiefs in 1629.
[62] Segunda Relacion de la grandiosa conversion que ha avido en el Nuevo Mexico. Embiada por el Padre Estevā de Perea, etc, 1633.
[63] An earlier rumor was that the horses were anthropophagous.
[64] As Vargas appears not to have entered Oraibi at this time he may have found it too hostile. Whether Frasquillo had yet arrived with his Tanos people and their booty is doubtful. The story of the migration to Tusayan of the Tanos under Frasquillo, the assassin of Fray Simón de Jesus, and the establishment there of a "kingdom" over which he ruled as king for thirty years, is a most interesting episode in Tusayan history. Many Tanos people arrived in several bands among the Hopi about 1700, but which of them were led by Frasquillo is not known to me.
[65] "El templo acabo en llamas." At this time Awatobi was said to have 800 inhabitants.
[66] At the present time one of the most bitter complaints which the Hopi have against the Spaniards is that they forcibly baptized the children of their people during the detested occupancy by the conquerors.
[67] Naacnaiya and Wüwütcimti are the elaborate and abbreviated New-fire ceremonies now observed by four religious warrior societies, known as the Tataukyamû, Wüwütcimtû, Aaltû and Kwakwantû. Both of these ceremonials, as now observed at Walpi, have elsewhere been described.
[68] Obiit 1892. Shimo was chief of the Flute Society and "Governor" of Walpi.
[69] Oldest woman of the Snake clan; mother of Kopeli, the Snake chief of Walpi; chief priestess of the Mamzráuti ceremony.
[70] Vetancurt, Chronica, says that Aguatobi (Awatobi) had 800 inhabitants and was converted by Padre Francisco de Porras. In 1630 Benavides speaks of the Mokis as being rapidly converted. It would appear, if we rely on Vetancurt's figures, that Awatobi was not one of the largest villages of Tusayan in early times, for he ascribes 1,200 to Walpi and 14,000 to Oraibi. The estimate of the population of Awatobi was doubtless nearer the truth than that of the other pueblos, and I greatly doubt if Oraibi ever had 14,000 people. Probably 1,400 would be more nearly correct.
[71] Architecture of Cibola and Tusayan, p. 225.
[72] There are two fragments, one of which is large enough to show the size of the bell, which was made either in Mexico or in Spain. The smaller fragment was used for many years as a paint-grinder by a Walpi Indian priest.
[73] See his Final Report, p. 372.
[74] The only Awatobi name I know is that of a chief, Tapolo, which is not borne by any Hopi of my acquaintance (see page 603).
[75] This explains the fact that the ruins in Tusayan, as a rule, have no signs of kivas, and the same appears to be true of the ruins of the pueblos on the Little Colorado and the Verde, in Tonto Basin, and other more southerly regions.
[76] See Journal of American Ethnology and Archæology, vol. ii.
[77] "Las casas son de tres altos"—Segunda Relacion, p. 580.
[78] So far as our limited knowledge of the older ruins of Tusayan goes, we find that their inhabitants must have been as far removed from rude Shohonean nomads as their descendants are today. The settlement at the early site of Walpi is reported to have been made in very early times, some legends stating that it occurred at a period when the people were limited to one family—the Snake. The fragments of pottery which I have found in the mounds of that ancient habitation are as fine and as characteristic of Tusayan as that of Sikyatki or Awatobi. It is inferior to none in the whole pueblo area, and betrays long sedentary life of its makers before it was manufactured.
[79] Journal of American Folk-lore, vol. v, No. xviii, 1892.
[80] There is a rude sketch of these two idols of Alosaka in the archives of the Hemenway Expedition. They represent figurines about 4 feet tall, with two horns on the head not unlike those of the Tewan clowns or gluttons called Paiakyamû. As so little is known of the Mishoñinovi ritual, the rites in which they are used are at present inexplicable.
[81] See the ear-ornament of the mask shown in plate cviii, of the Fifteenth Annual Report.
[82] Similar "spouts" were found by Mindeleff at Awatobi, and a like use of them is suggested in his valuable memoir.
[83] The Keresan people are called by the same name, Kawaika, which, as hitherto explained, is specially applied to the modern pueblo of Laguna.
[84] The Asa people who came to Tusayan from the Rio Grande claim to have lived for a few generations in Tubka or Tségi (Chelly) canyon.
[85] The pottery of ancient Cibola is practically identical with that of the ruined pueblos of the Colorado Chiquito, near Winslow, Arizona.
[86] The specimens labeled "New Mexico" and "Arizona" are too vaguely classified to be of any service in this consideration. It is suggested that collectors carefully label their specimens with the exact locality in which they are found, giving care to their association and, when mortuary, to their position in the graves in relation to the skeletons.
[87] I am informed by Mr F. W. Hodge that similar fragments were found by the Hemenway Expedition in 1888 in the prehistoric ruins of the Salado.
[88] The head is round, with lateral appendages. The face is divided into two quadrants above, with chin blackened, and marked with zigzag lines, which are lacking in modern pictures. In the left hand the figure holds a rattle. The body is wanting, but the breast is decorated with rectangles.
[89] A single metate of lava or malpais was excavated at Awatobi. This object must have had a long journey before it reached the village, since none of the material from which it was made is found within many miles of the ruin.
[90] There are many fine pictographs, some of which are evidently ancient, on the cliffs of the Awatobi mesa. These are in no respect characteristic, and among them I have seen the awata (bow), honani (badger's paw), tcüa (snake), and omowûh (rain-cloud). On the side of the precipitous wall of the mesa south of the western mounds there is a row of small hemispherical depressions or pits, with a groove or line on one side. There is likewise, not far from this point, a realistic figure of a vulva, not very unlike the asha symbols on Thunder mountain, near Zuñi.
[91] Journal of American Ethnology and Archæology, vol. ii, No. 1, p. 77.
[92] In the expedition of 1896 there were found a large number of shell ornaments, which will be described in a forthcoming report of the operations during that year. See the preliminary account in the article "Pacific Coast Shells in Tusayan Ruins," American Anthropologist, December, 1896.
[93] One of these bells was found in a grave at Chaves Pass during the field work of 1896.
[94] Bells made of clay are not rare in modern Tusayan villages, and while their form is different from that of the Awatobi specimen, and the size larger, there seems no reason to doubt the antiquity of the specimen from the ruin of Antelope mesa.
[95] Many of the specimens in the well-known Keam collection, now in the Tusayan room of the Peabody Museum at Cambridge, are undoubtedly from Sikyatki, and still more are from Awatobi. Since the beginning of my excavations at Sikyatki it has come to be a custom for the Hopi potters to dispose of, as Sikyatki ware, to unsuspecting white visitors, some of their modern objects of pottery. These fraudulent pieces are often very cleverly made.
[96] Architecture of Tusayan and Cibola, op. cit., pp. 20, 21.
[97] These rooms I failed to find. One of the rocky knolls may be that called by me the "acropolis." The second knoll I cannot identify, unless it is the elevation in continuation of the same side toward the east. Possibly he confounded the ruin of Küküchomo with that of Sikyatki.
[98] The legends of the origin of Oraibi are imperfectly known, but it has been stated that the pueblo was founded by people from Old Shuñopovi. It seems much more likely, however, that our knowledge is too incomplete to accept this conclusion without more extended observations. The composition of the present inhabitants indicates amalgamation from several quarters, and neighboring ruins should be studied with this thought in mind.
[99] It is distinctly stated that the Tanoan families whose descendants now inhabit Hano were not in Tusayan when Awatobi fell. To be sure they may have been sojourning in some valley east of the province, which, however, is not likely, since they were "invited" to East Mesa for the specific purpose of aiding the Hopi against northern nomads. Much probability attaches to a suggestion that they belonged to the emigrants mentioned by contemporary historians as leaving the Rio Grande on account of the unsettled condition of the country after the great rebellion of 1680.
[100] The succession of priests is through the clan of the mother, so that commonly, as in the case of Katci, the nephew takes the place of the uncle at his death. Some instances, however, have come to my knowledge where, the clan having become extinct, a son has been elevated to the position made vacant by the death of a priest. The Kokop people at Walpi are vigorous, numbering 21 members if we include the Coyote and Wolf clans, the last mentioned of which may be descendants of the former inhabitants of Küküchomo, the twin ruins on the mesa above Sikyatki.
[101] In this census I have used also the apparently conservative statement of Vetancurt that there were 800 people in Awatobi at the end of the seventeenth century.
[102] Kanel = Spanish carnero, sheep; ba = water, spring.
[103] Wipo spring, a few miles northward from the eastern end of the mesa, would be an excellent site for a Government school. It is sufficiently convenient to the pueblos, has an abundant supply of potable water at all seasons, and cultivable fields in the neighborhood.
[104] The boy who brought our drinking water from Kanelba could not be prevailed upon to visit it on the day of the snake hunt to the east in 1895, on the ground that no one not a member of the society should be seen there or take water from it at that time. This is probably a phase of the taboo of all work in the world-quarter in which the snake hunts occur, when the Snake priests are engaged in capturing these reptilian "elder brothers."
[105] Tcino lives at Sichomovi, and in the Snake dance at Walpi formerly took the part of the old man who calls out the words, "Awahaia," etc. at the kisi, before the reptiles are carried about the plaza. These words are Keresan, and Tcino performed this part on account of his kinship. He owns the grove of peach trees because they are on land of his ancestors, a fact confirmatory of the belief that the people of Sikyatki came from the Rio Grande.
[106] Nasyuñweve, who died a few years ago, formerly made the prayer-stick to Masauwûh, the Fire or Death god. This he did as one of the senior members of the Kokop or Firewood people, otherwise known as the Fire people, because they made fire with the fire-drill. On his death his place in the kiva was taken by Katci. Nasyuñweve was Intiwa's chief assistant in the Walpi katcinas, and wore the mask of Eototo in the ceremonials of the Niman. All this is significant, and coincides with the theory that katcinas are incorporated in the Tusayan ritual, that Eototo is their form of Masauwûh, and that he is a god of fire, growth, and death, like his dreaded equivalent.
[107] The Hano people call the Hopi Koco or Koso; the Santa Clara (also Tewa) people call them Khoso, according to Hodge.
[108] The replastering of kivas at Walpi takes place during the Powamu, an elaborate katcina celebration. I have noticed that in this renovation of the kivas one corner, as a rule, is left unplastered, but have elicited no satisfactory explanation of this apparent oversight, which, no doubt, has significance. Someone, perhaps overimaginative, suggested to me that the unplastered corner was the same as the break in encircling lines on ancient pottery.
[109] I was aided in making this plan by the late J. G. Owens, my former assistant in the field work of the Hemenway Expedition. It was prepared with a few simple instruments, and is not claimed to be accurate in all particulars.
[110] The existence of these peach trees near Sikyatki suggests, of course, an abandonment of the neighboring pueblo in historic times, but I hardly think it outweighs other stronger proofs of antiquity.
[111] The position of the cemeteries in ancient Tusayan ruins is by no means uniform. They are rarely situated far from the houses, and are sometimes just outside the walls. While the dead were seldom carried far from the village, a sandy locality was generally chosen and a grave excavated a few feet deep. Usually a few stones were placed on the surface of the ground over the burial place, evidently to protect the remains from prowling beasts.
[112] The excavations at Homolobi in 1896 revealed two beautiful cups with braided handles and one where the clay strands are twisted.
[113] The modern potters commonly adorn the ends of ladle handles with heads of different mythologic beings in their pantheon. The knob-head priest-clowns are favorite personages to represent, although even the Corn-maid and different katcinas are also sometimes chosen for this purpose. The heads of various animals are likewise frequently found, some in artistic positions, others less so.
[114] The clay ladles with perforated handles with which the modern Hopi sometimes drink are believed to be of late origin in Tusayan.
[115] The oldest medicine bowls now in use ordinarily have handles and a terraced rim, but there are one or two important exceptions. In this connection it may be mentioned that, unlike the Zuñi, the Hopi never use a clay bowl with a basket-like handle for sacred meal, but always carry the meal in basket trays. This the priests claim is a very old practice, and so far as my observations go is confirmed by archeological evidence. The bowl with a basket-form handle is not found either in ancient or modern Tusayan.
[116] Symbolism rather than realism was the controlling element of archaic decoration. Thus, while objects of beauty, like flowers and leaves, were rarely depicted, and human forms are most absurd caricatures, most careful attention was given to minute details of symbolism, or idealized animals unknown to the naturalist.
[117] Certainly no more appropriate design could be chosen for the decoration of the inside of a food vessel than the head of the Corn-maid, and from our ideas of taste none less so than that of a lizard or bird. The freshness and absence of wear of many of the specimens of Sikyatki mortuary pottery raises the question whether they were ever in domestic use. Many evidently were thus employed, as the evidences of wear plainly indicate, but possibly some of the vessels were made for mortuary purposes, either at the time of the decease of a relative or at an earlier period.
[118] The figure shown in [plate cxxix, a], was probably intended to represent the Corn-maid, or an Earth goddess of the Sikyatki pantheon. Although it differs widely in drawing from figures of Calako-mana on modern bowls, it bears a startling resemblance to the figure of the Germ goddess which appears on certain Tusayan altars.
[119] Hopi legends recount how certain clans, especially those of Tanoan origin, lived in Tségi canyon and intermarried with the Navaho so extensively that it is said they temporarily forgot their own language. From this source may have sprung the numerous so-called Navaho katcinas, and the reciprocal influence on the Navaho cults was even greater.
[120] These priests wear a close-fitting skullcap, with two long, banded horns made of leather, to the end of which corn husks are tied. For an extended description see Journal of American Ethnology and Archæology, vol. ii, No. 1, page 11.
[121] The rarity of human figures on such kinds of pottery as are found in the oldest ruins would appear to indicate that decorations of this kind were a late development. No specimen of black-and-white ware on which pictures of human beings are present has yet been figured. The sequence of evolution in designs is believed to be (1) geometrical figures, (2) birds, (3) other animals, (4) human beings.
[122] In some of the figurines used in connection with modern Hopi altars these whorls are represented by small wheels made of sticks radiating from a common juncture and connected by woolen yarn.
[123] The natives of Cibola, according to Castañeda, "gather their hair over the two ears, making a frame which looks like an old-fashioned headdress." The Tusayan Pueblo maidens are the only Indians who now dress their hair in this way, although the custom is still kept up by men in certain sacred dances at Zuñi. The country women in Salamanca, Spain, do their hair up in two flat coils, one on each side of the forehead, a custom which Castañeda may have had in mind when he compared the Pueblo coiffure to an "old-fashioned headdress."
[124] American Anthropologist, April, 1892.
[125] Troano and Cortesiano codices.
[126] A nakwákwoci is an individual prayer-string, and consists of one or more prescribed feathers tied to a cotton string. These prayer emblems are made in great numbers in every Tusayan ceremony.
[127] The evidence afforded by this bowl would seem to show that the cult of the Corn-maid was a part of the mythology and ritual of Sikyatki. The elaborate figures of the rain-cloud, which are so prominent in representations of the Corn-maid on modern plaques, bowls, and dolls, are not found in the Sikyatki picture.
[128] The reason for my belief that this is a breath feather will be shown under the discussion of feather and bird pictures.
[129] For the outline of this legend see Journal of American Ethnology and Archæology, vol. iv. The maid is there called the Tcüa-mana or Snake-maid, a sacerdotal society name for the Germ goddess. The same personage is alluded to under many different names, depending on the society, but they are all believed to refer to the same mythic concept.
[130] The attitude of the male and female here depicted was not regarded as obscene; on the contrary, to the ancient Sikyatki mind the picture had a deep religious meaning. In Hopi ideas the male is a symbol of active generative power, the female of passive reproduction, and representations of these two form essential elements of the ancient pictorial and graven art of that people.
[131] The doll of Kokopeli has along, bird-like beak, generally a rosette on the side of the head, a hump on the back, and an enormous penis. It is a phallic deity, and appears in certain ceremonials which need not here be described. During the excavations at Sikyatki one of the Indians called my attention to a large Dipteran insect which he called "Kokopeli."
[132] The practice still exists at Zuñi, I am told, and there is no sign of its becoming extinct. It is said that old Naiutci, the chief of the Priesthood of the Bow, was permanently injured during one of these performances. (Since the above lines were written I have excavated from one of the ruins on the Little Colorado a specimen of one of these objects used by ancient stick-swallowers. It is made of bone, and its use was explained to me by a reliable informant familiar with the practices of Oraibi and other villagers. It is my intention to figure and describe this ancient object in the account of the explorations of 1896.)
[133] "Tusayan Katcinas," Fifteenth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, 1893-94, Washington, 1897. Hewüqti is also called Soyokmana, a Keresan-Hopi name meaning the Natacka-maid. The Keresan (Sia) Skoyo are cannibal giants, according to Mrs Stevenson, an admirable definition of the Hopi Natackas.
[134] The celebration occurs in the modern Tusayan pueblos in the Powamû where the representative of Calako flogs the children. Calako's picture is found on the Powamû altars of several of the villages of the Hopi.
[135] Figures of the human hand have been found on the walls of cliff houses. These were apparently made in somewhat the same way as that on the above bowl, the hand being placed on the surface and pigment spattered about it. See "The Cliff Ruins of Canyon de Chelly," by Cosmos Mindeleff; Sixteenth Annual Report, 1894-95.
[136] Muryi, mole or gopher; muriyawû, moon. There maybe some Hopi legend connecting the gopher with the moon, but thus far it has eluded my studies, and I can at present do no more than call attention to what appears to be an interesting etymological coincidence.
[137] This form of mouth I have found in pictures of quadrupeds, birds, and insects, and is believed to be conventionalized. Of a somewhat similar structure are the mouths of the Natacka monsters which appear in the Walpi Powamû ceremony. See the memoir on "Tusayan Katcinas," in the Fifteenth Annual Report.
[138] Figures of the tadpole and frog are often found on modern medicine bowls in Tusayan. The snake, so common on Zuñi ceremonial pottery, has not been seen by me on a single object of earthenware in use in modern Hopi ritual.
[139] Journal of American Ethnology and Archæology, vol. iv.
[140] Although made of beautiful yellow ware, it shows at one point marks of having been overheated in firing, as is often the case with larger vases and jars.
[141] One of the best examples of the rectangular or ancient type of medicine bowl is used in the celebration of the Snake dance at Oraibi, where it stands on the rear margin of the altar of the Antelope priesthood of that pueblo.
[142] One of the best of these is that of the Humis-katcina, but good examples occur on the dolls of the Calakomanas. The Lakone maid, however, wears a coronet of circular rain-cloud symbols, which corresponds with traditions which recount that this form was introduced by the southern clans or the Patki people.
[143] In the evolution of ornament among the Hopi, as among most primitive peoples where new designs have replaced the old, the meaning of the ancient symbols has been lost. Consequently we are forced to adopt comparative methods to decipher them. If, for instance, on a fragment of ancient pottery we find the figure of a bird in which the wing or tail feathers have a certain characteristic symbol form, we are justified, when we find the same symbolic design on another fragment where the rest of the bird is wanting, in considering the figure that of a wing or tail feather. So when the prescribed figure of the feather has been replaced by another form it is not surprising to find it incomprehensible to modern shamans. The comparative ethnologist may in this way learn the meanings of symbols to which the modern Hopi priest can furnish no clue.
[144] In an examination of many figures of ancient vessels where this peculiar design occurs it will be found that in all instances they represent feathers, although the remainder of the bird is not to be found. The same may also be said of the design which represents the tail-feathers. This way of representing feathers is not without modern survival, for it may still be seen in many dolls of mystic personages who are reputed to have worn feathered garments.
[145] At the present time the circle is the totemic signature of the Earth people, representing the horizon, but it has likewise various other meanings. With certain appendages it is the disk of the sun—and there are ceremonial paraphernalia, as annulets, placed on sand pictures or tied to helmets, which may be represented by a simple ring. The meaning of these circles in the bowl referred to above is not clear to me, nor is my series of pictographs sufficiently extensive to enable a discovery of its significance by comparative methods. A ring of meal sometimes drawn on the floor of a kiva is called a "house," and a little imagination would easily identify these with the mythic houses of the sky-bird, but this interpretation is at present only fanciful.
[146] The paho is probably a substitution of a sacrifice of corn or meal given as homage to the god addressed.
[147] Journal of American Ethnology and Archæology, vol. iv. These water gourds figure conspicuously in many ceremonies of the Tusayan ritual. The two girls personating the Corn-maids carry them in the Flute observance, and each of the Antelope priests at Oraibi bears one of these in the Antelope or Corn dance.
[148] "A few Tusayan Pictographs;" American Anthropologist, Washington, January, 1892.
[149] A beautiful example of this kind was found at Homolobi in the summer of 1896.
[150] In this connection the reader is referred to the story, already told in former pages of this memoir, concerning the flogging of the youth by the husband of the two women who brought the Hopi the seeds of corn. It may be mentioned as corroboratory evidence that Calako-taka represents a supernatural sun-bird, that the Tataukyamû priests carry a shield with Tunwup (Calako-taka) upon it in the Soyaluña. These priests, as shown by the etymology of their name, are associated with the sun. In the Sun drama, or Calako ceremony, in July, Calako-takas are personated, and at Zuñi the Shalako is a great winter sun ceremony.
[151] American Anthropologist, April, 1895, p. 133. As these cross-shape pahos which are now made in Tusayan are attributed to the Kawaika or Keres group of Indians, and as they were seen at the Keresan pueblo of Acoma in 1540, it is probable that they are derivative among the Hopi; but simple cross decorations on ancient pottery were probably autochthonous.
[152] In dolls of the Corn-maids this germinative symbol is often found made of wood and mounted on an elaborate tablet representing rain-clouds.
[153] Many similarities might be mentioned between the terraced figures used in decoration in Old Mexico and in ancient Tusayan pottery, but I will refer to but a single instance, that of the stuccoed walls of Mitla, Oaxaca, and Teotitlan del Valle. Many designs from these ruins are gathered together for comparative purposes by that eminent Mexicanist, Dr E. Seler, in his beautiful memoir on Mitla (Wandmalereien von Mitla, plate x). In this plate exact counterparts of many geometric patterns on Sikyatki pottery appear, and even the broken spiral is beautifully represented. There are key patterns and terraced figures in stucco on monuments of Central America identical with the figures on pottery from Sikyatki.
[154] This pillar, so conspicuous in all photographs of Walpi, is commonly called the Snake rock.
[155] American Anthropologist, April, 1892.
[156] I failed to find out how the Hopi regard fossils.
[157] These objects were eagerly sought by the Hopi women who visited the camps at Awatobi and Sikyatki.
[158] The tubular form of pipe was almost universal in the pueblo area, and I have deposited in the National Museum pipes of this kind from several ruins in the Rio Grande valley.
[159] Journal of American Ethnology and Archæology, vol. iv, pp. 31, 32, 33.
[160] This form of pipe occurs over the whole pueblo area.
[161] Ancient cigarette reeds, found in sacrificial caves, have a small fragment of woven fabric tied about them.
[162] The so-called "implements of wood" figured by Nordenskiöld ("The Cliff Dwellers of the Mesa Verde," plate xlii) are identical with some of the pahos from Sikyatki, and are undoubtedly prayer-sticks.
[163] Primitive Culture, vol. ii, p. 396.
[164] Journal of American Ethnology and Archæology, Vol. ii, p. 131.
[165] American Anthropologist, July, 1892.
[166] As stated in former pages, there is some paleographic evidence looking in that direction.
[167] Journal of American Folk-Lore, vol. v, no. xviii, p. 213.
[168] Op. cit., p. 214.
[169] They failed to germinate.
APPENDIX
The following list introduces the numbers by which the specimens illustrated in this memoir are designated in the catalog of the United States National Museum. Each specimen is also marked with a field catalog number, the locality in which it was found, and the name of the collector:
| Plate [cxi]. | a, 155895; | b, 155897; | c, 155898; | d, 155896; | e, 155900; | f, 155916. | |||
| [cxii]. | a, 155875; | b, 155996; | c, 155902; | d, 155996; | e, 155997. | ||||
| [cxiii]. | a, 155992; | b, 155913; | c, 155991; | d, 155994; | e, 155993. | ||||
| [cxiv]. | a-g, 156018; | h, 156131; | i, 156091; | j, 156018. | |||||
| [cxix]. | a, 155806; | b, 155841; | c, 155832; | d, 155678; | e, 155820; | f, 155838. | |||
| [cxx]. | a, 155867; | b, 155866; | c, 155871; | d, 155856; | e, 155861; | f, 155460. | |||
| [cxxi]. | a, 155694; | b, 155698; | c, 155719. | ||||||
| [cxxii]. | a, 155702; | b, 155684; | c, 155688. | ||||||
| [cxxiii]. | a, 155711; | b, 155703; | c, 155707; | d, 155673. | |||||
| [cxxiv]. | a, 155674; | b, 155683. | |||||||
| [cxxv]. | a, 155750; | b, 155753; | c, 155751; | d, 155752; | e, 155749; | f, 155747. | |||
| [cxxvi]. | a, 155700; | b, 155682. | |||||||
| [cxxvii]. | a, 155718; | b, 155714; | c, 155723; | d, 155691. | |||||
| [cxxviii]. | a, 155745; | b, 155744; | c, 155746; | d, 155735; | e, 155734; | f, 155733; | g, 155736. | ||
| [cxxix]. | a, 155467; | b, 155462; | c, 155463; | d, 155464; | e, 155466; | f, 155465. | |||
| [cxxx]. | a, 155474; | b, 155475; | c, 155477; | d, 155484; | e, 155473; | f, 155476. | |||
| [cxxxi]. | a, 155758; | b, 155773; | c, 155768; | d, 155771; | e, 155546; | f 155764. | |||
| [cxxxii]. | a, 155482; | b, 155483; | c, 155481; | d, 155480; | e, 155479; | f, 155485. | |||
| [cxxxiii]. | a, 155614; | b, 155757; | c, 155502; | d, 155772; | e, 155758; | f, 155781. | |||
| [cxxxiv]. | a, 155570; | b, 155597; | c, 155567; | d, 155507; | e, 155575; | f, 155505. | |||
| [cxxxv]. | a, 155692; | b, 155681. | |||||||
| [cxxxvi]. | a, 155687; | b, 155737; | c, 155695. | ||||||
| [cxxxvii]. | a, 155488; | b, 155450; | c, 155468; | d, 155732; | e, 155776; | f, 155740. | |||
| [cxxxviii]. | a, 155498; | b, 155490; | c, 155492; | d, 155500; | e, 155499; | f, 155494. | |||
| [cxxxix]. | a, 155524; | b, 155528; | c, 155491; | d, 155523; | e, 155527; | f, 155522. | |||
| [cxl]. | a, 155529; | b, 155489; | c, 155540; | d, 155541; | e, 155606; | f, 155410. | |||
| [cxli]. | a, 155501; | b, 155503; | c, 155509; | d, 155511; | e, 155510; | f, 155512. | |||
| [cxlii]. | a, 155712; | b, 155693; | c, 155756; | d, 155636; | e, 155697. | ||||
| [cxliii]. | a, b, 155690. | ||||||||
| [cxliv]. | a, b, 155689. | ||||||||
| [cxlv]. | a, 155717; | b, 155696. | |||||||
| [cxlvi]. | a, 155538; | b, 155508; | c, 155802; | d, 155537; | e, 155487; | f, 155653. | |||
| [cxlvii]. | a, 155493; | b, 155497; | c, 155602; | d, 155504; | e, 155608; | f, 155495. | |||
| [cxlviii]. | a, 155556; | b, 155408; | c, 155545; | d, 155548; | e, 155544; | f, 155542. | |||
| [cxlix]. | a, 155554; | b, 155549; | c, 155573; | d, 155607; | e, 155572; | f, 155581. | |||
| [cl]. | a, 155565; | b, 155519; | c, 155518; | d, 155569; | e, 155551; | f, 155574. | |||
| [cli]. | a, 155535; | b, 155532; | c, 155539; | d, 155526; | e, 155613; | f, 155615. | |||
| [clii]. | a, 155555; | b, 155547; | c, 155571; | d, 155553; | e, 155536; | f, 155521. | |||
| [cliii]. | a, 155558; | b, 155564. | |||||||
| [cliv]. | a, 155560; | b, 155568. | |||||||
| [clv]. | a, 155543; | b, 155557. | |||||||
| [clvi]. | a, 155562; | b, 155561; | c, 155562; | d, 155796; | e, 155601; | f, 155588. | |||
| [clvii]. | a, 155531; | b, 155530; | c, 155525; | d, 155585; | e, 155563; | f, 155552. | |||
| [clviii]. | a, 155628; | b, 155742; | c, 155632; | d, 155633; | e, 155587; | f, 155634. | |||
| [clix]. | a, 155583; | b, 155598; | c, 155516; | d, 155629; | e, 155590; | f, 155520. | |||
| [clx]. | a, 155577; | b, 155576; | c, 155622; | d, 155594; | e, 155647; | f, 155654. | |||
| [clxi]. | a, 155642; | b, 155506; | c, 155517; | d, 155472; | e, 155589; | f, 155600. | |||
| [clxii]. | a, 155637; | b, 155618; | c, 155643; | d, 155621; | e, 155534; | f, 155533. | |||
| [clxiii]. | a, 155611; | b, 155612. | |||||||
| [clxiv]. | a, 155610; | b, 155609. | |||||||
| [clxv]. | a, 155593; | b, 155592. | |||||||
| [clxvi]. | a, 155641; | b, 155616; | c, 155617; | d, 155619; | e, 155584; | f, 155640. | |||
| [clxvii]. | a, 155877; | b, 155878; | c, 155892; | d, 155882; | e, 155890; | f, 155881. | |||
| [clxviii]. | a, 155876; | b, 155891; | c, 155884; | d, 155914; | e, 155940; | f, 155880. | |||
| [clxix]. | a, 156095; | b, 156098; | c, 156175; | d, 156174; | e, 156154; | f, 156065. | |||
| [clxx]. | a, b, 156227. | ||||||||
| [clxxi]. | a, 156270; | b, c, 156303; | e, 156199; | f, 156043. | |||||
| [clxxii]. | a, 156042; | b, 156169; | c, 156169; | d, 156170; | e, 156184; | f, 156164. | |||
| [clxxiii]. | a, 155999; | b, 155154; | c, 156128; | d, 156131; | e, f, 1561?0; | g, 156010; | h-l, 156130. | ||
| [clxxiv]. | a, 156191; | b, c, 156183; | d, 156185; | e-g, 156183; | h-j, 156194; | k, 156180; | l, m, 156191; | n, 156182. | |
| [clxxv]. | o, 156188; | p, 156185; | q, 156191; | r, 156186; | s, 156180; | t, 156188; | u, 156181; | v, 156179; | w, 156187. |
INDEX
Acropolis of Sikyatki [638], [640], [643][-646]
Adobe plastering in cavate houses [542]
[Adobe], see [Masonry], [Plastering].
Agave fiber used in Tusayan [629], [630]
Aguato, an Awatobi synonym [594]
Aguatobi, an Awatobi synonym [594]
Aguatuví, an Awatobi synonym [594]
Aguatuya, an Awatobi synonym [594]
Aguatuybá, an Awatobi synonym [594]
Aguitobi, an Awatobi synonym [594]
Ahuato, an Awatobi synonym [594]
Ahuatobi, an Awatobi synonym [594]
Ahuatu, an Awatobi synonym [594]
Ahuatuyba, an Awatobi synonym [594]
Ah-wat-tenna an Awatobi synonym [594]
Alosaka idols in Awatobi shrine [619]
Anawita, traditional information given by [595]
Ancestor worship at Sikyatki [732]
Antelope valley, see [Jeditoh valley].
Apache depredation in Tusayan [585]
[Apache], late appearance of, at Tusayan [581]
[Apache] occupancy of Verde ruins [550], [565], [570]
[Apache] pictographs in Verde valley [550], [556], [567], [568]
Aquatasi, an Awatobi synonym [594]
Aquatubi, an Awatobi synonym [594]
Archeological expedition to Arizona, 1895 [519][-744]
Arizona, archeological expedition to, 1895 [519][-744]
[Arizona], see [Navaho].
Arrowhead kilt worn by man-eagle [692][-693]
Arrowheads from Awatobi [618], [625]
[Arrowheads] in Sikyatki graves [731], [740]
Arrowshaft polishers from Awatobi [611], [731]
[Arrowshaft polishers] in Sikyatki graves [731]
Art remains in Palatki and Honanki [569]
Asa people join the Hopi [578]
[Asa people], migration of [622]
[Asa people] settle at Sichomovi [578]
Ash-heap pueblo, former site of Walpi [635]
Atabi-hogandi, an Awatobi synonym [594]
Aua-tu-ui, an Awatobi synonym [594]
A-wa-te-u, an Awatobi synonym [594]
Awatobi and Sikyatki pottery compared [659]
[Awatobi], arrowshaft polishers from [611], [731]
[Awatobi], etymology of [594]
[Awatobi], legend of destruction of [602]
[Awatobi], population of [637]
[Awatobi], reasons for excavating [591]
[Awatobi] ruin discussed [592][-631]
[Awatobi] ruin examined [535]
[Awatobi], settlement of Sikyatki people at [634]
[Awatobi] settled by Küküchomo and Sikyatki people [589]
[Awatobi] visited in 1540 [596]
Awatûbi, an Awatobi synonym [594]
Á-wat-u-i, an Awatobi synonym [594]
Awls, bone, from Awatobi [627]
Axes, stone, in Sikyatki graves [730], [731]
[Axes] from Awatobi [625]
Badger people settle Sichomovi [578]
Baer, Erwin, with archeological expedition in 1895 [527]
Bancroft, H. H., on destruction of Awatobi [601]
Bandelier, A. F., Cibola identified by [595]
[Bandelier, A. F.], on record of Awatobi destruction [610]
Baptism opposed by the Hopi [601]
Basins, see [Pottery].
Basketry found in Honanki [572]
[Basketry] not found at Sikyatki [649]
Bat-house, ruin of the [590]
Beads from Awatobi [628]
[Beads] in Sikyatki graves [733]
Beams of mission in Walpi houses [586]
[Beams] of Palatki ruin [557]
Bean-planting ceremony of the Hopi [702]
Bear clans, early arrival of, at Tusayan [582]
Bell, clay, from Awatobi [628]
[Bell], copper fragments of, from Awatobi [609], [631]
[Bell] used in Hopi ceremony [628]
Berries in Sikyatki graves [733]
Bessels, Emil, on affinity of cliff-dwellers and pueblos [532]
Bickford, F. D., on cliff houses in Walnut canyon [532]
Bird figures on Hopi pottery [660]
[Bird] figures on Sikyatki pottery [658], [682][-698], [714]
[Bird] ornaments from Awatobi [628]
[Bird] ornaments in Sikyatki graves [733]
[Bird] vessels from Awatobi [624]
Bloody Basin, cliff houses of [549]
Bodkins, bone, from Awatobi [627]
Bone beads from Honanki [573]
[Bone beads] in Sikyatki graves [733]
Bone objects from Awatobi [627], [628]
[Bone objects], from Honanki [572]
Bonilla, —, on Sandia population in 1749 [584]
Bourke, J. G., identifies Tally-hogan with Awatobi [602]
Bowls, Sikyatki, decorations on [705]
[Bowls], see [Pottery].
Boxes, earthenware, from Sikyatki [655]
Bracelets from Awatobi [628]
Butterfly figures on Sikyatki pottery. [678][-680], [698]
[Butterfly] symbol on Hopi pottery [687]
Calako in Hopi mythology [700]
[Calako] katcina, origin of [666]
Campbell, Geo., cliff houses discovered by [533]
Camp Verde, ruins near [534]
Cardenas, G. L., visits Tusayan in 1540 [595]
Cardinal points in Hopi ceremony [613], [628], [678]
Casa Grande ascribed to the Hopi [531]
Casa Grandes, pottery from [624]
Casa Montezuma, see [Montezuma Castle].
Casteñeda, P. de, account of Tusayan [596]
[Casteñeda, P. de] on Cibola hair-dressing [661]
[Casteñeda, P. de] on early pueblo warfare [588]
[Casteñeda, P. de] on Hopi fabrics [629]
[Casteñeda, P. de] on pueblo kivas in 1540 [575]
[Casteñeda, P. de] on visit to Tusayan in 1540 [596], [597]
Cavate dwellings, function of [544]
[Cavate dwellings] in Verde valley discussed [536], [537][-545]
Cemeteries of Sikyatki [646][-649]
Cemetery of Awatobi [593], [618]
Ceremonial circuit of the Hopi [681]
Chairs tabooed in Hopi kivas [626]
Charm stones from Sikyatki [729]
Chavero, A., on Nahuatl water symbol [569]
Chaves pass, ruins at [532], [573]
Chelly canyon, cliff houses in [578]
[Chelly canyon], see [Tségi].
Chimneys, absence of, at Sikyatki [646]
Chukubi, ruin of, discussed [583]
Cibola, identification of [595]
[Cibola], see [Zuñi].
Cigarettes of reeds in sacrificial caves [736]
[Cigarettes] in Hopi ceremony [735]
Cinder cones, ruins in [532]
Circular ruins absent in southern pueblo area [576]
Cist in Awatobi kiva [612]
[Cist] in cavate lodges [542]
[Cist] near cavate houses [543]
Clans formerly occupying Sikyatki [636]
[Clans] of Awatobi [610]
[Clans] of Küküchomo and Sikyatki [587], [588]
Cliff dwellers defined [531]
Cliff houses, age of, in Red-rocks [545]
[Cliff houses] and pueblos similar [537]
[Cliff houses] formerly occupied by Hopi [578]
[Cliff houses], human hand figures on [668]
[Cliff houses] in Walnut canyon [532]
[Cliff houses] of the Red-rocks [548], [549]
[Cliff houses] of Verde valley classified [536]
Cliff Palace and Honanki compared [552]
Cliff's Ranch, pictographs near [548]
Cloud, see [Raincloud].
Clown-priest figures on Hopi pottery [659]
Colander fragments from Tusayan ruins [624]
Comupaví identified with Shuñopovi [599]
Concepcion, Cristoval de la, at founding of Awatobi mission [599]
Copper found in Awatobi [608], [609], [631]
[Copper] bells in Arizona ruins [628], [629]
[Copper] unknown to ancient Tusayan [741]
Corn attached to prayer-sticks [739]
[Corn] found in Awatobi [606], [619]
[Corn] found in Honanki [572]
[Corn], Hopi symbolism of [662]
[Corn] in Hopi ceremony [628]
[Corn], sweet, introduced in Mishoñinovi [604]
Corn-maid dolls of the Hopi [704]
[Corn-maid] figures of the Hopi [661]
[Corn-maid] figures on Hopi pottery [657], [658], [662]
Corn mound, symbolic [740]
Corn pollen in Hopi ceremony [628]
Cornado, F. V. de, route of [530]
Cosmogony of the Hopi [647], [666], [732]
Cotton cultivated by the Hopi [596], [629]
[Cotton] fabrics in Verde ruins [573]
[Cotton] garments of the Hopi [599]
Coville, F. V., on identification of ancient food remains [741][-742]
Cremation not practiced at Sikyatki [649]
Crooks in Tusayan ritual [703]
[Crooks] on Sikyatki pottery [703][-704], [714], [724]
Cross figure allied to sun symbol [623]
[Cross] on Sikyatki pottery [702]
Crystal, see [Quartz crystal].
Cuanrabi mentioned by Oñate [599]
Cups from Sikyatki described [654]
[Cups], see [Pottery].
Cushing, F. H., on affinity of cliff dwellers and pueblos [532]
[Cushing, F. H.], on southern origin of Zuñi clans [574]
[Cushing, F. H.], ruins visited by [534]
Decoration of Awatobi pottery [623], [624][-625]
[Decoration] of Honanki pottery [570], [571]
[Decoration] of ladle handles [624]
[Decoration] of pottery by spattering [650], [668], [671], [677]
[Decoration] of Sikyatki pottery [650], [652], [655], [657][-728]
Dellenbaugh, F. S., on identification of Cibola [595]
Dippers from Awatobi described [624]
[Dippers], see [Pottery].
Dolls, Corn-maid, of the Hopi [704]
Domestic animals of the Hopi [731]
Doorways of cavate houses [543], [552]
Dragonfly symbolic of rain [630]
[Dragonfly] symbol on pottery [669], [680][-682]
Drill balances from Sikyatki graves [740]
Eagle plumes in Hopi rites [589]
Eagle shrine at Tukinobi [589]
Eagles kept by the Hopi [731]
East mesa, ruins at [581], [585]
Espejo, Antonio, Awatobi referred to by [596], [599]
[Espejo, Antonio], Awatobi visited by [594]
[Espejo, Antonio], on Hopi fabrics [629]
[Espejo, Antonio], visits Tusayan in 1583 [598]
Espeleta, an Oraibi chief [601]
[Espeleta], visits Santa Fé [601], [602]
Espeleta, José, killed at Oraibi [600]
Esperiez mentioned by Oñate [599]
Estufa, see [Kiva].
Fabrics, see [Textile].
Feather fabrics from Sikyatki [629]
[Feather] symbols on Hopi pottery [663]
[Feather] symbols on Sikyatki pottery [658], [682][-698], [714], [723], [724]
Feathered strings represented on pottery [662]
Feathers on prayer-sticks [739]
Fetish, mountain lion, from Awatobi [618]
[Fetish], mountain lion, from Sikyatki [730]
[Fetish], personal, from Sikyatki [729]
Fewkes, J. W., on archeological expedition to Arizona, 1895 [519][-744]
Figueroa, José, killed at Awatobi [600]
Fire, Hopi purification by [647]
[Fire], see [New-fire ceremony].
Fire-house, ancient occupancy of [633]
[Fire-house] ruin of Tusayan [590], [633]
Fireplaces in cavate dwellings [641]
Firewood people at Sikyatki [632], [633], [640], [646]
[Firewood people] of Tusayan [672]
Flagstaff, cliff houses near [533]
Flower figure on Hopi pottery [697]
[Flower figure] on Sikyatki pottery [658], [680]
Flowers, see [Vegetal designs].
Flute ceremony not performed in kiva [575], [612]
[Flute ceremony], trails closed during [597]
Flute-like objects from Awatobi [624]
[Flute-like objects] from Sikyatki [656]
Flute society, prayer-sticks of the [737]
Food remains in mortuary vessels [741]
Fossils used in Hopi ceremony [730]
Frasquillo, flight of Tanoan refugees under [578], [600]
Frog figures on Sikyatki pottery [658]
[Frog] figures on Tusayan bowls [677]
Garaycoechea, Juan, Awatobi visited by [600]
[Garaycoechea, Juan], missionary labors of [601]
Gardens, modern, at Sikyatki [646]
Genesis, see [Cosmogony].
Geometric figures on Sikyatki pottery [701][-705]
Germinative symbol on Sikyatki pottery [704]
Goddard, S., with archeological expedition in 1895 [527]
God of Death of the Hopi [641]
Goode, G. Brown, acknowledgments to [528]
Gorgets in Sikyatki graves [733]
Gutierrez, Andres, at founding of Awatobi mission [599]
Hair, human, woven by the Hopi [630]
Hairdressing of the Hopi [661], [663]
Hance's ranch, pictograph bowlder near [545]
Hand figures on Sikyatki pottery [666][-668], [728]
Hano compared with Walpi [642]
[Hano] in 1782 [579]
[Hano], when established [636]
Havasupai, cliff dwellings occupied by [533]
Heart represented in animal figures [673]
Hematite fetish from Sikyatki [730]
Hemenway, Mary, Kawaika pottery purchased by [590]
Hé-shóta-pathl-tâĭe, Zuñi name of Kintiel [534]
Hodge, F. W., acknowledgments to [527]
[Hodge, F. W.] on colander fragments from Salado ruins [624]
[Hodge, F. W.] on recent advent of the Navaho [658]
[Hodge, F. W.], Sikyatki excavation aided by [648]
Hodge, Mrs M. W., acknowledgments to [527]
Hoffman, W. J., on ruins at Montezuma Well [546]
Holbrook, ruins near [533]
Holguin, Capt., Payüpki attacked by [583]
Holmes, W. H., on evolution of pottery designs [715], [716], [727]
Homolobi, location of [532]
Honanki, art remains found at [569]
[Honanki], origin of name [553], [559]
[Honanki], discovery of ruin of [534], [551]
[Honanki] ruin discussed [558][-569]
Hopi, abandonment of villages by [580]
[Hopi] and Verde ruins compared [573]
[Hopi], early migrations of clans of [574]
[Hopi] knowledge of Montezuma Well [547]
[Hopi] pictographic score [568]
[Hopi] pueblos in 1782 [579]
[Hopi] request removal to Tonto basin [534]
[Hopi] ruins, distribution of [581]
[Hopi], southern origin of part of [568]
Horn clans at Sikyatki [669]
Horn-house, ruin of [590]
Horses, how regarded by ancient Hopi [598], [599]
Hough, W., pottery figure interpreted by [664]
Howell, E., cliff houses discovered by [533]
Human figures on Sikyatki pottery [660]
Human remains in Awatobi ruins [610],
[612], [618]
[Human remains], see [Cemeteries].
Idol, see [Alosaka], [Doll], [Fetish].
Insect figures on Sikyatki pottery [658]
Irrigation represented in pictography [545]
[Irrigation] ditches in Verde valley [538]
Jacob's Well described [546]
Jakwaina, farm of, at Sikyatki [640]
Jaramillo, Juan, on "Tucayan" [595]
Jars, see [Pottery].
Jeditoh valley, ruins in [581], [589], [592]
Judd, James S., acknowledgments to [527]
Kachinba ruin described [589]
Katci, a Hopi folklorist [637]
[Katci], farm of, at Sikyatki [641]
Katcina cult in Tusayan [625], [633]
[Katcina] defined [661], [732]
[Katcina] figures on Hopi pottery [624], [658], [665]
Kawaika, application of name [622]
[Kawaika], pottery from [622]
[Kawaika], ruins at [590]
Keam, T. V., excavations by, at Kawaika [622]
[Keam, T. V.], idols removed and returned by [619]
Keam's canyon, ruins in [581]
Kinnazinde, ruin of [534]
Kintiel ascribed to the Zuñi [534], [591]
[Kintiel], location of [533]
Kisakobi, former site of Walpi [578]
[Kisakobi] ruins described [585]
[Kisakobi], settlement of [635]
Kishyuba, a Hopi ruin [591]
Kisi and cavate house compared [544]
Kiva-like remains at Honanki [560]
Kivas, absence of, in Sikyatki [642]
[Kivas], absence of, in southern cliff houses [574]
[Kivas], ceremonial replastering of [645]
[Kivas], distribution of [561], [574]
[Kivas] of Awatobi [611]
[Kivas], platforms characteristic of [541]
[Kivas], round, evolution of [575]
K'n'-i-K'él, see [Kintiel].
Kokopeli, a Hopi deity [663]
Kopeli, services of, at Sikyatki [641], [643]
Kóyimse of the Hopi [659]
Küchaptüvela, former site of Walpi [578]
[Küchaptüvela] ruin described [585]
Küküchomo ruins described [586]
Kwataka, a Hopi monster [691]
Ladles from Awatobi described [624]
[Ladles] from Sikyatki described [655]
[Ladles], see [Pottery].
Langley, S. P., acknowledgments to [528]
Lelo, farm of, at Sikyatki [640]
Leroux, A., Verde ruins discovered by [530]
Lightning symbol on Hopi pottery [673]
Lignite deposits near Sikyatki [643]
[Lignite] gorgets in Sikyatki graves [733]
Lines, broken, on Sikyatki pottery [704]
Lummis, C. F., on Montezuma Well ruins [546]
Mamzráuti ceremony introduced at Walpi [604]
Man-eagle, a Hopi monster [691]
[Man-eagle] on Sikyatki pottery [683]
Marie, Aug. Sta., an Awatobi missionary [600]
Masauwûh in Hopi mythology [666]
[Masauwûh], see [God of Death].
Masiumptiwa, Awatobi legend repeated by [603]
Masonry of Awatobi [616]
[Masonry] of Honanki [563]
[Masonry] of Palatki [554][-555]
[Masonry] of Sikyatki [644]
Meal, sacred, trail closed with [596], [597]
Meal sacrifice by the Hopi [739]
Mearns, E. A., on Verde valley ruins [535], [544], [546]
Medicine bowls of the Hopi [681]
Medicine bowls of the Zuñi and Hopi [655]
Meline, J. F., on settlement of Sandia [584]
Mescal in Verde valley caves [550]
Metal not found at Honanki [571]
[Metal] not found at Sikyatki [649], [741]
Metates found in Awatobi [625], [626]
[Metates] found in Honanki [571]
[Metates] found in Sikyatki graves [731]
Mica, see [Selenite].
Middle mesa, ruins at [581], [582]
Migration of Hopi clans [577]
Miller, Dr, pottery collected by [675]
Mindeleff, Cosmos, Homolobi ruins examined by [532]
[Mindeleff, Cosmos], on absence of kivas in Verde ruins [561]
[Mindeleff, Cosmos], on cavate houses [543]
[Mindeleff, Cosmos], on function of cavate lodges [544]
[Mindeleff, Cosmos], on origin of circular kivas [576]
[Mindeleff, Cosmos], on similarity of cliff dwellings and pueblos [537]
[Mindeleff, Cosmos], on Verde valley ruins [535]
Mindeleff, Victor, Awatobi described by [602]
[Mindeleff, Victor], groundplan of Chukubi by [583]
[Mindeleff, Victor], groundplan of Mishiptonga by [590]
[Mindeleff, Victor], on Awatobi kivas [612]
[Mindeleff, Victor], on distribution of Tusayan ruins [577]
[Mindeleff, Victor], on former sites of Walpi [585]
[Mindeleff, Victor], on Horn-house and Bat-house [590]
[Mindeleff, Victor], on origin of circular kivas [576]
[Mindeleff, Victor], Shitaimovi mentioned by [582]
[Mindeleff, Victor], Sikyatki described by [632]
Mishiptonga, ruin of [590]
Mishoñinovi in 1782 [579]
Mishoñinovi, Old, discussed [582]
Mission, ruins of, at Awatobi [606]
[Mission], when established at Awatobi [599]
Missions among the Hopi [595]
Moki, see [Hopi].
Montezuma Castle and Honanki compared [563]
[Montezuma Castle] on Beaver creek [549]
Montezuma Well, ruins at [534], [546][-548]
Mooney, James, cited on Kawaika pottery [590]
Morfi, Juan A., on Hopi pueblos in 1782 [579]
[Morfi, Juan A.], on settlement of Sandia [584]
Mortars found in Awatobi [626]
Mortuary customs of the Hopi [648], [656]
[Mortuary] objects in Sikyatki graves [650], [656]
[Mortuary] remains in Awatobi [617]
[Mortuary] slabs from Sikyatki [732]
[Mortuary] vessels, food remains in [741]
Moth figures on Sikyatki pottery [678][-680]
Mountain-lion fetish from Sikyatki [730]
[Mountain-lion] figure on pottery [671]
[Mountain-lion] in Hopi mythology [545]
Mountain-sheep figure on pottery [669], [671]
Müyinwû, a Hopi deity [647], [667]
Myth, see [Cosmogony], [Genesis].
Mythic origin of Kanelba [638][-639]
[Mythic] personages on pottery [665]
Nahuatl and Hopi pictographs compared [569]
Naiutci injured by stick swallowing [664]
Nakwákwoci defined [662]
Nampéo, a Hopi potter [660]
Nasyuñweve, a Hopi folklorist [637], [640]
Navaho and Hopi intermarriage [658]
[Navaho] ceremonial circuit [681]
[Navaho] depredations in Tusayan [585]
[Navaho] in Antelope valley [592], [593]
[Navaho] katcinas on Hopi pottery [658]
[Navaho], late appearance of, in Tusayan [581]
[Navaho] name of Awatobi [594]
[Navaho], recent advent of, in New Mexico [658]
[Navaho], shrine robbed by [612]
Naybi identified with Oraibi [599]
Necklaces in Sikyatki graves [733]
Needles, bone, from Awatobi [627]
New-fire ceremonies of the Hopi [586], [602]
New Mexico, see [Navaho].
Niel, J. A., on Tanoan migration to Tusayan [578], [584]
Nimankatcina of the Hopi [593]
Niza, Marcos de, on Totonteac fabrics [629]
Nomenclature of Awatobi [594]
[Nomenclature] of Sikyatki [636]
Nordenskiöld, G., on affinity of cliff dwellers and pueblos [532]
[Nordenskiöld, G.], on evolution of pottery design [716], [727]
[Nordenskiöld, G.], cited on Mesa Verde villages [555], [563], [678]
[Nordenskiöld, G.], on origin of round kivas [575]
[Nordenskiöld, G.], on platforms in Mesa Verde kivas [541]
[Nordenskiöld, G.], prayer-sticks found by [736]
Nüshaki, etymology of [578], [586]
Oak creek, ruins on [533], [550]
Obsidian objects from Sikyatki [732]
Offerings by Indian excavators [641]
Oñate, Juan de, Awatobi visited by [594], [599]
Openings in Honanki walls [565]
[Openings], see [Doorway].
Oraibi, age of [607]
[Oraibi] in 1782 [580]
[Oraibi] legendary origin of [634]
[Oraibi], site of [578]
Orientation of Awatobi mission [609]
Ornaments in Sikyatki graves [733]
Otermin, Ant., attempted reconquest by [584]
Owens, J. G., acknowledgments to [646]
Padilla, Juan, visits Tusayan in 1540 [596]
Paho, see [Prayer-stick].
Paiakyamu figures on Hopi pottery [659]
Paint, see [Pigment].
Palatki, art remains found at [569]
[Palatki], population of [567]
[Palatki] ruins discovered [534], [551]
[Palatki] ruins described [553][-558]
Palatkwabi, a traditional land of the Hopi [529], [531], [568], [672]
Paleography, see [Decoration].
Passageways in cavate dwellings [542]
[Passageways] in Honanki [565]
Patki people, early migrations of the [574]
[Patki people], southern origin of the [529], [568]
Patuñ phratry, southern origin of [529]
Payüpki, a ruin in Tusayan [578], [583]
[Payüpki], possible origin of [584]
Peaches cultivated near Sikyatki [646]
[Peaches] introduced in Oraibi [604]
[Peaches] of the Hopi [639]
Phallic representations among the Hopi [663]
Pictographs at Honanki [567], [568]
[Pictographs] at Palatki ruin [556]
[Pictographs] in Verde valley [545]
[Pictographs] near Montezuma Well [548]
[Pictographs] near Schürmann's ranch [550]
[Pictographs] of Awatobi totems [610]
[Pictographs] on Awatobi cliffs [626]
[Pictographs], see [Decoration].
Pigment found at Awatobi [618]
[Pigment] found at Sikyatki [728], [729]
[Pigment] how applied by the Hopi [650]
[Pigment] used on prayer-sticks [630]
Pipes in Sikyatki graves [733]
Plastering on Awatobi walls [616]
[Plastering] of Honanki ruin [563]
[Plastering] of Palatki ruin [555]
[Plastering] of Sikyatki rooms [645], [646]
Platforms in cavate dwellings [541]
[Platforms] in Honanki [566]
Plumed snake cult in Tusayan [671], [672]
[Plumed snake] figures on Hopi kilts [696]
[Plumed snake] figure on pottery [658], [671]
[Plumed snake] in Hopi mythology [668]
Polishing stones from Sikyatki [729]
Population of Awatobi [605]
[Population] of Honanki [567]
Porcupine figure on pottery [669]
Porras, Padre, missionary labors of [595], [599], [600], [605]
Pottery decoration of the Hopi [569]
[Pottery] from ancient Walpi [585]
[Pottery] from Awatobi [621][-625]
[Pottery] from Honanki classified [570]
[Pottery] from Payüpki [584]
[Pottery] from Shuñopovi and Mishoñinovi [582]
[Pottery] from Sikyatki discussed [650][-728]
[Pottery] from Verde and Colorado Chiquito compared [573]
[Pottery], mortuary, from Awatobi [617]
[Pottery], mortuary, from Kawaika [590]
[Pottery], mortuary, from Sikyatki [649]
[Pottery] of ancient Tusayan [617]
Powamû ceremony of the Hopi [702]
Powell, J. W., ruins found by [532]
Prayer-sticks, cross-shape, of Keres origin [703]
[Prayer-sticks] from Awatobi [613], [618], [630][-631]
[Prayer-sticks] from Honanki [573]
[Prayer-sticks] from Sikyatki [649], [736][-739]
[Prayer-sticks] in Hopi ceremony [628]
[Prayer-sticks], prescribed length of [668]
[Prayer-sticks], significance of [688], [738]
Prayer-strings of the Hopi [662]
Priests, Hopi, succession of [637]
Pueblo Grande, see [Kintiel].
Pueblo Indians descended from cliff dwellers [531], [532]
[Pueblo Indians] ruins, of Verde valley classified [536]
[Pueblo Indians] and cliff dwellings similar [537]
Quadruped figures on Sikyatki pottery [668][-671]
Quartz crystal from Sikyatki [729]
Rabbit figure on Sikyatki pottery [669], [670]
Rabbit-skin robes of Tusayan [629]
Rain symbol on bird ornaments [733]
Rainbow symbols on Sikyatki pottery [681]
Raincloud symbol of the Hopi [681]
[Raincloud symbol] on Awatobi cist [613]
[Raincloud symbol] on gravestones [732]
[Raincloud symbol] on Hopi pottery [694]
[Raincloud symbol] on Sikyatki pottery [689], [690]
Rattlesnake Tanks, ruins at [532]
Red rocks, cliff houses of the [548][-549]
Reptile figures on pottery [658], [671][-677]
Ruins of East Mesa discussed [585]
[Ruins] of Tusayan [577]
[Ruins], see [Awatobi], [Honanki], [Palatki], [Sikyatki], etc.
Sacrifice among the Hopi [738]
[Sacrifice], see [Offering].
Saint Johns, ruins near [533]
Saliko, Awatobi legend repeated by [603]
[Saliko] on the Awatobi Mamzráutu [611]
San Bernabe, mission name of Shuñopovi [607]
San Bernardo, mission name of Awatobi [594], [595], [599]
Sandals found in Honanki [573]
Sandia, Hopi name for [584]
[Sandia] settled by Tanoan people from Tusayan [584]
San Juan, headdress from [734]
Schürmann, —, acknowledgments to [559]
[Schürmann], ruins near ranch of [550][-553]
Seats, stone, in Awatobi ruins [626]
Seeds in mortuary vessels [741]
Selenite deposits near Sikyatki [643]
[Selenite] in Sikyatki graves [730], [733]
Seler, E., Mexican designs gathered by [705]
Serpent, plumed, of the Hopi [547], [548]
Shalako, see [Calako].
Shell beads from Honanki [573]
[Shell] bracelet from Honanki [572]
[Shell] from Sikyatki graves [739]
[Shell] ornaments from Awatobi [628]
[Shell] ornaments in Sikyatki graves [733]
Shimo, Awatobi legend repeated by [602]
Shipaulovi in 1782 [579]
Shitaimovi, ruin of [582]
Shrines at Awatobi described [619][-621]
[Shrines] at Walpi [586]
[Shrines] near Tukinobi [589]
[Shrines] robbed by Navaho [612]
[
Shrines] unearthed at Awatobi [613]
[Shrines] of the Hopi [613]
Shuñopovi in 1782 [579]
[Shuñopovi], Old, discussed [582]
Sichomovi compared with Walpi [642]
[Sichomovi], Tewa name for [642]
[Sichomovi], when established [578], [636]
Sikyatki and Awatobi pottery compared [623], [659]
[Sikyatki] and modern Hopi pottery compared [649]
[Sikyatki], destruction of [633]
[Sikyatki], etymology of [636]
[Sikyatki] inhabitants settle at Awatobi [596]
[Sikyatki] people harrassed by Walpians [588]
[Sikyatki], prehistoric character of [592], [632]
[Sikyatki] ruins described [631][-742]
[Sikyatki], reasons for excavating [591]
[Sikyatki] ruins examined [535]
Sites of Tusayan pueblos [578]
Sitgreaves, L., on ruins near San Francisco mountains [532], [533]
[Sitgreaves, L.], cited on selenite deposits [643]
Slipper-form vessels from Sikyatki [652]
Smoking in Hopi ceremony [734]
Snake represented on pottery [671], [677]
[Snake], see [Plumed snake].
Snake hunt, taboo of work during [639]
Snake people, absence of, at Sikyatki [740]
[Snake people], early arrival of, at Tusayan [582]
[Snake people], northern origin of [575]
[Snake people] settle at Walpi [617]
Snake-rattle in Sikyatki grave [740]
[Snake-rattle] used for ornament [740]
Sorcery, Awatobi men accused of [603]
Spanish objects found at Awatobi [606], [623], [631]
[Spanish objects] unknown to early Tusayan [741]
Spattering, pottery decorated by [650], [668], [671], [677]
Spoons from Sikyatki described [655]
[Spoons], see [Pottery].
Squash indigenous to the southwest [621]
[Squash] flower, symbolism of the [661]
Squaw mountain, cavate dwellings near [534]
Stalactites in Sikyatki graves [730]
Star figures on Sikyatki pottery [702], [724]
[Star] symbol on Hopi pottery [696]
[Star] symbols on Sikyatki pottery [680], [690]
Stephen, A. M., on Awatobi kivas [612]
[Stephen, A. M.], on Horn-house and Bat-house [590]
[Stephen, A. M.], on Mishiptonga ruin [590]
[Stephen, A. M.], on occupancy of Küküchomo [587]
[Stephen, A. M.], on origin of certain katcina [666]
Stevenson, James, ruins discovered by [532]
Stevenson, M. C., on Keresan cannibal giants [665]
Stick swallowing by the Hopi [664]
Stone implements from Awatobi [625][-626]
[Stone implements] from Honanki [571]
[Stone implements] from Sikyatki [729]
Sun figure in Powamû ceremony [702]
Sunflower symbols on Sikyatki pottery [702]
Sun symbol, cross allied to [623]
[Sun symbol] on Sikyatki pottery [699][-701]
Sun worship of the Hopi [699]
Supela, Awatobi legend repeated by [603]
Swastika figures on Sikyatki pottery [703]
Taboo of work during snake hunt [639]
Tadpole figures on Sikyatki pottery [658], [677]
Talla-hogan, meaning of [594]
[Talla-hogan], Navaho name of Awatobi [594]
Tanoan migration to Tusayan [578], [600], [636]
Tapolo, an Awatobi chief [603], [611]
Tataukyamû, a Hopi priesthood [611]
Tatcukti, a Hopi clown-priest [659]
Tawa (sun) phratry, southern origin of [529]
Tcino, garden of, at Sikyatki [638], [640], [646]
Terraced figures of Mexico and Tusayan [705]
[Terraced figures] on Sikyatki pottery [701], [703]
Tewa people occupy Payüpki [584]
[Tewa people], progressiveness of, in Tusayan [580]
Textile fabrics from Awatobi [629][-630]
[Textile fabrics], absence of, at Sikyatki [649]
[Textile fabrics] found in Honanki [572], [573]
[Textile fabrics], Sikyatki dead wrapped with [656]
Tinder tube from Honanki [572], [573]
Tobacco, see [Smoking].
Tobacco phratry in Awatobi [611]
Tobar, Pedro, visits Tusayan in 1540 [578], [595], [596], [631]
Tonto, origin of term [534]
Tonto Basin, ruins in [534]
Totonaka, a Hopi deity [647]
Totonteac identified with Tusayan [534]
[Totonteac], suggested origin of [534]
Toys of pottery from Sikyatki [656]
Trails ceremonially closed [596][-597]
Trincheras defined [550]
[Trincheras] in Red-rock country [549], [550]
Trujillo, José, probably killed at Shuñopovi [600]
Tsêgi canyon and Tusayan pottery compared [623]
[Tsêgi canyon] formerly occupied by Hopi clans [658]
[Tsêgi canyon], see [Chelly canyon].
Tubes, bone, from Awatobi [627]
Tucano, name applied to Tusayan [595]
Tucayan, name applied to Tusayan [595]
Tukinobi, ruin of, described [589]
Turquois beads found at Honanki [573]
[Turquois] mosaics of the Hopi [662]
[Turquois] objects in Sikyatki graves [641], [733]
Tusayan, application of term [577]
[Tusayan] identified with Hopi villages [595]
[Tusayan] ruins discussed [577][-742]
[Tusayan] towns in 1540 [606]
[Tusayan], see [Hopi].
Tuzan, name applied to Tusayan [595]
Tylor, E. B., cited on primitive sacrifice [738]
Ute depredations in Tusayan [585]
[Ute], late appearance of, at Tusayan [581]
Vargas, Diego de, Awatobi visited by [594]
[Vargas, Diego de], Tusayan conquered by [600]
Vases, see [Pottery].
Vegetal designs on Hopi pottery [698][-699]
Verde valley and Tusayan ruins compared [573]
[Verde valley], archeology of [530]
[Verde valley] ruins discussed [536], [576]
Vetancurt, A. de, Awatobi mentioned by [594]
[Vetancurt, A. de], on destruction of Awatobi mission [600]
Voth, H. R., decorated bowl collected by [665]
[Voth, H. R.], on ancient pottery found at Oraibi [607]
Walls of Honanki described [559]
[Walls] of Palatki ruin [557]
[Walls], see [Masonry].
Walnut canyon, cliff houses in [532]
Walpi, ancient, pottery of [660]
[Walpi] compared with other villages [642]
[Walpi], former sites of [585], [635]
[Walpi], gradual desertion of [586]
[Walpi] in 1540 [578]
[Walpi] in 1782 [579]
[Walpi], origin of name [585]
[Walpi], southern origin of clans of [529]
Walther, Henry, pottery repaired by [682]
War god symbolism on Hopi pottery [664]
Water used in Hopi ceremony [689]
Water-house people of Tusayan [672]
[Water-house people], see [Patki].
Water supply of Sikyatki [638], [646]
Weapons of ancient Tusayan [596], [598]
Whistles, bone, from Awatobi [627]
[Whistles] used in Hopi ceremonies [628]
Winship, G. P., acknowledgments to [527]
[Winship, G. P.], Castañeda's narrative translated by [596]
Wipo spring in Tusayan [639]
Wood in Palatki ruin [555]
[Wood], method of working, at Honanki [571]
[Wood], remains of, at Honanki [562], [566]
[Wood], objects of, from Honanki [572]
Wood's ranch, pictograph bowlder near [545]
Xumupamí identified with Shuñopovi [599]
Yucca fiber anciently used [572]
Zagnato, an Awatobi synonym [594]
Zaguate, an Awatobi synonym [594]
Zaguato, an Awatobi synonym [594]
Zinni-jinne, see [Kinnazinde].
Zuñi and other pottery compared [623]
[Zuñi] origin of Kintiel [534], [591]
[Zuñi], Shalako ceremony of [700]
[Zuñi], snake figures on pottery of [677]
[Zuñi], southern origin of clans of [574]
[Zuñi], stick-swallowing at [664]