FOOTNOTES:
[1] Journ. Amer. Ethnol. and Archæol., Vol. II, No. 1. Sitcomovi and Hano have no Niman Katcina, nor do they celebrate the Tusayan ritual in its entirety. The word Katcina is used to designate both a dance and a participant in a dance. Between July and January there are no Katcina rites in Tusayan.
[2] I have been interested to discover what proportion of the whole number of Hopi ceremonials have been described, and the results are such as to allay any conceit that we know much about the subject. Without considering the abbreviated ceremonials there are in the ritual 12 which are of nine days duration. There are five variants of this ritual, differing in altars, paraphernalia, and rites, so that we may say there are performed in Tusayan about 60 ceremonials, each nine days long, to be investigated. Of these there are 40 of which we know nothing, save their existence; 15, fragments of which have been described; and 5 which have been fairly well studied. There are about 30 Hopi altars which have never been figured or described, or as far as I know seen by ethnologists. It thus appears that there is plenty of material in this province to occupy the students of primitive ritual for some time to come. An adequate comprehension of the Hopi Katcina ritual requires a consideration of five different modifications of the same altars.
[3] The image of Cotokinungwu in the Oraibi flute altar (q. v.) has zigzag figures down the legs, which would appear to associate this deity with lightning.
[4] Amer. Anthrop., Vol. 5, No. 2, April, 1892, Pl. I, fig. 1; Pl. III, figs. 1 and 2.
[5] The Hopi, ancient and modern, were adepts in this craft of mosaic encrustations, using for that purpose turquoises, shells, and other substances.
[6] The chief who flogs the children in the initiation, which occurs in Powamu, holds this object in his hand. This flogging at Walpi is performed by a man masked to represent Tunwup. Int. Archiv für Ethnog., Band viii, 1895. 15th Ann. Rep. Bur. Amer. Ethnol., pp. 283-284.
[7] Amer. Anthrop., Vol. 5, No. 2, April, 1892.
[8] A great many observations remain to be made before any one can claim to know the exact meaning of pueblo rites, but the material awaits investigation, and can be obtained by persistent work in the field. The time, however, is past when any compiler can write an account of the aboriginal religions of America and neglect the Hopi for want of published material.
[9] For Niman altars of Cipaulovi, Miconinovi, and Walpi, see Journ. Amer. Ethnol. and Archæol., Vol. II, No. 1.
[10] The character of the public ceremonials of the Katcinas, even when abbreviated, as in the so-called rain dances, justifies the theory that their main objects are the two above mentioned. Even the clowns, a priesthood directly connected with Katcinas and absent in all other ceremonies, are concerned with the growth of seeds.
[11] It may be borne in mind that the same altar is made in Powamu and Niman, and whether called by one or the other of these names it is the same thing—a Katcina altar.
[12] Journ. Amer. Folk-Lore, Vol. VIII, No. XXXI. The conical prolongation of the head is also found in many figurines and images and while the similarity of symbolism would lead to the belief that the two supernaturals are identical, the presence of two similar images on an altar indicates that they are distinct.
[13] In other secret rites, not considered in this article, the first method is employed as in Powamu. Personifications in public dances are ordinarily masked, and as a rule Katcinas doff their masks when they dance in kivas. In certain instances, however, the mask is worn in kiva ceremonials.
[14] I regard them as complicated symbols, not intrinsically objects of worship.
[15] In the public dance she is represented by a girl, but there is a beautiful instance in this ceremony where the third method is substituted for the first in the public dance. For some reason unknown to me, in the 1891 exhibit at Walpi no girl performed this part, but her place was taken by a participant in the dance who bore in her hands a flat board with a picture of the Germ Maid (see Mamzrauti, Amer. Anthrop., Vol. V, No. 3, 1892, Pl. IV, figs. 9, 10). The picture, not the bearer, represented the Germ Maid. It is a remarkable confirmation of my theory that Mamzraumana is the same personation as Calakomana; that this picture is identical in symbolism with pictures of the latter, and was so called by the priests. Comparing the picture Mamzraumana on the Mamzrau altar and of the same on this tablet we see differences in old and new Hopi art. The picture publicly exhibited conforms to modern conception of her symbolism, as shown in dolls, etc.; that on the altar, which the uninitiated can not see, is the older form, before innovations and modifications.
[16] Amer. Anthrop., Vol. V, No. 3, 1892.
[17] Journ. Amer. Ethnol. and Archæol., Vol. IV.
[18] Journ. Amer. Ethnol. and Archæol., Vol. II; Journ. Amer. Folk-Lore, Vol. VIII, No. XXXI; Vol. IX, No. XXV.
[19] Journ. Amer. Folk-Lore, Vol. VI, No. XXIII.
[20] As maize is the most important food of the Pueblo Indians there is a tendency to make this name more specific, “Corn Maid.” This appears to be the name of the doll Calakomana, “Corn Maid.”
[21] The range of variation of the dolls of the Calakomana may be seen by consultation of my memoir on Tusayan Dolls (Int. Archiv für Ethnog., Band VII, pp. 45-74, 1894). One of the strangest of these represents two Germ Maids, one above the other, surmounted by a male figurine, Hehea Katcina, which has lightning emblems on the cheeks and phallic symbols on the body.
[22] He is intimately connected with the “flogging” ceremony, when children are “introduced” to the Katcinas (see Fifteenth Ann. Rep. Bur. Amer. Ethnol., pp. 283-284). The radiating crown of feathers and the two horns on the head, together with the symbol on the forehead, ally him with Calakotaka (male Calako) whose kinship with the Sun-bird is elsewhere referred to. Tunwup appears to be a local name of this worthy in Walpi kivas.
[23] In the so-called “screen drama” of this ceremony, we have pictures of the Sun painted on disks. On the theory that Palülükonti is a fertilization ceremony, it would be explained as referring to corn, and the thrusting of the snake effigies through openings closed by Sun-disk symbols connected with this event.
[24] In the same way that I have compared the Little War Gods and the Germ Maids of Katcina altars we might also compare the male and female figures of the flute altars which we know from variants. The same will be possible with the cultus hero and his female double of Lalakontu, Mamzrauti, etc. There is a striking morphological identity in many altars of different societies.
[25] A quartz crystal is used to deflect the light of the sun into the medicine bowl in Niman Katcina. Journ. Amer. Ethnol. and Archæol., Vol. II, No. 1.
[26] Similar projections at intervals a quadrant apart are common on symbols of the sun, and I have found them on ancient pottery from Homolobi. The arrow-headed appendages are not, as far as I know, found in any other instance of palæography.
[27] Pikumi is a kind of hasty pudding, a favorite dish in ceremonial feasts. It is baked in small pits lined with corn husks, which have previously been heated by building fires within them. The coals are raked out, the mush put in, and a stone slab luted over the pit. Upon this a fire is maintained over night, and on the morning of the final day of a great ceremonial they are opened. The soft part is eaten immediately, but the mush which has caked to the corn husks is reground and made into other forms of food. The above-mentioned balls are made of the latter products.
[28] Evidently this and the following acts are to bring the summer birds.
[29] The Oraibi Powalawu, witnessed twice, took place Feb. 4, 1894, and Jan. 14, 1896. The chronology of the succeeding events in 1894 was as follows:
Feb. 5-9, bean planting in all kivas.
Feb. 13-21, nine active days of Powamu ceremony, q. v. The Powamu, according to my enumerations, includes not only the nine active days but also several preceding in which the beans are planted, beginning with Powalawu, and making a complete ceremony of 16 days.
[30] These gifts for little girls were made in the Niman Powamu and Palülükonti at Walpi. They were fashioned in the form of Katcinas. (Int. Archiv für Ethnog., Band VII, 1894.)
On the eighth pahos were made for Hahaiwuqti and Eototo, who visit the kiva on the ninth day. The former personage appears to be known by different names in Oraibi and Walpi, but I believe the same personage is intended by both names.
[31] For a picture of Hahaiwuqti, see Amer. Anthrop., Vol. VII, No. 1, 1894. For symbolism of Eototo, see Int. Archiv für Ethnog., Band VII, 1894.
[32] In the shrine he put a paho, several nakwakwocis, and meal, after which he took a little honey in his mouth and spat to the four cardinal points. He gave a basket with a paho, sprouted beans, and other objects to Hahaiwuqti after he left him at the second meal figures.
This method of tolling the gods is practiced in the march of the Flute priests from the spring to the pueblo. (Journ. Amer. Ethnol. and Archæol., Vol. II; in Lalakontu, and in Mamzrauti, op. cit.)
The Katcinas are tolled along by meal deposited on the trail by the priests. A trail is closed by a line of meal at right angles to the same.
[33] Those in one of the kivas received meal (prayers) and nakwakwocis (personal prayers). Hahaiwuqti gave them the basket she bore and the objects remaining in it, upon which at the close of the ceremony, all the priests smoked (prayed).
[34] From the belts of Humis the priests took a sprig of spruce. This is only customary after the Humis Katcina dance. (Journ. Amer. Ethnol. and Archæol., Vol. II, No. 1.)
The Humis (humita, corn) wear terraced (rain cloud) tablets on the mask. (Journ. Amer. Ethnol. and Archæol., Vol. II, No. 1.)
[35] For symbolism of their masks and dress see Journ. Amer. Ethnol. and Archæol., Vol. II, No. 1; Int. Archiv für Ethnog., Band VII. Ana wears a long beard and is therefore called the bearded Katcina. Hehea has zigzag marks on the cheeks. The symbolism of Tacab varies considerably, but is readily recognized.
[36] A Hopi prayer combines two elements of ceremony—prayer proper and sacrifice, the former spoken or not, the latter always expressed by symbols. As they are an agricultural people, their aboriginal wealth is an agricultural product, as corn. Their poverty of corn and the requirement of their ritual necessitated sacrifices of meal, a highly practical substitution. So likewise tobacco smoke is a sacrifice, the burning of rare herbs, or the pine needles in the “New Fire” ceremony.
The act of sacrificing animals or human beings is not a part of their present ritual, but a knowledge of its efficacy exists. They have legends of human sacrifice on rare occasions in the past. The killing of an animal and smearing the body of the man representing Masawuh with its blood, at the time of Lieutenant Brett’s visit to Oraibi in 1891, is an instance of animal sacrifice. Several survivals of animal sacrifices in warrior ceremonies might be quoted from legends.
[37] Eototo is believed to be a god of metamorphism, or growth, intimately associated with germination, a sacerdotal equivalent of Masawuh, as far as these functions are concerned.
[38] I have elsewhere called Powamu a purification ceremony or lustral observance, which it is in certain particulars, but I am now convinced that its main object is to further the fructification of vegetation.
[39] Journ. Amer. Ethnol. and Archæol., Vol. II, No. 1, p. 152. The Katcina hero in this story would appear not to have brought a wife from this people.
