COMPARATIVE STUDY OF KATCINA DANCES IN CIBOLA AND TUSAYAN

The published material which can be used as a basis of comparison in the study of Katcinas in other villages is meager and insufficient. Even of the nearest pueblo, Zuñi, which has been more studied than many of the others, and in which Katcina observances closely akin to those of Tusayan are performed, the published accounts are very limited. In a general way it seems to me that the Tusayan ceremonials are more showy and elaborate than those at Zuñi. There is, however, one marked exception;[117] the powerful war society, called the Priesthood of the Bow, has more elaborate ceremonials in Zuñi than in Walpi, where this organization is weak. It is not possible from my limited knowledge of Zuñi ceremonials to declare that it is less complicated than that of Tusayan, but I believe that the powerful organization mentioned has had much to do with many of the differences between the two.

One source of information in regard to the differences and likenesses between the Zuñi and Hopi ceremonials is the testimony of the chiefs themselves. This does not hold in regard to modified ceremonials primarily the same or derived from a common source, and is only hearsay, not science.

All the Hopi priests say that the Siotü (Zuñis) have no knowledge of the Tcütcübwimi (Snake-Antelope mysteries). The same chiefs likewise claim that the Zuñis have no Mamzraúti, Lálakoñti,[118] Wüwütcímti, and no societies corresponding to the Tátaukyamû, Áaltû, or Kwákwantû.

Although they may not reproduce some of these ceremonials in the form celebrated by the Hopi, it is not clear to me that some of those which they observe may not be differentiations of the same ceremony, as I have shown in my accounts of the women’s dances.[119] There is a marked similarity in many of the myths, which would seem to imply resemblances in ritualistic dramatizations of the same.

It is possible to verify historical data and legendary history by a study of the same ceremony. For instance, the five oldest Tusayan pueblos of which we have accounts in the earliest records are Awatobi, Walpi, Micoñinovi, Cuñopavi, and Oraibi.[120] Awatobi was destroyed in 1700, so that but four original communities of the time of Vargas still remain. It is in these four and at Cipaulovi that the Snake ceremony is still celebrated, and Sitcomovi and Hano are ascribed by Hopi legends to a much later time than the first appearance of the Spaniards; their names do not appear in the early descriptions of the province.

It is a mistaken idea, and one which has led to many misconceptions, to suppose that what is true of one group of pueblos is true of all. While in a general way the mythology and ritual of all may be said to have general resemblances, there is far from an identity between the ceremonials, for instance, of the Hopi and the Zuñi, or those of the Rio Grande pueblos and Tusayan. It is not a question of knowing all by an intimate knowledge of one; but each branch, even individual pueblos, must be investigated separately before by comparative knowledge we can obtain an adequate conception of the character of the pueblo type of mythology and ritual. Moreover, there is evidence that this difference existed in ancient times, and while the differentiation of the manners and customs of different pueblos may have been less rapid in the past than today they were far from being identical. It does not follow, except in certain limits, that the most primitive pueblos today show in their survivals a better picture of the character of life in another pueblo than the existing state of things in the latter. To reconstruct the probable character of the ancient culture we must trace similarities by comparative studies.

In a comparative study of the ceremonials of different pueblos, it is important to decide which are most primitive or nearest the aboriginal condition and which are least affected by foreign influences. The purer the present aboriginal culture, the greater worth will it have in our approximation to a true conception of the primitive pueblo culture. Many of the Pueblos practice a religious system which may be rightly called aboriginal, but in some it has been modified by outside influences. I think no one, for instance, would say that the present Zuñi custom of burial in a churchyard was not due in part to the influence of Catholic priests, for Spanish narratives of three and a half centuries ago are quite explicit in their statement that the Zuñi burned their dead. If one custom has been changed, how are we to distinguish the modified from the primitive? It can be shown that strong influences have been used for the direct purpose of destroying the Katcina worship. Take, for instance, Zuñi, the least changed of all the pueblos except those of Tusayan. It is pagan today, and probably never was profoundly modified by Christianity, but Roman Catholic fathers, with the avowed determination to Christianize it, could not have lived there continuously for over a century and caused the great missions to be built without modifying the religious customs of the Zuñians. It is said that after the priests were driven out the Pueblos returned to their ancient practices, but it must be admitted that no one has yet shown how the pure Katcina practices were preserved over three generations. They returned to an old worship, but who has evidence to say that it was the same as that of their great-great-grandfathers?

In some instances the natives have very willingly adopted Christian teachings and the Christian God, believing that by so doing their own religion would necessarily become strengthened by an addition to their pantheon. Such adoption, however, no matter how regarded by them, made a permanent impression on their primitive condition by changing their mode of thought and life.

They apparently may have abandoned all that the church taught; but what means could have been used to restore the pure worship of pre-Columbian times? The culture which was revived was aboriginal, but could never be identical[121] with that of the times before Coronado.

The question then resolves itself into a historical one—which pueblos were the home of Catholic priests for the shortest time, and in which were their influences least powerful? The historian will of course answer the Tusayan pueblos, and ethnology contributes her quota of facts to indicate that the purest form of Pueblo ceremonials are now practiced by these villagers.

Although there are several ceremonials which the Hopi claim are not performed at Zuñi, and conversely others performed at Zuñi which are not observed in Tusayan, there is a similarity, differing in details, between the Kóko and Katcina dances close enough to show their identity. The Hopi recognize this fact, and to prove it I need only mention that the Áñakatcina in 1891 was danced at Zuñi by some of the Hopi as a Kóko. I have already pointed out the identity of the masks, paraphernalia, and songs of the Kókokshi, performed by the Zuñians, and the Áñakatcina at Walpi. There is no doubt in my mind that they are the same, but I can not accept the dictum that what is observed in one is identical with what exists in the other. There are slight modifications which exist likewise in different Hopi villages, as will be seen by a comparison of my descriptions of the two. One marked difference is that several Kókokshi dances were performed in the summer I spent at Zuñi, and that this identical Katcina (the Áña) is performed but once each summer in any one Hopi village.

BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY.

FIFTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT. PL. CXI.

A. HOEN & CO., LITH.

A POWAMU MASK.

Fig. 48—Symbolism of the helmet of Húmiskatcina (tablet removed).

The only other Kóko[122] dance which I know of from personal observation is the tablet dance, which is in many respects homologous with the Húmiskatcina. The symbolism of the mask and tablet, however, differs from the Húmis, and while in a speculative way I regard them the same we must await more research to prove them identical. The subject is still more complicated by the fact that the Hopi have a tablet mask with still a third symbolic character, which they call the Zuñi or Síohúmiskatcina.

I think we need have no hesitation in supposing that the so-called Sío (Zuñi) Katcina, which I have elsewhere described, is a Zuñi celebration derived from that pueblo. I do not know whether it is ever performed there in the same way as at Walpi, since it has not been described by any of the students of the Zuñians.

We have, however, as before mentioned, a partial description by Cushing of the Zuñi Shálako, and from his account we can gather a few of the main points of difference between it and the Síocálako performed at Walpi and described in the preceding pages. The Hopi, however, have a Cálako of their own. They distinguish it from the Síocálako, which they not only recognize as of Zuñi origin, but are also able to designate the family which brought it from the Zuñians. The name of the celebration and the use of Zuñi words in it both point to this conclusion.

The correspondence between the Héemashikwi, or last[123] dance—the tablet dance described by me elsewhere as occurring at the close of the series of Kókos—is probably the same as the Nimánkatcina. There are many similarities to indicate this fact, and, although as yet we know nothing of the secret observances connected with it, I suspect that a similarity between them and those described in the Móñkiva will later be made known.

Dolls in imitation of the Héemashikwi are reported in the catalogue of Colonel James Stevenson’s collection from Zuñi in 1881, and I have no doubt it will be found that there formerly was, and possibly still survives, at the celebration of this dance at Zuñi the characteristic habit in Tusayan of distributing dolls as presents at the departure of the Katcinas.

Mrs Stevenson has given short descriptions of some of the Zuñi Kókos and figures of the masks of the same. While it is not possible for me to use them in a comparison with Katcina celebrations, they are interesting in studies of symbolism. The “flogging Kókos,” for instance, seem to function the same as Túñwup among the Hopi, but as the symbolism of the mask of the floggers, Saiāhlias, is not given by Mrs Stevenson I am not able to express an opinion whether the same personage is intended or not. The time of year when the flagellation is inflicted by the Saiāhlia of Zuñi would be an interesting observation, and the accompanying ceremonials would also be of great interest for comparison with the Powámû.

I have not been able to find the equivalents of the Sälämobias among the Hopi, but the symbolism of Pooatíwa agrees almost exactly with that of the Hopi Paútiwa.

The Sälämobias of the different world-quarters agree in color with those assigned by the Hopi to the same points, with the exception of those for the above and below. In Zuñi, according to Cushing and Mrs Stevenson, the above is all colors, the below black. Among the Hopi the above was found to be black and the below all colors. This discrepancy in observations is recommended as a good subject for future students, both in Tusayan and Zuñi.

In reviewing the Hopi ceremonial personages I have been unable to find any homology with the Sälämobias. The views of the masks[124] given by Mrs Stevenson afford little information on this subject, but in her sand picture, surrounded by the Plumed Snake, I find some of the figures of Sälämobias with indication of a connecting band between the eyes, which recalls Paútiwa’s[125] symbolism. There does not seem to be a wide difference between the profile views of the masks of Paútiwa and Sälämobia of the different world-quarters.

The environment of the pueblos of Tusayan and of Cibola is so similar and the rain-cloud worship so imperative in both that, a priori, we should expect the rain-cloud symbol to be as frequent in Zuñi as in Walpi. I am much surprised therefore in studying the description of Zuñi ceremonials to find nothing said of the characteristic Hopi symbols of the rain clouds, the semicircles and the parallel lines of falling rain (plate [CVIII]). If the rain clouds at Zuñi are limited to the terraced[126] figures found on the prayer-meal bowls and the same made in sacred meal we certainly have a significant difference between the symbolism of these two peoples. In Tusayan there is not one of the great religious festivals where the semicircular clouds and falling rain do not appear as symbols. Thus far students of the Zuñi ceremonials have not figured one instance in which they are used.[127]

The short account of the effigy of the Plumed Snake (Kólowisi) with attendant ceremonials at Zuñi, by Mrs Stevenson, shows the existence of archaic rites with the Plumed Serpent which have been observed in a different form (Pálülükoñti) at Tusayan. The time of the year when the Zuñi effigy is brought to the kivas on a rude altar is not given; nor is the special name of the ceremony. The conch shell is similarly used to imitate the voice of the Plumed Serpent at Zuñi, as at Walpi, in the Soyáluña and the Pálülükoñti. In neither of these ceremonials, however, have the effigies been observed to be carried ceremonially about the pueblos of the Tusayan mesas. The symbolism of Pálülükoñti and Kólowisi seems to differ, judging from published accounts and symbolism on Zuñi and Hopi pottery. I find no intimation of the horn on the head of Zuñi pictures of the Plumed Snake, and the arrowhead decoration fails on the body. The two crescents which are common on the body of the Zuñi figures have not been observed in Hopi pictographs or effigies.

It would seem both from legendary and other reasons that there has not been the warmest friendship between the inhabitants of Tusayan and Cibola. This is not to be wondered at, for only on rare occasions has there been good feeling between two pueblos even of the same speech. The massacre of Awatobi at the hands of the other Hopi has been told elsewhere, and even at the present day Oraibi is not on the best of terms with the other Hopi towns. The legends of the Hopi are full of quarrels of one pueblo with another, and bitter hatred sometimes developing into bloody wars in which their own kindred were attacked and pueblos destroyed.

In her article, “A chapter of Zuñi mythology,”[128] Mrs Stevenson says: “The Ahshiwanni,[129] a priesthood of fourteen men who fast and pray for rain; the Kokko, an organization bearing the name of anthropomorphic beings (principally ancestral) whom they personate, and thirteen esoteric societies are the three fundamental religious bodies of Zuñi.... The society of the Kokko personate anthropomorphic gods by wearing masks and other paraphernalia. There are six estufas or chambers of the Kokko for the six regions, the north, west, south, east, zenith, and nadir, and these rooms present fantastic scenes when the primitive drama is enacted by the personators of these anthropomorphic gods.... The esoteric societies, with but one or two exceptions, have nothing to do with anthropomorphic beings, this category of gods being zoomorphic.”

Accepting these statements as a correct idea of the “three fundamental religious bodies of Zuñi” I find great difficulty in tracing an intimate relation between them and those of the Hopi system. A large number of the Katcinas are anthropomorphic and likewise ancestral. They bear the names of animals, and in that sense may be called in some instances zoomorphic. Walpi, however, has but five kivas, the members of each of which in the Powámû personify different Katcinas. I have not yet discovered that each of these kivas is associated with a different cardinal world-quarter, as Mrs Stevenson finds to be the case in Zuñi. The esoteric societies of the Zuñi, according to Mrs Stevenson, “with but one or two exceptions have nothing to do with anthropomorphic beings.” I am not able to harmonize my observations of the secret societies in Tusayan with the definition given of the esoteric societies in Zuñi, and must await some clearer insight into the character of the latter before offering any discussion of several resemblances which can be detected. From an examination of Cushing’s article in the Century Magazine, in which the esoteric societies of Zuñi are briefly defined, I am led to believe that the so-called esoteric societies in that pueblo differ a good deal from those in Walpi. The Hopi testify that while some of their secret fraternities are represented in Zuñi several of them are not identical.[130]

Mrs Stevenson does not make it clear who these fourteen (six) so-called Ahshiwanni are, but calls them “rain priests.” She intimates that they appeal directly to the Sun father, their supreme deity, and to the rain makers, while the “societies” address “the beast gods of their worship to intercede with the Sun father and rain makers.” There is apparently no parallelism between these conditions and those at Tusayan, but I can readily find truth in the statement when applied to the Hopi that “no society convenes without giving much time to invocations for rain.” I am sure that some of the societies at Tusayan do not appeal to the beast gods to intercede with the Sun father and rain makers, but address the latter directly in their prayers. In this particular there is certainly a marked difference between the conceptions back of the rites in Tusayan and those ascribed to the Cibolans.[131]

The custom of the Yókimoñwi, or rain chief, retiring alone to a cell to pray for rain was practiced in Tusayan. One of these retreats is to be seen at the Middle mesa. Among the foothills there is a block of sandstone, 15 feet long, 5 feet wide, and 4 feet thick. Its flat face is about horizontal or slightly tilted toward the northeast. Portions of a rough wall are still in place under the block, confirming the story that there was here formerly a chamber of which the block was the roof. An aperture on the northeastern corner, about 20 inches square, is usually closed with loose stones, but the chamber is now filled in with sand to within about 2 feet of the roof or lower surface of the slab. The interior of the chamber was about 8 feet long and 4 feet wide. On the roof, which was painted white, are figures of yellow, green, red, and white rain clouds with parallel lines of falling rain and zigzag lightning symbols in conventional patterns. To this chamber, it is said, the Rain chief of the Water people retired at planting time and lived there sixteen days, his food being brought to him by a girl during his vigils. He was able by his prayers to bring the rain. These visits were made long ago, but even now there are páhos strewn about the chamber, and devout persons visit the place at the present day with a nakwákwoci and pray for rain. Although the Rain chief no longer passes the sixteen days there, it is a holy place for the purposes mentioned.

“The earth,” says Mrs Stevenson,[132] “is watered by the deceased Zuñi of both sexes, who are controlled and directed by a council composed of ancestral gods. These shadow people collect water in vases and gourd jugs from the six great waters of the world, and pass to and fro over the middle plane, protected from view of the people below by cloud masks.”

I find a different conception from this of the rain-making powers of the dead among the Hopi. Among other ceremonials, when certain persons die, after the chin has been blackened, the body washed, and prescribed feathers placed on different parts of it, a thin wad of raw cotton in which is punched holes for the eyes is laid upon the face. This is a mask and is called a rain-cloud or “prayer to the dead to bring the rain.” In general, as many writers have said, the use of the mask transforms the wearer into a deity designated by the symbolism of the same,[133] and as a consequence the dead, we may theoretically suppose, are thereby endowed with supernatural powers to bring rain. The Ómowûhs, however, are the Rain gods, and so far as I can explain the significance of the symbolic rain-cloud mask on the face of the dead and the black color on the chin, it is simply a method of prayer through the divinized dead to the Rain-cloud deities. Among the Hopi the earth is watered by the Rain-gods, but the dead are ceremonially made intercessors to affect them. In this view of the case the Hopi may be said to believe that the earth is “watered by the deceased of both sexes.”

The Hopi believe that the breath body of the Zuñi goes to a sacred place near Saint Johns, called Wénima. There the dead are supposed to be changed into Katcinas, and the place is reputed to be one of the homes of these personages. It is likewise specially spoken of as the house of Cálako, and it is believed that the Zuñi hold the same views of this mysterious place. In lagoons near it turtles are abundant, and not far away Mr Hubbell and others discovered sacrificial caverns in which were large collections of pottery. Tótci, a Hopi resident of Zuñi, is the authority for the statement that the Cibolans do not use the raw cotton mortuary mask, although they blacken the face of the dead chiefs. He says the same idea of divinization of the breath body into a Katcina seems to be current among the Zuñi as among the Hopi.

According to Mrs Stevenson the father of the Kokko is Kaklo (Kyäklu), whose servants are the Sälämobiyas. The name of their mother is not known to me. The Katcinas are said to be the offspring of an Earth goddess,[134] who figures under many names. Their father’s name on comparative grounds is supposed to be Táwa, the sun, or Túñwup, their elder brother.

A study of the group of Katcina ceremonials as compared with the Kóko brings out in prominence the conclusion that while some of them may be identical, as a rule there is considerable difference in the ritual of the Tusayan people and their nearest neighbor, the Zuñi. If variations exist between these neighbors we are justified in the suspicion, which observation as far as it has thus far gone supports, that there are even wider differences between pueblos more distant from each other. The ethnologist fully cognizant with the ritual in one pueblo has a general conception of the character of all, but changes due to suppression of ceremonials, survivals, dying out of societies, and many other causes have modified the pueblos in different ways. The character of the ancient system is adulterated in all. We can form an idea of this modification in no better way than by a minute study of the existing ritual in every pueblo. Upon such comprehensive study science is at the very threshold.

The foregoing pages open many considerations of a theoretical nature which I have not attempted to develop. My greatest solicitude has been to sketch the outline of the Katcina ceremonials as performed at the Hopi village of Walpi in Tusayan.

FOOTNOTES:

[1] These studies were made while the author was connected with the Hemenway Expedition from 1890 to 1894, and the memoir, which was prepared in 1894, includes the results of the observations of the late A. M. Stephen as well as of those of the author.

[2] The letters used in spelling Indian words in this article have the following sounds: a, as in far; ă, as in what; ai, as i in pine; e, as a in fate; i, as in pique; î, as in pin; u, as in rule; û, as in but; ü, as in the French tu; p, b, v, similar in sound; t and d, like the same in tare and dare, almost indistinguishable; tc, as ch in chink: c, as sh in shall; ñ, as n in syncope; s, sibilant; r, obscure rolling sound; l, m, n, k, h, y, z, as in English.

[3] These observations are confined to three villages on the East mesa, which has been the field more thoroughly cultivated by the members of the Hemenway Expedition.

[4] “Souls” in the broadest conception of the believers in Tylor’s animistic theory.

[5] The distinction between elaborate and abbreviated Katcinas will be spoken of later.

[6] It would be interesting to know what relationship exists between abbreviated and elaborate Katcinas. Are the former, for instance, remnants of more complicated presentations in which the secret elements have been dropped in the course of time? Were they formerly more complicated, or are they in lower stages of evolution, gathering episodes which if left alone would finally make them more complex? I incline to the belief that the abbreviated Katcinas are remnants, and their reduction due to practical reasons. In a general way the word Katcina may be translated “soul” or “deified ancestor,” and in this respect affords most valuable data to the upholders of the animistic theory. But there are other elements in Tusayan mythology which are not animistic. As Mogk has well shown in Teutonic mythology, nature elements and the great gods are original, so among the Hopi the nature elements are not identified with remote ancestors, nor is there evidence that their worship was derivative. As Saussaye remarks, “Animism is always and everywhere mixed up with religion; it is never and nowhere the whole of religion.”

[7] By Gregorian months, which of course the Hopi do not recognize by these names or limits. Their own “moons” have been given elsewhere.

[8] The months to which the first division roughly corresponds are January to July. The second division includes, roughly speaking, August and December (inclusive). More accurately defined, the solar year is about equally divided into two parts by the Nimán, which is probably the exact dividing celebration of the ceremonial year.

[9] There is a slight r sound in the first two syllables of Wüwütcímti.

[10] The word mü′iyawû means “moon,” by which it would seem that our satellite determines the smaller divisions of the year.

[11] From their many stories of the under world I am led to believe that the Hopi consider it a counterpart of the earth’s surface, and a region inhabited by sentient beings. In this under world the seasons alternate with those in the upper world, and when it is summer in the above it is winter in the world below, and vice versa. Moreover, ceremonies are said to be performed there as here, and frequent references are made to their character. It is believed that these ceremonies somewhat resemble each other and are complemental. In their cultus of the dead the under world is also regarded as the abode of the “breath-body” of the deceased, who enter it through a sípapu, often spoken of as a lake. I have not detected that they differentiate this world into two regions, the abode of the blessed and that of the damned.

[12] The Táwaki of tátyüka is the sun house. There is no sun house at hópoko nor at tévyuña. The names of the four horizon cardinal points are, kwiníwi, northwest; tevyü′ña, southwest; tatyúka, southeast, and hopokyüka (syncopated hópoko), northeast.

[13] Note the similarity in sound to the Nahuatl month, Quecholli, in which the Atamalqualiztli was celebrated. See “A Central American ceremony which suggests the Snake dance of the Tusayan villagers,” American Anthropologist, Washington, vol. VI, No. 3. Quecholli, however, according to both Sahagun and Serna, was in November. The Snake dance at Walpi is thus celebrated about six months from Atamalqualiztli, or not far from the time when the people of the under world celebrate their Snake-Antelope solemnities. In this connection attention may be called to the fact that the Snake-Antelope priests in Walpi have a simple gathering in the winter Pa moon (January), when their sacerdotal kindred of the under world are supposed by them to be performing their unabbreviated snake rites. This is at most only about a month from the time Atamalqualiztli was celebrated. Teotlico, the Nahuatl return of the war god, occurred in November; Soyáluña, the warriors’ return, in December. There are important comparative data hearing on the likeness of Hopi and Nahuatl ceremonies hidden in the resemblance between Kwetcála and Quecholli (Kwetcoli).

[14] Müyiñwûh, the goddess of germs, is preeminently the divinity of the under world, and has some remarkable similarities to the Nahuatl Mictlantecutli or his female companion Mictlancihuatl. The name is very similar to that for moon. This was the ruler of the world of shades visited by Tiyo, the snake hero. (See the legend of the Snake Youth in Journal of American Ethnology and Archaeology, vol. IV, Boston, 1894.)

[15] The Soyáluña has been called the Katcina’s return, which name is not inaccurate. It is, strictly speaking, a warriors’ celebration, and marks the return of the leader of the Katcinas, as in Teotleco. The Katcinas appear in force in the Pa celebration.

[16] I have elsewhere pointed out the similarity between the dramatizations of the Snake-Antelope and the Flute societies, but the members of the former scout the idea that they are related. Evidently the similarity in their ceremonials, which can not be denied, are not akin to the relationships which they recognize between brother and sister societies.

[17] Strictly speaking, eight active, since the first day is not regarded as a ceremonial day. See Journal of American Ethnology and Archæology, vol. IV, p. 13, 1894.

[18] Clowns, called likewise “mudheads” and “gluttons.”

[19] The típoni is supposed to be the mother or the palladium, the sacred badge of office of the society. It is one of the wími or sacred objects in the keeping of a chief, and is the insignium of his official standing. The character of this object varies with different societies, and, in a simple form, is an ear of corn surrounded by sticks and bright-colored feathers bound by a buckskin string. For the contents of the more elaborate forms, see my description of the Lálakoñti típoni (called bundles of páhos).

[20] Páhos or prayer-sticks are prayer-bearers of different forms conceived to be male and female when double. Their common form is figured in my memoir on the Snake Ceremonials at Walpi; Jour. Am. Eth. and Arch., vol. IV, p. 27. Prescribed forms vary with different deities.

[21] The American Anthropologist, Washington, April, 1892.

[22] Ibid., July, 1892.

[23] Erroneously identified as Cálako in my description and plates of the presentation of the Mamzraúti in 1891.

[24] The four societies who celebrate the Wüwütcímti are the Aálwympkiya, Wüwütcímwympkiya, Tataükyamû, and Kwákwantû.

[25] Chief of the Kwákwantû, a powerful warrior society. Among various attributes Másaüwûh is the Fire God.

[26] The body, save for a kilt, is uncovered. This kilt is white or green in color, with embroidered rain-cloud symbols. This is tied by a sash, with dependent fox-skin behind. Rattles made of a turtle shell and sheep or antelope hoofs are tied to one leg back of the knee, and moccasins are ordinarily worn. Spruce twigs are inserted in the girdle, and the Katcina carries a rattle in one hand. This rattle is a gourd shell with stones within and with a short wooden handle.

[27] The left hand is always used to receive meal offerings and nakwákwocis, and is spoken of as kyakyauĭna, desirable. The right hand is called tünúcmahtu, food hand.

[28] The word Katcina, as already stated, is applied to a ceremonial dance and to a personator in the same. The symbolism of each is best expressed by the carved wooden statuettes or dolls, tíhus, many examples of which I have described in my article on “Dolls of the Tusayan Indians” in Internationales Archiv für Ethnographie, 1894. Profitable sources of information in regard to the symbolic characteristics of the Katcinas are ceramic objects, photographs, clay tiles, clay images, pictures on altars, etc. All pictorial or glyptic representations of the same Katcina are in the main identical, with slight variations in detail, due to technique.

[29] For a description of the Áñakatcina see Journal of American Ethnology and Archæology, vol. II, No. 1.

[30] I have also seen visors of this kind, and an old priest of my acquaintance on secular occasions sometimes wore a huge eye shade or visor made of basketware. The helmet of the Humískatcina bears a willow framework which forms a kind of visor, and if, as I suspect from the “large pasteboard [skin over framework or wooden board] tower,” it was a tablet or nákci, the personification mentioned by Ten Broeck may have been a Humískatcina. In May, 1891, I observed a Humís, but there is no reason from the theory of the time of abbreviated Katcinas to limit it to May. It might have been performed in April equally well. The Katcinamanas were not observed by me to wear such visors as Ten Broeck observed.

[31] During that time our knowledge of the Snake dance had been enlarged by Stephen, Bourke, and others.

[32] The Katcinas, sometimes spelt Cachinas, are believed to be the same as the Zuñi Kókos and possibly the Nahuatl teotls. The derivation is obscure; possibly it is from kátci, spread out, horizontal, the surface of the earth, náa, father, abbreviated na, surface of land, father. The Tusayan Indians say that their Katcinas are the same as the Zuñi Kóko, pronouncing the word as here spelled. Cushing insists, however, that the proper name of the organization is Kâ′kâ. I find Mrs Stevenson, in her valuable article on the Religious Life of a Zuñi Child, has used the spelling Kok′ko, which introduces the o sound which the Tusayan people distinctly use in speaking of the Katcinas of their nearest Pueblo neighbors. This variation in spelling of one of the more common words by conscientious observers shows one of the difficulties which besets the path of those who attempt etymologic dissection of Pueblo words. Many Zuñi words in the mouths of the Hopi suffer strange modifications, so that I am not greatly surprised to find idiomatic differences between the Hopi dialect of the East mesa and that of Oraibi. How much may result after years of separation no one can tell, but the linguist must be prepared to find these differences very considerable.

[33] This person is said to have been the mother of the Katcinas. She also was the mother of the monsters, the slaughter of whom by the cultus hero, Pü′ükoñhoya, and his twin brother is a constant theme in Tusayan folklore.

[34] Stevenson, Navaho Sand Paintings, in Eighth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology.

[35] Journal of American Ethnology and Archæology, vol. II, No. 1.

[36] The Hopi report that the Zuñi believe that the dead are changed into Katcinas and go to a Sípapû, which they descend and tell the “chiefs” to send the rain. The Hopi believe that the dead become divinized (Katcinas in a loose meaning) and intercede for rain. (See discussion of Mrs Stevenson’s statement that the dead send rain.) It seems to me that students of primitive myth and ritual have hardly begun to realize the important part which orientation plays in early religions. As research progresses it will be found to be of primary importance. The idea of world-quarter deities sprang from astronomical conceptions and was derived from a primitive sun worship in which the lesser deities naturally came to be associated with the four horizon points of solstitial sunrise and sunset.

[37] I have elsewhere pointed out that the típoni is called the mother, and this usage seems to hold among the other Pueblos. As a badge of chieftaincy it is carried by the chiefs on certain occasions of initiation and public exhibitions, as can be seen by consulting my memoir of the Snake Ceremonials at Walpi. Címo, the old Flute chief (obit 1893), once made the following remark about his típoni: “This is my mother; the outer wrapping is her garment; the string of shells is her necklace; the feathers typify the birds, and within it are all the desirable seeds. When I go to sleep she watches over me, and when I die one of the feathers will be placed upon my heart, and I hope the típoni will take care of me.” From these words we learn how much the típoni is venerated, and it is not remarkable, considering the benefits which are thought to come from it, that it is designated “the mother.”

[38] I mention this fact since, following Bandolier’s studios among the Rio Grande Pueblos, we have something different. The Koshare, which appear to correspond with a group of the Tcukúwympkiya, the Paiakyamû, are regarded by him as the summer and autumn men, while the Cuirana are the spring men. During the late summer and autumn the Tcukúwympkiya take no part in the ceremonials at the East mesa of Tusayan. No Tcukúwympkiyas appear in the Snake, Flute, Lálakoñti, Mamzraúti, Wüwütcímti, or in certain minor festivals. They appear to be almost universal accompaniments of the Katcina observances.

[39] The elaboration is of course along different lines of growth, and its characteristics are treated in the several already published articles devoted to these subjects. In none of the abbreviated Katcinas described was there an altar or complicated kiva performance, but on the other hand, in the elaborate Katcinas such secret observances always existed. Síocalako, described in this article, affords an interesting abbreviated ceremonial with kiva rites.

[40] This might better be called a composite, abbreviated Katcina.

[41] The late Mr Stephen made extended studies of this presentation in 1892, but his fatal illness prevented his being in the kiva the following winter. It is necessary that a continued study of this dramatization be made before a complete account of the ceremonial calendar can be attempted.

The following men are distinctly called chiefs: Moñ′mowitû of Soyáluña, Kwátcakwa, Sakwístiwa Anawíta, Nasímoki, Kwáa, Sikyáustiwa, and Súpela.

[42] See figures of this effigy in my account of the Pálülükoñti, Journal of American Folk-lore, Oct.-Dec., 1893.

[43] Here evidently we have a prayer to the deity symbolized by the effigy and not an invocation to the effigy itself.

[44] The dance with the sun-shield remotely resembles certain so-called “sun dances,” which have been described among the nomads, in which physical exhaustion and suffering are common features. This dance, it must be borne in mind, took place when the sun was at the winter solstice, and the dramatization of attack and defense may have some meaning in connection with this fact.

[45] On the authority of Cyrus Thomas, “Are the Maya hieroglyphs phonetic?” American Anthropologist, Washington, July, 1893, p. 266. His reasoning that the scribe of the codex intended to represent this astronomical event is plausible but not conclusive.

[46] There are members of the American race living where the sun disappears at the winter solstice or succumbs to evil powers. Have the Pueblos inherited this rite from people who once lived far to the north?

[47] The fact that the Snake dance follows the Nimán may be explained as follows: The sun begins to be affected by the Plumed Snake at the Farewell dance, and the growing influence of this divinity is recognized, hence his children (reptiles) are gathered from the fields and intrusted with the prayers of men to cease his malign influence.

[48] At the Nimán in the preceding July.

[49] With Tatcü′kti (Mud-heads).

[50] Journal of American Ethnology and Archæology, vol. IV.

[51] Numbers 1, 2, 7, 9 and 10 of this list have been described as abbreviated Katcinas. The symbolism of 3 and 8 is shown in my figures of dolls; of the remainder my information is as yet very limited.

[52] Comparable with the Nahuatl Ochpanitzli. The points of similarity between the two are the predominance of the Earth goddess and the ceremonial renovation of the sacred gathering places.

[53] American Anthropologist, Washington, January, 1894.

[54] The accompanying observations on the Powámû were made by the late A. M. Stephen in his work for the Hemenway Expedition.

[55] These men were from the Álkiva. They wore the knob-head helmets and their bodies were stained red. Each carried a rattle in the right and an eagle feather in the left hand, and had a pouch of skin or other material slung over the right shoulder. This held corn, beans, and other seeds, which they gave to the women and elders.

[56] With the coiled stone, which resembles the cast of some large fossil shell. I venture to suggest that the reason we find petrified wood in some shrines can be explained in the following manner: In times long past trees were believed by the Hopi to have souls and these breath bodies were powerful agents in obtaining blessings or answering prayers. The fossilized logs now put in shrines date back to the times of which I speak, consequently they are efficacious in the prayers of the present people. This is but the expression of an animistic belief in the souls of trees.

[57] She has the Bear típoni and other fetiches.

[58] The name given for this marking by Ahü′l is ómowûh moñwitûpeadta. It is an appeal to all the gods of the six regions to bless these Kivas and houses.

[59] The performances with the clowns were not unlike others in which they appear.

[60] The mound from which it was obtained is close to the base of the foothills eastward from Walpi, and all the sand for all the kivas was obtained from this particular mound.

[61] During the festival the women clip the hair of their children. The hair is cut over the entire cranium of the little boys, but in the case of the girls a fringe is left around the base of the head, especially on each side, for the characteristic whorls worn by maidens.

[62] The gap in the East mesa, known as Wala, whence the name of the pueblo of Walpi at the western end of the same height.

[63] Woman’s blanket without decoration.

[64] At the tip of the lowest tail feather on each side a nakwákwoci stained with cúta was hung.

[65] Natácka carried a handsaw in the left hand.

[66] Bandoleer.

[67] Hahaíwüqti did not enter any of the houses, but merely went up the ladder two or three rungs and stood there just high enough to bring her helmet on a level with the first terrace. She then gave her shrill hoot, and when the women had brought out their children spoke to them in high falsetto.

[68] A figure of Tuñwúpkachina with his pet (pókema) appears on the reredos of the altar of the Nimánkatcina. (See Journal of American Ethnology and Archæology, vol. II, No. 1.) The sprig which he is depicted as bearing in the hand was supposed to represent a cornstalk, but from the new observations of the personification of Tuñwup there is no doubt that a yucca whip was intended.

[69] As I have already pointed out, the youth who dons the mask of a Katcina is believed to be for the time transformed into a deity (soul).

[70] Moñ, chief; kohu, wood—a chieftain’s badge.

[71] Eótoto (“Aiwótoto”), has been described in my account of the daybreak ceremonials of the Farewell Katcina (Journal of American Ethnology and Archæology, vol. II, No. 1). Hahaíwüqti has been figured and described in my article on Certain Personages who Appear in a Tusayan Ceremony (American Anthropologist, January, 1894).

[72] A society comparable with the “Priesthood of the Bow” at Zuñi. This society is a priesthood apparently with much less power than that of the neighboring Cibolan pueblo, but its chief Pauwatíwa is powerful, and, it may be said, en passant, a most genial and highly valuable friend to have in ethnologic work at Walpi.

[73] His fiddle was a notched stick which he scraped with a sheep scapula.

[74] Kawaíkakatcinas. Kawaíka is a Hopi name for the Laguna people of Keresan stock.

[75] See figure in Naácnaiya, Journal of American Folk-lore, July–September, 1892.

[76] The signification of the bundle of straw may be that here we have the symbolic broom of the purification ceremony, if I am right in my interpretation that the Powámú is a lustral ceremony. In Nubuatl ceremonial, Ochpanitzli, the mother, Toci, carries the broom, which is her symbol in this celebration, as shown in Seler's interpretation of the Humboldt manuscripts. In this connection the reader is referred to the facts mentioned elsewhere in this article that all the kivas are replastered in the course of the Powámú.

[77] Elision of the syllable ka in this and similar compounds is common.

[78] The symbolism of their masks and their dance is described in the Journal of American Ethnology and Archæology, vol. II, No. 1.

[79] See Nimánkatcina altar, called nananivo poñya, six-directions altar. The whole ceremony is an invocation to the six world-quarter deities.

[80] It is generally the custom to anoint the feet, hands, etc, with honey when a person is sent out with offerings to shrines. (See “Snake dance,” Journal of American Ethnology and Archæology, vol. IV.)

[81] See cloud-charm altar in other ceremonials. It is redundant in this place to repeat these accounts, as the variations are not important. (See Journal of American Ethnology and Archæology, vol. II, No. 1.) The Powámú altars are the same as the Niman, q. v.

[82] As the number of these personages was large in this presentation, this summary mention of their names may be of interest.

[83] Journal of American Folk-lore, October-December, 1893.

[84] It will thus be seen that the details of this ceremony vary in different years, but the variation depends simply on the kiva presenting it. It is commonly said that the original wími of the Pálülükoñti (Great Plumed Snake) were brought to Tusayan by the Water people from the far south. Other observations support that statement.

[85] To these must be added the constant accompanying priests in all ceremonials, who are unmasked and do not personate supernatural beings.

[86] Journal of American Ethnology and Archæology, vol. II, No. 1.

[87] Ibid. The following abbreviated Katcinas have been described and figured: (1) Humískatcina, Corn Flower; (2) Áñakatcina, Long Beard; (3) Coyóhimkatcina, All; (4) Hehéakatcina; (5) Siokatcina, Zuñi; (6) Málokatcina. The symbolic characters of the different Katcinas are best shown in my article on “Dolls of the Tusayan Indians.” The Nimánkatcina is likewise outlined in the Journal of American Ethnology and Archæology, op. cit., and some of these abbreviated Katcinas are accompaniments of the Nimán.

[88] The participants of course frequent the kiva to prepare their masks and costume for one or more days previous to the public dance, and certain simple ceremonial objects, as páhos and nakwákwocis are made there, but in none of those Katcinas which are included in this group have I as yet observed any altar or the like. The very name “abbreviated” eliminates naturally these complex proceedings and paraphernalia.

[89] Op. cit. The spruce tree of the Katcinas is commonly set up in the plaza.

[90] Dolls of the Tusayan Indians, op. cit.

[91] The food is brought to each by wives, daughters, or other women of his household. This feast takes place in the open air, not as at Zuñi in the kivas.

[92] This is the only plaza large enough for a long line of dancers, and hence is ordinarily used.

[93] To these prayers he alone responds “Antcai,” right.

[94] The configuration of the mesa and the fact that the house walls rise almost continuously with the side of the cliff prevent the Katcinas dancing on the different sides of the pueblo, but in Zuñi the open spaces outside the village, in addition to the plaza in the heart of the pueblo, are used for dances as I have elsewhere described.

[95] See also Journal of American Ethnology and Archæology, vol. IV, p. 66.

[96] “Adventures in Zuñi,” Century Magazine, vol. XXV, p. 507 et seq.

[97] Several ceremonials are derived from Zuñi, while others are peculiar to Tusayan. The symbolism of the Síocálako and the Hopi Cálako is different. No girls (mánas) were represented in the Síocálako.

[98] All the women and children of this family had been moved to the mesa a few days before.

[99] Compare the crinoline hoops of the effigies of Pálülükoñûh (Journal of American Folk-lore, October-December, 1893).

[100] Koyeamashe (see Journal of American Ethnology and Archæology, vol. I).

[101] The association of Eótoto with Íntiwa has already been described in my account of the Nimánkatcina (Journal of American Ethnology and Archæology, vol. II, No. 1).

[102] Explanation of the diagram: a, b, c, d and a′, b′, c′ d′, successive positions of the effigy bearers on the northern and southern sides of the plaza; e, Eótoto; h, Hahaíwüqti; i, Íntiwa; k, Koyímise; m, accompanying celebrants. The figures a–d and a′–d′ represent the circles of meal, with cross lines, over which the effigy bearers stand in the course of the ceremonials.

[103] The general character of the Wáwac described in my article in the Bulletin of the Essex Institute, where certain of the masks made use of in it are figured. The Racing Katcina performed at this time was, however, much more complicated, and a description of it would be a digression from the subject of this article.

[104] Journal of American Ethnology and Archæology, vol. II, No. 1.

[105] It was said that there ought to have been six (possibly one for each cardinal point) of these, who are called Ciwáata, sisters of the Pawíkkatcinas.

[106] I have not been permitted to see the unmasked dance of the Kóko in the Zuñi kivas, where it is common, and was glad to supplement my observations by the same in one of the Tusayan kivas. In the Katcinas which I saw in 1891 at Walpi there was no dance in the kivas.

[107] The pipe was passed ceremonially after having been lit with a coal (burning corncob) brought by a woman from a house in Sitcomovi. In most ceremonials it is also prescribed that the makers of páhos shall wash their heads before beginning their duties, but this takes place in their own dwellings.

[108] The first reference which I have found to the use of tobacco in the ceremonial smoke by the American Indians is by Monardes. This interesting description of tobacco and its uses, accompanied with a figure of the plant, is one of the most complete for its date (1590) which I have seen.

[109] Íntiwa is Katcina móñwi, chief of the Katcinas; Kópeli, chief of the Snakes; Hóñyi, hereditary Snake-Antelope chief; Wíki, chief of the Snake-Antelopes; Pauatíwa, chief of warriors; Lésma, Bear chief.

[110] See Journal of American Ethnology and Archæology, vol. II, No. 1.

[111] When the inhabitants of another pueblo visit that in which a sacred dance is taking place, it is customary for the hosts to entertain by setting before them food, and it is no uncommon thing to see visitors passing from house to house partaking of the píkami (mush) and other delicacies. It is not unusual for the headmen of one pueblo to send official thanks to the people of another for their sacred dances and other efforts for rain. In a memoir on the Snake dance I mention an instance where even the distant Havasupai Indians brought offerings from their home to Walpi (Journal of American Ethnology and Archæology, vol. IV).

[112] I need not describe their actions, as I have already done so for other Katcina dances (Journal of American Ethnology and Archæology, vol. II, No. 1.)

[113] One marked difference between Katcina and Kóko, or Hopi and Zuñi, dancers is that in the latter the unmasked dance occurs in the kiva and the feast is held in the same place. At Tusayan the feast is open, and generally there is no unmasked dance. The feast in the kiva at Zuñi is possibly a secondary modification for effecting secrecy.

[114] Journal of American Ethnology and Archæology, vol. II, No. 1.

[115] This is only time I have seen the Death god personified. The Paiakaíamû rushed up to me and demanded a knife, and when I refused to give it, not aware of their intention, they sought other ways to kill the poor brute. It was an exhibition of extreme savagery, but of course with no danger to any of the spectators. Later in their antics the gluttons themselves were lightly struck with a cactus branch, and the person who performed this painful act went from housetop to housetop touching the arm or neck of every spectator—man, woman, and child. During this dance these Tcukuwympkiyas performed the disgusting act of drinking human urine. Mr Cushing, in the Century Magazine, records the slaughter of a dog in a similar manner, except that he says that his life was threatened before the dog was killed, and it was by his defiant attitude that he was not seized by the performers.

[116] The direction of the ceremonial circuit of the Tewa is sinistral. In this instance it began at the east. I believe this is the prescribed circuit of all the Pueblos. Some of the Tewa have told me that in their folktales their people did not emerge from the same sípapû as the Hopi, but from a sípapû to the east. Although some of the priests say that all people came from the middle of the earth, from one sípapû, others believe that each pueblo has its own ancestral geographical opening. The idea has been localized by environment, as is so often the case with modified legends.

[117] There are certainly more evidences of white man’s influences in dance paraphernalia in Zuñi than at Tusayan, such, for instance, as the use of hats and calico shirts in dances, American chairs, rifles, etc, etc.

[118] Notwithstanding this statement, I have already pointed out similarities between both these women’s celebrations and certain Zuñi dances (see American Anthropologist, vol. V, p. 236, note).

[119] Hówina (Zuñi, Ówinahe), a kind of thanksgiving dance, is distinctly a Zuñi dance and is so recognized by the Hopi. I have seen photographs of the celebration at Zuñi which bear such a close resemblance to that called by the Hopi the Hówina that in all probability the two are identical. The elaborate war dances celebrated at Zuñi and the observances of the Priesthood of the Bow at that pueblo are very much abbreviated in Tusayan (East mesa) where the organization has not the same power as with the Cibolans.

[120] Cipaulovi, or the “Place of Peaches,” would necessarily have received its name after those who brought peaches came among the Hopi. It is known that Sitcomovi was a late colony of Asa people from the Rio Grande, united with others from Walpi, while Hano was founded about 1700. The Cipaulovi people, however celebrate the Flute ceremony, and the Flute people came to Tusayan shortly after the Snake. It would thus appear that we have a date to determine that the Flute people came to Tusayan after Vargas (1692). Morfi, in 1782, says that the people of Xipaulovi (Cipaulovi) came from Xongopabi (Cuñopavi).

[121] I do not for a moment doubt that even when nominally Christianized the succession of the chiefs in the several sacerdotal societies has not been broken up to our time.

[122] Coco in Spanish signifies a bogy. In compounds it can be detected in Cocomaricopa, where it may mean fool, possibly referring to the inferiority of this stem. The derivation of Kóko or Kâ′⁠kâ is not known to me. The word Katcina has the advantage of Kóko or Kâ′⁠kâ as a general designation.

[123] That is, the last Katcina before their departure in Cibola, as in Tusayan. In Walpi it is not an autumn dance, but occurs at about the same time that I witnessed it at Zuñi, near the end of July (see Journal of American Ethnology and Archæology, vol. I, No. 1).

[124] It is recommended that in illustrating Zuñi masks a full face view be given, for in that way the symbolism is much better expressed than by profile views.

[125] Pooatíwa is considered by Mrs Stevenson the “Sun Father.” I have not gone far enough in my studies to accept this relationship for Paútiwa. There are some reasons for considering Paútiwa the Mist Father, which speculation has led me to interpret the Sälämobias as Paútiwa forms of the rain-clouds of the six world-quarters, but such an opinion is highly theoretical.

[126] The terraced elevations are common on the Zuñi nákwipis and handled prayer-meal bowls, as can be seen in any large collection of Zuñi ceramics; but the semicircular rain-cloud figures are very rare, indeed wanting, in all I have seen. The frog, tadpole, snake, and similar symbols appear, however, to be present in both. The question of the characteristic symbolism of Zuñi and Hopi pottery is a complicated one, which can not be considered in this article, but the two types can readily be distinguished by a student of this subject.

[127] It would be a remarkable fact if accounts of this symbolism are not later described.

[128] Memoirs of the International Congress of Anthropology, Chicago, 1894, p. 315.

[129] On page 314 she mentions six Ahshiwanni as “rain priests.” I am not able to definitely decide from the text whether these six are the same as the fourteen mentioned above. It is not clear to me in which group Mrs Stevenson places the “Mud-heads” and “Gluttons,” well described by Ten Broeck in 1852 from Tusayan, and later by herself and Cushing from Zuñi, and by other writers from the Rio Grande pueblos.

[130] If these statements are true one sees that they tell in favor of the theory which the ritual emphasized, and that while in a general way there is a similarity between the ceremonial system of the two people, it is absurd to say that “what is written of one is true also of the other.” Long ago their systems may have been identical; at present they have more or less differentiated one from the other. In Zuñi, according to Mrs Stevenson, “at the winter and summer solstices synchronal meetings of most of these societies are held, and also at other times.” After having carefully studied the ceremonials at the time of the summer solstice at Tusayan, I have not found any synchronal meetings of the societies which correspond with those mentioned as occurring at Zuñi at that time.

[131] It is desirable that the names of the priests who officiate in ceremonials be given in extended accounts of them in order that the intimate character of this sacerdotal organization may be made out. Until the names of the members of the different societies are complete we are more or less hampered in our studies. The Zuñi equivalent of wympkia appears to be kyalikwe (Tcihkyalikwe, Snake priests from tcihtola, snake, and kyalikwe, wympkia). I am unable to tell to what priests in Tusayan the “Ahshiwanni” correspond. The Tawa (Sun) wympkia or Sun priests have certain points in common with them, but this is as truly an esoteric society as any in Tusayan. I have elsewhere described the Tewa ceremony in which the Sun priests make the páhos and their chief, Kálacai, appeals directly to the rising sun. In that same ceremony páhos are likewise made to the Rain gods directly. In the Katcina celebrations some of the same Sun priests, however, appeal to the leader of the Katcinas to bring them rain, and this personage replies that he will. In this case, supposing, as I think we justly can, that the Katcinas are intercessors between men and gods of highest rank, we have in Tusayan the possible equivalent of the “Ahshiwanni (rain priests)” intrusting their prayers to a zoomorphic and anthropomorphic supernatural personage. The prayer of a single chief for rain for the people, showing something similar to the so-called Ahshiwanni at Zuñi, are not uncommon in Tusayan. In Tusayan an organization of rain priests is not differentiated at the present day from the other societies. All holders of wímis are Rain priests, as well as the organization called the Sun priests, and all at times make special prayers to the Rain gods.

[132] Op. cit., p. 314. I believe many facts might be marshaled to prove that ancestor worship is a most vital part of the Tusayan religious system.

[133] See “The Graff collection of Greek portraits,” New England Magazine, January, 1894. Mr J. G. Frazier (Jour. Anth. Inst. of Great Britain and Ireland, vol. XV, p. 73) from comparative studies of burial customs suggests that the habit of masking the dead is “to keep the way to the grave a secret from the dead man.” This explanation seems to me much more labored than that given above.

[134] Hahaíwüqti. I have elsewhere shown reasons to suspect that several personages may be the same “Earth goddess.” Kókyanwüqti, the Spider woman, is also an “Earth goddess.” As everything, even man himself, came from the womb of the earth, symbolized by the spider, it is not surprising that an Indian should call the spider the creator. It is a very different thing, however, to interpret such information by our philosophic ideas. That the primitive should consider the earth as the mother of everything, its creator in one sense, is natural; that the Pueblo Indian should symbolize that mother by the Spider woman is probable, for other races have done likewise; but that he associates with mother earth the spiritual idea which we have of the Creator is absurd. His cosmogony bears no evidence that he rose, in pre-Columbian times, to the belief in a Great Spirit who created the universe.

Transcriber’s Notes: