An Historical View of the Philippine Islands, Vol 2 (of 2) / Exhibiting their discovery, population, language, government, manners, customs, productions and commerce.

by Joaquín Martínez de Zúñiga

NOTES TO VOLUME II.

Note I.—Page 14.

It is here stated, that in 1709 the Chinese were expelled the Philippines, and the reason assigned for that expulsion is their application to commerce in lieu of agriculture, with a view to which latter their residence was originally countenanced. Whatever employment, in any community, offers the most productive results with the least labour will naturally be resorted to by those whose residence, like that of the Chinese, is merely temporary. They are acknowledged to be a submissive and industrious people, and we must conclude that the profits of agriculture were so much less secure or less productive than those of commerce, that the latter was preferred; and their habits of industry being far superior to those of the indolent Spaniard, and the more indolent native, we cannot wonder at their retreat, with their acquisitions, from a country the government of which, so far from encouraging them with a permanency of establishment, drew from them, in the person of the Governor, a large revenue, as a tax on their temporary residence. Sonnerat says, that the expulsion of the Chinese was the cause of the decline of arts and commerce, and that they have never since recovered. “Misery and depopulation have been the fatal consequences of this mal-administration.” It is evident, however, that since that period, either the fallacy of the policy which dictated the measure has been discovered, and the prohibition been removed, or, which is more likely, the interest of the respective Governors has produced a relaxation in favour of these industrious foreigners; for Mr. Guise, who resided there several years, assures the translator, that when he quitted Manila, about fifteen years ago, there were on the island from fifteen to twenty thousand Chinese permitted to remain as residents, and engaged in agriculture and commerce.

A Chinese Captain seems to be appointed by the Governor, who is responsible for their conduct, and through whom applications for residence are negociated with the government. The intercourse with the Chinese port of Amoy, and with the north-eastern ports of China, employs seven or eight junks, which bring with them annually from three hundred to five hundred new adventurers, who work their passage over, bringing each his packet of goods, with which, it may be presumed, he forms his capital for trade during his residence there, and for which residence, it may be equally presumed, he contributes annually to the Governor: these junks likewise furnish to those who have acquired a competency the means of revisiting their native country with their riches. It must be concluded, therefore, that the Chinese, by their residence in Luzon, contribute by their industry to the comforts of life, and hold out an example which neither the Spaniard or native seem disposed to follow; at the same time that the former characterizes the indulgence shown to them as highly impolitic, and a wanton waste of the riches and wealth of the colony.

Note II.—Page 60.

No stronger proof can be adduced of the unsettled state of the maritime insurance law in the Spanish colonies than the instance in the text. Can we entertain the favourable supposition that in the mother-country this subject is equally well understood as by every other European nation, and that a concurrence of circumstances have conspired to introduce and perpetuate a vicious practice in this colony? We fear in the sequel the reader will not be justified in this conclusion.

Note III.—Page 65.

This is another instance of the disposition of the Spaniards to extend what they ridiculously enough term their conquests, rather than to consolidate their power, and establish their influence in the Philippines. The attempt seems to have met with the fate it merited; but although it proved abortive, we cannot help holding up to due praise the perseverance with which, in perfect contempt of all personal danger, the Catholic missionaries pursue their object of proselytism.

Note IV.—Page 72.

The value of this trade is here pretty clearly detailed and comprehensively stated; we are left to conclude that the profits are from one hundred to two hundred per cent. The translator is informed by Mr. Guise that this trade was thus carried on:

The ship, having a Captain appointed by the Governor of Manila, was furnished by the King, by whom likewise all the expenses of the voyage were defrayed, and for whose reimbursement a duty of thirty-three per cent. was levied at Acapulco on the value of the cargo there. The persons who had the privilege of loading the ship were the Captain, to a certain extent; the pious establishments; the widows of officers, counsellors, &c. members of government, and merchants: the portions of each from a quarter of a ton upwards, the Captain having from forty to fifty tons. Exclusive of the right which the pious establishments thus enjoyed of occupying tonnage, they lent their money to the adventurers on a respondentia interest, as will be mentioned in a future note.

This trade may most probably, at this period, be conducted upon a different principle, and partake of that relaxation which it has been found necessary to countenance through the whole of the Spanish settlements, in consequence of recent political events.

Note V.—Page 78.

It is not possible to produce a stronger proof of the inefficiency of the Spanish colonial system, than the treatment of this disinterested and honest servant of the crown exhibits.

Note VI.—Page 83.

The determination of this question by the Royal Audience in favour of the pious establishments, was unquestionably conformable to the admitted principle of respondentia; and the reversal of it by the council of the Indies is a sufficient proof of the unsettled state of mercantile law in Spain, on a point which seems elsewhere generally and definitively adjusted.

The liability of the respondentia lenders seems to be so ill defined, that even in case of nearly total loss, their full demand is awarded them, the loss thus falling on the borrower, instead (on the received respondentia principle) of the lenders being entitled only to the proportion of what is saved; for the premium of twenty-five per cent. which they receive, may be presumed adequate to the interest and insurance on such a voyage.

It ought not, under these circumstances, to create wonder that the merchant adventurers borrowing from these establishments should, with a view to their own protection, take due care that a partial shall, by one means or other, be converted into a total loss.

There is one peculiarity in the principle of these loans which forms a feature in the transaction distinct from common respondentia, inasmuch as that the latter is limited to that bottom on which the adventure began, while in the former the lender follows the goods until they are sold and returned, though by some other bottom; but his liability and forbearance of his principal and premium is limited to three years. In respect to this limitation, it is even conformable to our terms of respondentia, which allow a monthly per centage in proportion to the first period of twenty months on which the premium is calculated, but which per centage can only be demanded to the extent in all of thirty-six months, including the original twenty, provided the voyage should be prolonged so much; the common interest of five per cent. only upon the aggregate amount afterwards attaching, and all marine risk ceasing.

THE END.

T. DAVISON, Lombard-street,
Whitefriars, London.