The Life and Times of Ulric Zwingli

by Johann Jakob Hottinger

DEFENCE OF THE OLD ORDER. RISE OF THE NEW.

To hold firmly to the existing order of things is not always proof of evil design, obstinacy or narrowness, as innovators are wont to assert; it may spring from strength of character, the experience of wisdom, and, if the existing order be good, even from a conviction of duty. Was this true of Catholicism? Let us apply the test. In the heart of man there lies a world full of rest and peace, full of blessed love, full of confidence in eternal duration and a God of power to uphold and protect; and this gives us the victory over all the darkness and plagues of earth. It speaks in living tones in the innocent child. To children, said Christ, belongs the kingdom of heaven. With growing years, with the birth of self-consciousness guilt comes to life, earlier in this one, later in that one, but once to all. It is the inheritance of earth. The nursery, the school, personal experience, the history of the world teaches it.

In one alone there was no guilt to be found. How came He? How did he walk? What need anxiously to inquire, when actions speak? He did not teach from the pulpit; he wrote nothing; He uttered isolated sentences, a few parables; He comforted; He healed; He labored only three years, and three years sufficed to shake the world and to bring peace again to the world. Who of the gray sages of Greece and Rome did so much? Well could He say, in his crown of thorns, when the judge asked him: "Art thou the King of the Jews?"--Thou sayest! And can He, who lives in the Gospel, since we have it everywhere, need a vicar on earth--a vicar on a worldly throne, in a gorgeous palace? Has no one ever blushed at the thought? Catholicism is still here, still stands erect. It must have a better foundation than a mere untenable assumption.^[1] But where can this be found?

It lies in the power of the senses and in faith in this power. It is justified of this faith, justified again by all experience. A sound body, with the senses in full vigor, bears up and sustains the spirit also. Indeed, the world of sense, like that of the spirit, has a higher position. Its centre, its life-organ, is the heart, and this same heart is the field for all the conquests of earth. It was left for Christianity to reveal this secret.^[2] In right relations, and if the spiritual is the leading element, the creations of art, belonging to the world of sense, are aids to Christianity. They elevate the spirit and complete the consecration of divine worship. Whenever this right relation was observed, the Catholic church grew and prospered. But two deviations from it, which the Papacy needed and used for the strengthening of its dominion, weakened and finally in the sixteenth century brought it nigh to destruction: monkery and the celibacy of the clergy. Whatever there was of good in the monasteries, derived its origin from the most ancient times, when, for example, into our own fatherland Christian men, of scientific culture, Gallus, Collomban and Siegfried, wandering hither from distant Ireland and Scotland, brought science and agriculture into regions that lay waste, at a time when the rule of Benedict, although one of the best, had not yet been introduced into the oldest monastic foundations, St. Gall and Disentis. But as soon as this was inoculated upon the life-giving stem, it gradually degenerated.^[3] Just as little was celibacy practised by the clergy of the Catholic church before the age of Gregory VI. (Pope from 1073-1085). The priests lived like other men, members of families, and did not stand over the people, but among them and with them. But monasticism and celibacy rest upon the principle, that the senses are to be feared, which, like all fear, except the fear of God, is inwardly untrue. This principle is also unchristian. Christianity does not teach us to fear our senses, but to watch over them, use them and honor them; for "the body is the temple of the Holy Ghost." Christianity admits no death, not even that of the body--no impersonality. Only a rude, broken covering of earth remains behind. "Destroy this temple," said Christ, "and in three days I will build it up again." Hence let us take care not to lay unnatural restraint upon our bodies, lest at the same time we destroy the spirit.

But the Papacy, which strove to produce in the pastor a complete mortification and in the flock an undue excitement of the senses, engendered in the former severity and pride, in the latter laxity or stubbornness, and in this way created an unnatural separation between the priests and the people, which can not exist along with brotherly communion, as taught by the Gospel--and thus, because inwardly untrue and at war with nature, it hastened toward destruction and was already on the verge of it in the sixteenth century.^[4] Why then did it only partially succumb? Why did it afterwards again rise to greater power? Every one-sided movement is struggled against in the most active and even passionate manner by that which it opposes. Its only argument lay, therefore, in the faults of its assailants, of which it cunningly knew how to take advantage. We will now see how these faults began gradually to develope. The facts will speak for themselves.

On the watch, to spy out every weak point, the defenders of the old order followed the firm course of the courageous Reformer. Nothing could be discovered before the year 1523. But now came the war on images, then the burning of Ittingen, then the insurrection of the peasantry, then the passing of armed Zurichers to and from Waldshut, endangering the peace with Austria; then the Anabaptists rose from the very bosom of the new church, and lastly, Zwingli was attacked in the Great Council by the secretary Am Gruet, touching the matter of tithes, and again, a second time, in regard to the Lord's Supper--a prelude to his subsequent controversy with Luther. "Here," cried they, "you have the fruits." We have seen the best answer to this reproach in the triumphant victory of Zwingli over all these difficulties. Another path must be chosen. They began to learn from their antagonist.

"We will take the reformation into our hands," said the most sensible. At a diet in Luzern, to which Zurich and Schaffhausen were not invited, a proclamation was drawn up and ratified by nine cantons, of which the following are the substantial contents: "Since, to our sorrow, it has come to pass, by the preaching, writing and teaching of Luther and Zwingli, that our ancient Christian faith is put to scorn, the ordinances of the Church despised and nothing any longer left; therefore, in order that men may not live more inclined to evil than to good, wholly abandoned, without fear and punishment for self-will; in order that no one may make a creed for his own head and understanding, and because the Chief Shepherd of the Church is silent amid our cares and perplexities, and sleeps, we Confederates have thought it necessary to take care of ourselves, and, until the time arrives when a Council will allay the discord, set forth the following articles: By no one, whether clergyman or layman, shall the XII. articles of the Christian creed be assailed; and just as little shall the Seven Sacraments, as the Church has ordained them and heretofore held them. No layman shall go to the Sacrament without confession and absolution; and no one shall receive it under two forms. No chancre shall be made in the ceremonies, which, derived from the Word of God, have come down to us from the Holy Fathers and our worthy ancestors. Because the rules of fasting, based on reasonable and Christian arguments, have reached us through the Holy Fathers, we will not suffer the scandal arising from their transgression to exist amongst us. They shall be observed according to the order and pleasure of each Canton. We will suffer no reviling of the Most Holy Virgin. We believe, that She, and the other saints, by their intercession with God, can protect us and obtain for us grace. He who speaks to the contrary shall be severely punished according to the sentence of his lords. No one shall undertake to abuse, carry off, or break to pieces images, paintings and crucifixes. Whatever of church-revenues they possess, shall be guaranteed to the houses of God. And because much discord and perversity have been stirred up by the preachers, so that this may be done away and the Gospel in its true meaning preached to us and the common people, as the ancient teachers have left it behind recorded in many valuable books, it is our serious intention, that no one shall preach the Word of God, wherever we have power to rule, unless he has been first examined by his spiritual ordinary, duly admitted and duly consecrated, and has a credible certificate of this, as every priest should. No layman shall preach; no hedge-preacher shall any where be tolerated, but driven off and punished with severity. Our preachers shall also preach, teach and instruct without any covetousness and seek naught therein, but the salvation of souls and their improvement. Item, since wrong views and contradictions have been groundlessly revived by the Zwinglian or Lutheran sect, touching purgatory and prayers for the dead, in which all Christian souls, our ancestors and we ourselves have believed, we warn all true men not so wantonly to forsake our true faith for the false sayings of Luther. We wish also that no one preach, write or speak such things in our territory. He who does so, shall be punished according to the judgment of his lords. The houses of God, cloisters, foundations and churches, shall be permitted to retain their rights and privileges; no violence shall be used against them, nor their dues kept back, or taken from them without law.

"Item, although it may be true that the Canon Law, many ordinances and statutes have been framed by the Holy Fathers, teachers, Pope and Councils with a good design, yet since this Canon Law and these statutes have been increased by degrees and made more severe; since many of them are exorbitant and have been misused against us laity, so as to cause us great injury and ruin; and since in this sad time, when the wolf has broken into the sheep-fold of Christ, the Chief Watchman and Shepherd slumbers, we deem it our duty, as civil authorities, to come to the rescue in some measure; not that we at all wish thereby to cast off our allegiance, or place ourselves in opposition to the Roman and universal Christian Church, but only for the suppression and prevention of further disasters, rebellion and the division of our Confederacy. But if by a general Christian Council or competent assembly, to which deputies are invited and are present from our Confederacy, this schism is removed and unity again restored to the Church, we will not be sundered therefrom, but act like our forefathers, as a good, pious, obedient Christian people.

"And therefore, we ordain first, that our people's priests and pastors shall not addict themselves to avarice, as has too often been the case heretofore, namely: that they and their curates shall not keep back the Holy Sacrament from us and ours for the sake of money. Still, it is our purpose that, whatever from ancient times has been assigned in each canon to the pastor or sacristan, it shall continue to him and yield him a fair support; but if any one in the collection thereof is dealt with severely and dangerously, it shall concern the civil authority, so that the common man be not overmatched. Item, the priests of every rank shall conduct themselves in a decent and pious manner, and set a good example to us laity, for hereafter that will not be endured from them, which has been hitherto. Every pastor shall also remain with his parishoners during the death-struggle, and minister to them and comfort them faithfully, according to the Christian rule, at the risk of losing his benefice. Since, moreover, there has been great abuse in this, that a priest has employed two or more curates to perform the duties of his parish and then taken his leave, we will suffer it no longer, and henceforth, no priest shall possess more than one parish and cure of souls, and shall live there himself. Also, no one shall make a secret agreement with another, at the peril of losing his benefice. Yet, we make this exception; a pastor may receive several livings in the foundations and monasteries, where hitherto it has been the custom and privilege not to reside therein personally, so that the excellent foundations and monasteries be not curtailed in their privileges. Item, where a young man has a benefice, or, being still under age, is too young to become a priest, he may indeed be permitted to enjoy the benefice, on condition of procuring the services of a fit and worthy priest in his stead. But, if he reaches the proper age, and does not then become a priest, or is not capable and virtuous enough for the office, he shall be deprived of the benefice.

"Item, because several priests have already ventured to take wives, it is our opinion, that no benefices should be bestowed on them, and they ought to be forbidden the exercise of their priestly office; and those persons belonging to the monastic orders, who have left their cloisters and their order, or have married, ought to be deprived of their benefices and expelled from their monasteries; still, be it reserved to each canton and each authority to deal further with them, or show mercy. Item, in regard to spiritual jurisdiction and excommunication we have considered and ordered at this time, since matters have gone so sadly and no one has given them any attention, that no clergyman shall cite, summon, or call up a layman, and no layman a clergyman, or one of his own estate, before a spiritual tribunal, except alone in the matter of marriage, and in what concerns error and dispute about the holy sacraments, or the monasteries and churches, or the welfare of the soul, or infidelity. But in so doing, it is our opinion, if it chance in regard to marriage-affairs and other business, that we laymen might be summoned and tried before a spiritual court; still, the whole business shall not come first either before the bishops, or their officials, or commissaries, or before a spiritual judge, but before each civil authority, and then after each civil authority has investigated the matter, it shall then proceed to give judgment and explanations thereon, or else hand over the business, if they think it necessary, to the spiritual judge. All judicial proceedings before the spiritual judge, and especially at Constance, shall be transacted in German and written out in German, as the custom is in several bishoprics, so that we laity also may hear and understand what is done. Item, since between the Sunday, when the Alleluia is omitted,^[5] and Shrove Tuesday, during which season every other person indulges in worldly pleasures, wedding festivals are forbidden to the common man, and because this prohibition is remitted for money, it is our order and opinion, that it be granted without pay. Since we and ours have been burdened with manifold Romish indulgences, it is our opinion, that from this time forth no indulgences should be granted for the sake of money, in any place or corner of our cantons. Furthermore, the Pope and bishops hold and reserve for themselves alone certain sins and transgressions, and hence it happens, they will not give the people absolution without the payment of a large sum, and no dispensation is granted to any one, even in a case of decent and honorable emergency, unless it be outweighed with gold--therefore, it is our opinion, that what may be brought to pass by popes and bishops for gain, shall be granted to the people and the poor common man, by every pastor without charge, notwithstanding the power of the Pope and the bishops, until it be further determined. Every canton also shall and may consult with its pastors and clergy, and devise a plan, as to how and in what form the gross abuses of the confessional may be punished. In regard to the courtesans, who invade our livings, it is our plain order and opinion, that where such Romish knaves come, they shall be cast into prison and punished in such a manner, as that henceforth we shall be rid of them. Because the priesthood, in some part at least, have been guilty of wicked deeds, altogether improper and indecent, which, if they had been committed by the laity, would have been punished with death; and these evil-doers, when handed over to the bishops and the superiors of their orders, have been lightly dealt with and set free, and because crime and follies increase among them, and give rise to every kind of discord and disturbance--in order that this evil may be cured, whoever perpetrates such a crime as to forfeit his life, each authority, under which such a clergyman has been seized, shall execute him for that crime, just like a layman, notwithstanding his consecration."

"Item, because the common people have been greatly disturbed in their faith by the printers, and the books published by Luther or Zwingli and their followers, it is our will, that no one shall print or keep such books for sale in our cities, cantons and territories; and, when they are seized on a colporteur, he shall be heavily punished; and whoever has such books for sale and takes them to a merchant, the merchant shall tear them to pieces, or throw them into the mire, and not be accountable therefor. But such works as the Old and New Testament, the Holy Gospels, the Bible and other Christian books of the twelve Apostles and Saints, their lives and doctrines, may be bought and sold. Item, whereas it is very plain that the poor common man who has been everywhere subjected to restrictions of a hard and severe character, by clerical prelates and convents, as well as by noble and plebeian judges, in their restraints on marriage, their lowering of prices, their rents and other feudal claims and privileges, and especially among our bailiwicks and dependencies, which now highly grieves and surprises us Confederates, and because, according to the terms of the federal compact no one canton can break off from the others in its rights, claims and privileges, and as in our bailiwicks collectively abuses and grievances have been very much practised against the common people, by the monasteries, nobles and judges, therefore, be it hereby resolved, that we take measures to alleviate and pass judgment therein, so that the poor common man may not be burdened by the lowering of prices, and heavy ground-rents, and so severely bound, but that favor and a remedy may be discovered. Item, in regard to the restraints on marriage, that is, when a man takes a wife, and a woman a husband, beyond the jurisdiction of his feudal lord, and the lord undertakes to punish him therefor, it is our will and ordinance, that no one be so punished, seeing that marriage is a sacrament, and every one should be free in such a case. But whoever desires a partner, and is able to pay a ransom, and procure his or her liberty, it shall not be refused, but granted for a reasonable sum of money. Should the lord be too severe, it shall be the duty of the magistrate, in every place and corner, where it occurs, to mediate therein and settle it according to equitable principles. Item, it shall be the bounden duty of every convent to hand in to the authorities a faithful account of its revenue, outlay, possessions and all its business. Item, although the clergy have hitherto been free and exempt from all burdens and incumbrances, and have so overawed the secular authorities with the ban of excommunication, that they never dared to lay upon them taxes, fines, school-money, customs, tolls, licenses, fees and other burdens, yet as there is no foundation for this custom in the Holy Scriptures, it having been introduced among simple Christian people by spiritual laws of their own invention, so that they might not be loaded with the same burdens; therefore, it is the will and purpose of our Lords and rulers, that all priests, whether secular or belonging to the monastic orders, shall share in all these, so that the common people may continue obedient to the civil authorities, according to the Christian rule; none of them shall oppose this, and it shall also be sent everywhere in the city and canton. And, finally, we Confederates reserve the right to add to, to take from, and to alter the articles here drawn up, if, in the meantime, anything better be discovered, even as our Confederacy stands responsible toward God and the world, and may be praiseworthy, useful and honorable."

This long document, which Bullinger alone has preserved entire, we here present with slight abbreviation, because it exhibits, in a manner more lively than any description could, the position in the state then held by the church, wherever the Reformation had not yet taken deep root. Great defects were acknowledged by all the governments, and the will was at hand to apply the remedy. But points of faith must be left untouched. Hence, these were summed up in the introduction. On the contrary, no special reverence is shown for the Pope and the higher position assumed by the clergy; indeed, in several essential particulars, a decided purpose is expressed to hold them in check, and if necessary even to resist them. There is room to conjecture, that if these articles had been carried into practice, they would have exerted a powerful influence against the Reformation, so far, perhaps, as to have confined it to Zurich, and even in the end to have suppressed it here.

But the impossibility of this soon appeared. The Great Councils of Bern, Solothurn and especially Basel durst no longer venture to enforce the general enactments against the married clergy, for the maintenance of rules of fasting and for the preservation of purgatory among the doctrines of faith, whilst on the other side, wherever they still had firm footing, the priesthood opposed all the articles, which would set limits to their greediness and love of power. Hence the general resolutions were not carried out, and only showed the more strongly the inward weakness of the Papacy.

But already, before this time, the first inconsistency, to which Zwingli himself was obliged to submit, came to the aid of his opponents. He had declared that the Gospel was able to endure any trial; that to prove the right and utter the results of his examination should be free to every one, and as he claimed this right in full measure for himself, he, for his part, denied it to no other man. Yet the State did this, and Zwingli fell in with the measure. As early as January, 1523, the following ordinance was published: "Masters Ulric Zwingli and Henry Utiger of the Canons, and Master Henry Walder and Master Binder of the Councils, are appointed to inspect everything which shall be printed in the city of Zurich, and the printer shall be informed and command given him, to undertake to print nothing without their knowledge and approval." Thus, the censorship of the press, which, till now, had only been exercised by the bishops and the Pope, was introduced by the State, by a republican state, and at a time when this state was subjecting the exclusive, established faith, to every kind of investigation. Whence this inconsistency? It did not spring from the Reformer, but only from the unavoidable necessity of his age, in which the capability of judging had not yet penetrated the mass of the people.^[6]

This was immediately perceived and made use of by the Papacy. Her skillful orators did not in the least blame the censorship of the press in Zurich, but thought it very judicious; but, "why then," asked they, "do you attack us for restrictions and watchfulness, when you yourselves cannot do without them? To-day you declare faith shall be free, that it can sustain any trial, and to-morrow suppress the writings of those who will not prove it in your way. Truly, like us, you need an authoritative creed. Only with us the old Church gives the command, with you the new Zwingli. This is very far from being a sufficient reason to induce us to go over to your party." What adequate reply can be made? In fact the time had not yet come, when the Reformation could stand by its own strength; the distinguished man alone sustained it. In this, lies the reason why Zwingli was indispensable to Zurich--in this the secret of his power in the State as well as the Church.

Also aware of this, the defenders of the Old Order were more and more convinced, that its maintenance or new establishment in the Confederacy, could only become possible, if they succeeded in putting Zwingli to silence, and for the attainment of this end they mustered all their powers. Hence, an offer from Doctor Eck, of Ingolstadt, known through his earlier famous disputation with Luther, and mentioned before in the beginning of this work, to come personally to Switzerland and do battle with the Reformer, was very welcome to the leaders of this party. As soon as Zwingli heard of it, he wrote to this champion and invited him to Zurich: here he could attack him and point out to his hearers, who needed it most, the errors of their teacher. "It is time," he concludes, "for me to leave off, if I have been a false prophet. But rather would I find out a way, if there be time, to prevent thee from deceiving the poor people with thy imposture. May God have pity on thee, take away thy stony heart and give thee one so warm, that one can write to thee with joy!" The Council of Zurich also sent an invitation to Eck, along with a letter of safe-conduct, pledging him a safe passage through the canton, coming and going. Eck declined it with the remark, that he must appear wherever the diet would appoint. The latter, after manifold negotiations with the bishops, after a final weighing of the different views of the governments themselves, resolved, in March of the year 1526, to accept the offer of Eck, to whom the general-vicar Faber had joined himself, and assemble a religious conference at Baden, in the middle of October. To these preparatory consultations and to the sessions of the diet Zurich had not been invited for a long time. In vain had she complained of it. But now she received a cold letter, almost hostile in its tone, from her sister-confederates, of which the following are the essential contents: "It cannot be concealed from you, that for a good while there has been much talk of a disputation. Transactions of this sort have not at all been displeasing and repugnant to your feelings heretofore. Well! Now we are to act for a final restoration of peace. Require Zwingli and his associates to appear here along with your deputies, and thus show yourselves as those, who would willingly suffer discord, ill-will and disturbance to be put away, and themselves be taught what is better." It is easy to imagine, that, on such an invitation, Zurich found the matter worthy of more mature consideration before she could accept.

The government had undoubtedly begun and proceeded, without heeding the frequent prayers and warnings of her Confederates, in a thorough work of reformation within the limits of her own canton; beyond these she had neither exercised, nor sought to exercise, a direct ecclesiastical influence. What she had done, was in strict accordance with her rights; no law of the Confederation had been violated by her. And yet the confederates continued to assume more and more the attitude of judges over her. When the deputies from the Zurich Council appeared in the midst of the diet, at the close of the discussion in regard to the conference at Baden, they were excluded, called in again, if they thought fit to come, not asked for their opinion, and simply informed of what had been determined without their assistance, and what they were now expected to carry into execution. In the same form, a knowledge of these decrees was a second time communicated to the government. The doctrines of Zwingli were styled heretical beforehand, and he was charged with being the author of sedition; then it was resolved: "It is not our will that any changes be made in the faith, and, as dutiful members, we have no thought of sundering ourselves from the Holy Church; but in order that Zwingli may be obliged to leave off his seditious teachings in our Confederacy, and the common people in some measure redeemed from error and rendered peaceful, we make arrangements for the disputation."

After such a declaration, what was the part demanded of the free state of Zurich? That she should appear in the circle of her confederate sisters in the attitude of a poor sinner; take back whatever she had established after mature trial; seize the Reformer and arraign him before an inquisition, by which he had already been prejudged as a heretic. And then what anxiety, what memories connected themselves with Baden, the place of the conference? It stood in close dependence on the most embittered cantons. The majority of its own citizens were hostile to the Reformation. Here, a short time before, the blood of the men of Stammheim and Burkhard Ruetiman had been shed by an unrighteous sentence, out of mere religious hatred and in violation of pledges; from thence, the same year, Nicolas Hottinger, of whom we have already spoken, had been delivered up to Luzern, to fall by the sword, in spite of all the intercessions of the Zurich government. The principles of the Romish Church in regard to those, whom she esteemed heretics, were well known. It had been openly declared by several, and believed by many, that they were not bound to keep faith with such persons. Just about this time, (December 11, A. D. 1525), Pope Clement VII., to whom the Zurichers had sent the Secretary Am Gruet, to collect the arrears due for military services, wrote thus: "If you do not forsake your new, ungodly errors, how can you expect us to satisfy these claims, lawful as they may be, without going counter to righteousness and the fear of God, since that cannot be justly allowed to heretics, which they have inherited from their forefathers?" In Freiburg, Zwingli's writings were burnt, and his effigy in Luzern. Several states had given orders to seize him, wherever he could be found. His brother-in-law, Leonard Tremp, wrote to him from Bern: "As you value your life, take care you go not to Baden; for no safe-conduct will be observed in your case; that I know." Can the government of Zurich be blamed for not wantonly exposing the man, in whose existence the entire development of its political and religious life was closely bound up?

And yet, when we see how the Messiah, whose Gospel the Reformer proclaimed, delivered himself up to the unjust judges; when we read his declaration: "Whoso loveth his life shall lose it;" when we hear Martin Luther say, as he began his journey to Worms; "And, if there were as many devils there, as tiles on the houses, I will yet go," and see him step forth courageously before the wrathful monarch and the empire;--indeed we might almost wish that Zwingli had not declined the challenge to battle, nor given his enemies occasion to triumph, and cry out to all the world that he did not dare to defend his own cause. Œcolampadius, who, sent by his government, had appeared there with unflinching courage, wrote to him from Baden: "Elsewhere than here, on the field of battle, we cannot meet these our opponents with befitting energy. Mere writing is not sufficient. Thou wilt expose thyself to danger, as is the case with us all. Yet perhaps thou knowest more than I. Do as thou thinkest best for the Gospel of Christ, to whom our life, as much or as little of it as still remains, alone belongs."

Not for one moment did Zwingli falter in the path, which he had marked out for himself. Though his faith continued firm and strong till the hour of his death, still there lay also in his character a spirit of worldly prudence, which rendered intolerable the thought of becoming a sacrifice to the craft of his opponents, who, instead of honoring his courage, would rather perhaps have laughed at him as a credulous dupe, in their joy over the success of their unworthy plan. The author of this work will neither justify, nor blame him on this account. His duty is, to present a faithful picture of the great man, leaving the reader to form his own judgment. But let us hear a few passages touching this point, from a long letter of his to the government of Bern, which had urged Zurich to accept the invitation to take part in the Conference: "I beseech you, wise and pious Lords, in the most pressing manner, to have my answer to your letter, which was sent to my Lords, but had reference to myself, read aloud and weighed with earnest and mature consideration; for I am not all opposed to, but in favor of a disputation. It is only the place that I cannot abide, and these are my reasons: No place stands open to me, since the cantons of Luzern, Uri, Schwytz, Unterwalden and Zug have the supremacy; for the aforenamed cantons have called me a heretic, summoned me to appear before them, rejected my doctrines, burnt my books and reviled me without any hearing whatever. It is a manifest pre-judgment. They themselves confess, that the disputation was only planned, in order to silence Zwingli. This is also a pre-judgment. As the aforenamed cantons have commanded me to be taken prisoner, how could I trust their safe-conduct? In the safe-conduct itself there is a proviso, that every one must behave agreeably to that safe-conduct; a common article where there is no danger; but it would not be enough for me at Baden; for just as soon as I would say: 'The Pope is Antichrist'--just so soon would they cry out against me, that I had forfeited my safe-conduct. Then, the Five Cantons, along with Faber and Eck, have made arrangements beforehand, behind our backs, in regard to the disputation, which ought to be impartial; and they have permitted the most scandalous writings of Faber and Eck against me to be sold freely, nay, to be hawked about at the Diet, whilst they would neither hear nor look at my answers. For these and other reasons, I would give a friendly caution to my gracious, loving Lords, to believe no one, who pretends that I wish to avoid the disputation. I do not; but only the place. Besides, there are three most excellent articles altogether omitted in the safe-conduct, viz: that the Bible alone should be the source and ground of argument; that no judge should be placed over God's Word; and finally, that the controversy should be carried on freely, and without interruption, on all points in dispute. But, indeed, there is no need to speak of safe-conduct or articles, whilst they will hold the disputation at Baden. I will not baden (bathe)."

Œcolampadius now headed the Reformed party at the Conference, in Zwingli's stead. Berchthold Haller, preacher at Bern, joined him. They two, and several others of like mind, kept up the battle for sixteen days, against Eck, Faber, the not unlearned but extremely passionate Doctor Murner of Strassburg, preacher at Luzern, and their friends, who were present in great numbers. Meanwhile Zwingli was not idle. Every evening a report of the proceedings was brought to him from Baden, for inspection, counsel and advice. According to his own statement, he did not see his bed for nearly three weeks. Œcolampadius and his friends had to contend with no despicable antagonists, in the presence of hearers, the majority of whom were prejudiced against them. And the difficulty was increased by the fact that Eck and Faber, to whom it was assigned to draw up theses for dispute, cunningly enough passed over the perplexing points touching the Church, the power of the Pope, the celibacy of the clergy, the rules of fasting and the like, but pushed into the foreground, on the contrary, as the most important, those touching the Muss, because they could assail the view of Zwingli and Œcolampadius on the Lord's Supper in part with Luther's own arguments. A letter from Erasmus against this view also came to their aid, which was, according to a report, extant in the university of Paris, read at Baden with great applause, and did the more injury to the Reformers, the higher the opinion of Erasmus was prized by liberal theologians.

Amid all this, Œcolampadius knew how to keep his ground manfully. His quiet demeanor and moderation served him no less than his learning, in which he was scarcely inferior to Zwingli himself. One of the Catholic party is said to have cried out, whilst he was speaking: "O if the long, yellow man were only on our side!" His external appearance, as, clad in simple clothing, he appeared in a rough-hewn, unadorned pulpit, was only the more dignified in contrast with the richly carved throne on which Eck, Faber and their distinguished friends sat in silken robes, puffed up, and hung around with golden chains and crosses. At the close of the Conference, the latter declared the victory theirs. This decision was likewise ratified by the four presidents, the majority of the deputies of the Diet and by far the greater number of the attendant scholars and clergymen. Only ten of the latter came out, over their own signatures, in favor of Œcolampadius, and with him against the justness of the theses put forth by Eck and Faber. Berchthold Haller, along with several others, retired before the termination of the Conference. Before the assembly broke up, Thomas Murner appeared, by permission of the presidents, and read aloud forty propositions, which he had posted up as the errors and blasphemous assertions of Zwingli, on the church-doors at Baden, and declared himself ready publicly to prove as such against him; but since the challenged party had staid away in a cowardly fashion, he could, in accordance with all law, human and divine, proclaim him, this tyrant of Zurich, and his followers, dishonorable, perjured, sacrilegious and God-forsaken people, of whose company every honest man ought to be ashamed, and shun them as persons unclean and ripe for damnation. Zurich had to endure this, which was reported to her, and a haughty letter from the deputies of the Twelve Cantons besides. Much was said in it about Zwingli's lies; he was accused of ridiculing the Confederates, of making seditious speeches, and of a never-ceasing hostility. They were now tired of this disorder, and if the government of Zurich would not banish the everlasting disturber, they then would be compelled to make known to their subjects in city and canton the injury they suffered,--to appear before the bailiwicks, so that the honest people might become acquainted, not with Zwingli's little book and slanderous invectives alone, but the reply of their Confederates also. What would come out of this, the Council of Zurich might consider in their wisdom.

Meanwhile, the tidings, that a victory was gained, spread on all sides, "We thank the Most High"--wrote the deputies of the Twelve Cantons from Baden to Duke William of Bavaria--"that Your Princely Grace sent over to us the highly-renowned Doctor Eck; for truly he has defended, according to the Holy Divine Scriptures, his Christian theses--the chief points, which the Lutheran or Zwinglian deluding, heretical sect have ventured to assail and pervert--so bravely and with such skill, that undoubtedly good will come of it; and it will be admitted by every sensible man, possessed of a good conscience, that truth and victory are on our side--with our old, undoubted Christian faith." Reports of the triumph of the Catholics reached Zwingli from his friends also. Comander, pastor in Chur, told him of letters received there, and of the alarm of all the friends of reform. George Mangolt wrote from Constance: "Every day letters arrive here from Baden. O how the Papists rejoice! They say that Œcolampadius is overthrown; that he has been vanquished in three points already, and will be completely so in a few days; that he is like a child--as soon as he is laid hold of with a little more earnestness than usual he begins to tremble, yea, even to weep." Indeed, great hopes were built on the issue of the Conference by all the friends of the Old Order. Zurich appeared to stand alone, deserted by all her sister-confederates. Berchthold Haller was intimidated; Œcolampadius, though he did not yield, looked into a dark future, for he could number as many enemies as friends in Basel. Under these circumstances, everything depended on Zurich, and especially the firmness of Zwingli.

After taking earnest counsel, it was resolved to send the following declaration to all the Twelve Cantons: "We have examined your letter touching ourselves and our preachers, and are filled with great surprise, grief and regret. We and our preachers are attacked therein with haughty, sharp, and violent words, although in our own opinion we are innocent. We had indeed thought that the many things, which he and we have sent to you from pen and press, would have been honorably considered and well received by you and your advisers. Nevertheless, Master Ulric will vindicate himself. But to you, dear Confederates, because you desire an answer from us at the next Annual Reckoning, we send what follows: We have violated no treaty, given ear only to the Divine Word, and invited any one to prove us in error. No one has come to do this. It is well known how we have been excluded from the Diet, and how, without consulting us and in the face of our protest, the Conference was transferred to Baden. You ask us to prohibit Master Ulric Zwingli from publishing books and writings against you, because it is contrary to our treaties, and yet it is clear to you and all men, that Doctor Eck and Faber, and their adherents, have issued sundry little books and writings for the dishonor, shame and derision of us and our preachers, which were carried, sent over and circulated at the Diet, and in many other places, far and near, with boastful pomp and rejoicing, and have been read and listened to with evident relish; and truly it ought and must deeply pain and grieve us, as pious, honest, faithful Confederates, that such strange, foreign, slanderous and wicked people, who, beyond doubt, wish not only to lessen and obstruct the profit, honor, piety and welfare of our glorious Confederacy, but according to their race and nation, under a false show of good, to obliterate and utterly destroy it, should receive almost more respect, confidence and esteem than we. And yet, God knows, we have never had any higher wish than to live on friendly terms with you, our dear Confederates, and assist in all things, which might serve to the praise, profit, honor and welfare of the United Confederacy; and as formerly, in the pressure of war and other secular affairs, we faithfully pledged to you our persons, honor and property, like good, honest Confederates, and poured out our blood, so would we now do, without looking back, as our pious forefathers, when our country calls for it. If then, you had written, that you wished to appear before our congregations, we indeed would have made no objections; but since it is contrary to treaties and old, praiseworthy custom and usage to do so without our consent, we hope you will follow them. If complaints only were to be made, truly we would have more reason to urge them than you. What hard and unbecoming speeches are not we and ours compelled to hear, when we meet you and yours in market-places, for buying and selling! And did not that foreign monk. Doctor Murner of Luzern, for the first time, at this Diet, publish against us a little book, full of scandal and lies, and go to the furthest lengths of malice, when out of an envenomed, envious heart, he defamed and abused us and ours in the highest degree, in the presence of natives and foreigners, after the disputation held at Baden, and all with such knavery, that, amid many pious, honest men, who heard him, there was little displeasure, and yet no one called him to order? Indeed it were much better if we sought to put away such people, who bring no honor or profit to either party. Heretofore matters proceeded very differently at the Diet, when we conversed together about that which might promote the honor, the happiness and the welfare of our Confederacy, and lived in old friendship, brotherly fidelity and love."

The answer of Zwingli, who was the most aggrieved, was thought to be more rude and independent: "That I"--he wrote--"have reviled the Twelve Cantons, is, honorable Lords, unjustly charged against me; but that I would expose the practices of Faber, who can justly blame me for that? Faber himself could not stand, if he would visit me in the place, where we have pledged sufficient security to Eck and him. That more words of scandalous abuse stick in me than words of Holy Writ and truth, I must allow you to say. You, the Five Cantons, have proclaimed me a heretic before all the conferences or disputations, which cannot be made out, though I should not stand up to answer you. If there be real, genuine desire to learn the Word of God in truth, we must not attempt it with courtesans, the whole Papacy and such dishonest people, who like Eck have spoken so scandalously in regard to an estimable Confederacy. That I have often been blamed by you for lying, falsehood and deceit, I must likewise commend to God. But I do indeed think, if this letter of your deputies were read at home before the Twelve Cantons, the smaller number would be pleased with it. Pardon me, dear Lords, I also know in part how things went at the Diet."

"Since then, it is your opinion, that my Lords ought to thrust me aside and the like, I tell you, they are too pious for that; because they know well that you first assailed me and so often, that I was obliged on their account to write, for the preservation of God's Word, their honor and my own. It seems to me, that your faith is but ill kept toward my Lords and me; (forgive me, gracious Lords) though heretical opinions are tolerated in the pulpits of several cantons, I must keep silence in mine, and their honest people, when they do business among you, are often and disgracefully abused, and there is no punishment or redress."

"Finally, you say, if my Lords do not cast me off, you will take occasion to make known at Zurich, before the city and the canton, what you have suffered from them and me; to which I answer: If the Articles of Confederation would permit, I would be willing that you, my Lords, and I should freely explain how matters have been going, not only before the communities of my Lords, but before all the people of the entire Confederacy. But since this may not be, do you keep to the Articles of Confederation and your own communities, and leave the communities of my Lords in peace; for if you were to come before them, there is no doubt they would give you in their simplicity, in all honor and fairness, as good and earnest answers as my Lords themselves. In regard to these things, gracious Lords, O that for God's sake you were willing to go into yourselves and not always act in a passion!"

Of course, language of this kind was not just calculated to calm the minds of his opponents, and could not but wound deeply the pride of the Five Cantons, who were implacable enough without it. It appeared the more intolerable to them, because they regarded themselves as conquerors, yea if they could only agree, in a certain measure, the second authors and founders of the Old Confederacy, that held fast to the faith and customs of their ancestors. Nearly all the Confederate deputies in Baden happened to belong also to the friends of the Old Order, and particularly the ambassador from Bern, Caspar von Muelinen. Their agreement in opinion gave assurance to the cantons, who now undertook to publish the acts of the disputation. It is probable that this was not done without the consent of the remaining deputies, with the exception perhaps of Adelberg Meier. Leaving Basel out of view, in Bern, Glarus, Schaffhausen, Appenzell and partly even in Solothurn, the confidence in the Five Cantons was not so strong as among the deputies of these states at the Diet, and when they brought home a report of the proceedings in Baden, a very decided feeling was manifested among the councils and people. Our attention must now be directed chiefly to Basel and Bern.

In Basel, the higher classes, with but few exceptions, were unfavorable to the Reformation. The bishop and the chapter of the Cathedral exercised considerable influence. The University also, in the greater part of its members, was not the least inclined to the new dogmas and forms. Œcolampadius, who, a short time before, had become a professor there, stood nearly isolated among his colleagues, especially since Pellican (Conrad Kuersner), former teacher of the Hebrew language, his tried friend and companion in the faith, had accepted a call to Zurich. Erasmus, startled from his proud and comfortable ease--summoned from his student's chamber, whence he was accustomed to lord it over the learned world, to conflicts before turbulent assemblies of the people, began to exhibit more and more dislike toward this revolutionary agitation. When he met Œcolampadius, to whom he had before shown much good-will, on the street, he turned away from him with an aversion, which he did not strive to conceal. It is true, he disdained also to take part in the dark doings of the monks, those heresy-hunters of the Roman See; but appears to have seen, not without pleasure, the quarrel, then already rising between the Reformers themselves, touching the doctrine of the Lord's Supper, and used it so, as to decide in favor of no party, read lectures to all, and maintain as long as possible his former superior position over against them. His correspondence, indeed, all his connection with Zwingli had ceased. But the latter had to experience something still more severe in the behavior of Glareanus, the first and warmest friend of his youth. As late as the first Religious Conference in Zurich he had expressed to Zwingli his joy and approval of the result, and for a time took his part with Erasmus. Now he turned away from the Reformers more decidedly than the old theologian himself, became more and more violent in his enmity to them and their cause, and like Erasmus, though two months earlier, left Basel, which had become hateful to him, in order to settle as an academical teacher in the still Catholic University at Freiburg, in the Breisgau.^[7] In the Small Council there was a minority, few in numbers, with Adelberg Meier at their head, in favor of reform; in the Great Council the number was larger, but also a minority. Among the burghers, on the other hand, the party of Œcolampadius increased daily. To this, his behavior at Baden, which drew praises even from his opponents, contributed no little. The fluctuating opinions, in regard to the doctrine of the Lord's Supper, had caused him, previous to the Conference at Baden, to make known his view on the subject in a special work. The Council forbade its publication, because nothing so stirred up the passions of men like this. But now, since the matter had been publicly handled by him, in the Religious Conference, there was no longer any reason to keep it back from the press. Sent forth by one of the most famous professors in the University, contradicted by none of his colleagues,^[8] it came to be looked upon in a certain measure as a confession of faith on the part of the faculty. At the same time, also, Œcolampadius, to the great annoyance of his adversaries, succeeded in obtaining the introduction of church-singing in German; for the government, in accordance with the feeble advice of Erasmus, in answer to the question as to how it should act amid the zeal for innovation breaking out on all sides, adopted vacillating measures; to-day it suffered the departure of individual monks and nuns from their cloisters; to-morrow, in order to make such cases less frequent, it denied the rights of citizenship to those who had gone out, and rendered the practice of any worldly calling difficult; now it ratified episcopal laws, and then arbitrarily abolished festival-days; in one church it supported the celebration of the mass, in another allowed it to be abolished, so that Basel was as good as given up by the Five Cantons. They refused the Council there permission to examine the acts of the Religious Conference at Baden before their publication, and on the 13th of July, 1526, resolved, in connection with Freiburg and Solothurn, to keep the oath of confederation as little with Basel as with Zurich and St. Gall.

So determined were the Five Cantons, especially since the Conference at Baden, only to acknowledge in the future those of their Confederate-sisters as such, who would adhere along with them to the former doctrines of the church. What authority they arrogated to themselves in this respect over the others, is plainly visible in their behavior toward Bern. Notwithstanding her repeated requests, the acts of the Baden Conference were not communicated to her; her conduct was subjected to severe censure, and it was resolved to send thither a delegation to confirm the alliance by an oath; but only after the Great Council and the consulting deputies of the districts had declared solemnly beforehand, that Bern would not desert the Five Cantons in matters of faith, yea, would even recall her former grant in favor of the free interpretation of the Scriptures. Indeed, she was obliged to draw up a sealed declaration to this effect. But with that even the Five Cantons were not satisfied. "A command"--so it is enjoined in the letters of their Conference at Luzern--"shall be given to our envoys at the swearing of the treaty as to what more shall be said to our Confederates at Bern, which they shall indeed hear." What this may have been will become intelligible to us, when we have taken a nearer view of the religious and political condition of Bern, as it then was.

From the earliest period of the Confederacy down, a mutual friendship had existed between Bern and Zurich. In the old wars against Zurich, when all the Confederates appeared in hostile array against her, Bern had stood out for a long time; and at great sacrifice, had endeavored to bring about a reconciliation, and was the first to reach out again the hand of peace. She thankfully acknowledged the true help, which Zurich had afforded her in the Burgundian wars. Not seldom was she solicited to act as mediator, in disputes, which Zurich had with her own subjects, and always discharged her commission with kindness and honor. In the quarrels also with other states, arising in consequence of the reforms in Zurich, she took no part in the hostile measures contrived against her, and the insults offered to her ambassadors; on the contrary, did all she could to preserve peace. But a short time before the Conference at Baden, she had publicly declared: "Though our dear Confederates of Zurich should not be willing to accept the proposals of compromise drawn up by us, we have still unanimously resolved neither to separate from them nor from our other allies, but faithfully to adhere to all sworn treaties." This was the disposition of the canton; this the policy of the government, which, among all the Swiss states, was the least inclined perhaps to enter into religious polemics and ecclesiastical movements. Political and warlike interests prevailed with it; with the people, those of a material nature. Become wealthy by agriculture, rejoicing in ease and prosperity, they felt little need of subjecting their faith to trial, and had just as little occasion to defend it at any great sacrifice. In spiritual matters they stuck to their leaders, whose contrary views, especially since the Conference at Baden, began to show a bolder antagonism. And yet it was rather the external form than the inward substance, which they regarded; the usages of the church, rather than the dogmas, which they assailed; the dominion rather than the teachings of the priests, against which they rose up. The mode of conflict was also different. Teachers were closely watched; great caution enjoined on the preachers; attacks on points of faith not suffered either in the pulpit or in disputations; and yet, on the other hand, fully as much freedom of speech prevailed in private life as in Zurich: the nuns of gentle birth in Kœnigsfeld left their convent and married without hindrance, and even the head of the priestly order, Provost Nicholas von Wattenweil, had taken to wife Clara Mai, a Dominican sister of the Convent in the Island. Amid storms of applause, the Banneret Manuel had allowed a play to be performed publicly in the Street of the Cross by a young burgher, in which the church authorities, the cardinals, the traffic of indulgences and various ceremonies were held up to ridicule. The powers then ruling had no special esteem for the Pope, and would not tolerate the supremacy of any bishops, but just as little also the commanding influence of a reformer. Such a state of things could not last long in any case, but the very means, by which the Five Cantons hoped to prevent the breach, led directly to it. These were their assumptions of guardianship; their legations; their letters and strictures, on every ordinance of the Council in Bern, which they did not like; the conduct of their envoys at the swearing of the treaty in that place; their request that the deputies of Zurich sent for this purpose might not be admitted to witness the ceremony; their private conferences, to which Bern also was not invited; their incessant appeals to that sealed promise, which had been extorted only under the protests of many and to the dissatisfaction of a large portion of the people, and lastly, their threats to appear before the Bernese districts. Yet it was Thomas Murner, who finally brought the matter to an issue. If Eck and Faber were undoubtedly fitted by their noble external appearance--their scientific and worldly training, to gain influence among the higher classes, so was the barefooted monk not less the man, to work upon the multitude: to inspire some with enthusiasm and rouse up others to anger. We have seen with what dogmatical, cunning and rude language he assailed, at Baden, not only Zwingli, but the Zurichers, and all the adherents of the Reformer, to the great displeasure of many, especially the Bernese. The publication of the Acts of the Disputation was now committed to this man, by the government at Luzern. In compliance with truth, it must be said, that he was guilty of no falsification; for the printed copy agrees accurately with the manuscripts of the four secretaries, which are still extant; but they would not believe this in Basel or Bern, without comparing the documents, on account of the violent assertions contained in other writings which he then published. Among these, everything else was eclipsed by the so-called Libel Almanac, whose appearance, with its vulgar wit, its coarse language and its blood-thirsty spirit, was demanded by party-hatred. The almanac of the Zurichers gave rise to its publication, because they had omitted the names of the saints. Instead of these, those of the Reformers and their most prominent adherents were now introduced under opprobrious epithets, with printed caricatures alongside. It was issued in Luzern--tinder the eyes of the government--and widely circulated. And as the preachers and other respectable men of Bern were not spared in it, the government demanded satisfaction--indeed united with that of Zurich for this purpose. These two states were thus drawn nearer and nearer together. The former appeared at the conferences instituted by the latter in opposition to those of the Five Cantons, and when, on Easter Tuesday of the year 1527, the election for the Councils arrived, the friends of reform carried the day by a decisive victory. Some of the most violent of their opponents were ousted from both Councils, and several others, among whom was Caspar von Muelinen, before mentioned as deputy at Baden, were obliged to go back from the Small to the Great Council; but the question was put to all the districts of the Canton, whether, in order to please the Five Cantons, they would adhere to that forced resolution to alter nothing in matters of religion, which would only lead to difficulty, and since it had been published, had produced nothing but hate and discord? The number of persons in city and canton, who were decidedly in favor of it, was small, and hence the ordinance was issued by both Councils, that the free preaching of the Gospel should be restored, exercised and protected, but that no changes should be allowed in the use of the sacraments and churchly customs, except by general consent and approbation.

But whilst these things were taking place in Bern, another storm was brewing among the enemies of the Reformation at Zurich. Notwithstanding all that had gone before, some were still found here, who secretly drew pensions, and these in unison with the discontented clergy, formed a dangerous party, whose hopes were newly revived by the result of the Conference in Baden. To them Zwingli's opponents in the other cantons silently turned, and the Reformer was threatened with a new battle. Let us hear his own description of it, in a letter to his friends in Basel and Strassburg: "For some time back, a great deal of movement, a bustling and joyful assembling has been observed in the troop of our Catilinarians,^[9] as soon as the cause of the Gospel met with any difficulty in the way. It was clear as sunlight that these people would attempt the same thing, as those whose infamous deeds cannot be unknown to you, who have read the writings of Cicero and Sallust. I confess, that, when their speeches and actions more and more plainly betrayed their plans hitherto concealed, I, on my part, began to sound the alarm of treason. I succeeded also, in spite of the boldness and hypocrisy with which they came out against me, in intimidating their fortress, in undermining their walls. They believed that they had been unobserved. I gave them to understand that this was not the case, and that I myself could perhaps make a disclosure. It happened thus. I found myself, without their knowledge, in possession of a certain letter, and had gleaned besides something here and there. Hereupon the better portion of the people, who desired to put an end to intrigues, succeeded so far that a dictatorship was instituted, not indeed after the fashion of the Romans, in the person of a single individual, but a commission of twelve men, who received authority to apprehend and try. The investigation begins. Much comes to light, some things important and some not. Now, Grebel, the father of Conrad, the leader of the Anabaptists, is beheaded. He, who stood in the highest consideration amongst us, had received from the Emperor, the King of France and the Pope more than 1000 gold-florins under pretence of benefits bestowed on his son. Several escaped, for the gates were negligently guarded; one on a cart, concealed under a load of rubbish and dung. Another, a hunchbacked man, was put to the rack. The dictatorship and investigation still continue. As for me, I exhort some to take example from such a result, and others to aid in rooting up the evil."

The hatred of the defeated party, their friends and their followers, may easily be imagined. But for once there was no prospect of a speedy revenge. Several attempts on their behalf were made in the canton without success. To Buelach, where something had been undertaken in favor of the criminals, the government wrote: "We hear that you venture to hold meetings on account of the punishments we have inflicted on the disobedient and invite others thither. This sounds badly in face of your solemn pledges, to give the go-by to all foreign lords. Cease from such intrigues, or we will take the matter in hand for you with such earnestness and boldness, that, with the help of God, we will become your masters, and not you ours." Respect for the Reformer grew; his influence began to spread widely, even, beyond the limits of the canton.

After the narration of these events, we turn back again to the affairs of Bern. The power of this state, the ideas, which were entertained of the sagacity of its rulers, made it evident, that, just as the case was decided here, so would it be in a good portion of the Confederacy. And now, within the walls of Bern, Zurich and the Five Cantons had to fight their next battle. They did it first by embassies; but whilst the Zurichers deported themselves with modesty, the Five Cantons used rough, domineering language, which found no approval even from those, who otherwise were not well inclined toward the Reformation. But the Bernese felt more and more sensibly the inconvenience arising from the discord, which passed over from the sphere of religion into that of their politics. Both parties longed for a decision. The proposal to hold a religious conference of their own, met with growing favor. Both parties counted on victory. The opponents of the Reformation grounded their hopes on the issue of the Conference at Baden, and on the aid promised them by Conrad Treger of Freiburg, Provincial of the Augustines, who had some reputation for learning. Haller and his friends turned their eyes to Zwingli. They did not rest until the Council, which at first intended to restrict the invitation to the Conference to narrower limits, had extended it to the whole Confederacy. In the most anxious letters Haller entreated the Reformer not to remain away. He Bent the theses drawn up by him and his colleague, Francis Kolb, to Zwingli for revision, with the request to have them printed in Zurich. The town-clerk of Bern did the same thing, in the name of the Council. Zwingli promised, sent books and advice, and spread the Bernese letters of invitation also among his friends in Germany. "We have," Haller had written, "the wolf by the ears, but only between door and hinge, and do not know how to deal with him. Therefore, there is some hope among all good Christians here that thou wilt come. Thou knowest what is now laid on Bern, and what great scandal, scorn and shame would at once fall upon the Gospel and us, if we should not prove sufficient for the task. The burgomaster Roist, when he was last here, gave us to hope, that he would also come. Have no fear of way-laying, our government will provide for your safe-conduct. Believe me, many call for you. But others prophesy that my Lords will not make much out of the disputation, and the last disappointment will be greater than the first. Stand by me, or rather undertake it thyself. I have written to Œcolampadius, but do not know whether he will come; he has answered that he would like Zwingli to support us. Summa; He has bathed, (gebadet), thou shouldst lead the bear-dance."^[10]

Zurich had heard the resolution of the Bernese with great joy. Immediately a public safe-conduct was made out for all travelers to Bern, and attendance at the Conference recommended to all belonging to the canton, especially to the priests, who had not yet joined in the Reformation; but Zwingli, who had urgently begged for permission, was commanded to go thither, and the learned Pellikan and Collin, along with the preacher Megander, to assist him, all at the expense of the government.

What anxiety, on the other hand, this disputation created among the Five Cantons, appears from their attempts to prevent it. Immediately after the resolution of Bern was made known to them, by her public proclamation, they called together a conference in Luzern, at which also Freiburg, Solothurn and Glarus were represented. A letter of warning was there resolved on. The Five Cantons believed, moreover, it should be drawn up, less in the name of their governments than in that of the Confederacy. From that very moment, when they began to fear, lest other states would likewise venture to unite with Zurich, their strenuous efforts were directed to the preservation at least of a majority of votes in the General Diet. In this they could not fail. They were sure of Freiburg, they counted on Solothurn, but Glarus they endeavored to secure by the same means which had proved abortive with Bern. Here, however, they seemed to succeed better. In fact, the general assembly of the canton handed over at their request a sealed promise not to separate themselves in matters of faith. In this posture of affairs, they held immoveably firm to the opinion, that whatever seven or eight out of thirteen states thought fit, should be considered the decision of the Confederacy. But our whole earlier history shows how varying the practice was in this respect, how single cantons, how a united minority of them often refused to acknowledge the resolutions of the majority; how differently the very Articles of Confederation themselves, and their right to enforce obedience were explained, or stretched, to suit particular cases. But, if ever it was their design to justify the political liberty of each individual member of the Confederacy, then surely it must be so in matters of religion, which are nowhere touched on in the letter of these Articles, whilst the dominion of one over the consciences of the others, is far less in harmony with their spirit.

So had Zurich looked upon the matter from the beginning. So was it now regarded by Bern, with a more decided purpose not to surrender the principle involved. From this time forth two parties began to form themselves in our country, who were diametrically opposed in their views of the nature and obligations of the Articles of Confederacy. The question at first by no means took the same shape as it did in later times: Shall only one ecclesiastical system, or several, be allowed within the limits of a single state? much less that which it now holds in America: Shall the state not concern itself at all about the religious creed of its citizens? Religion and politics, church and state were then thought to be inseparably bound together. Only this was asked: Shall a single state choose its own ecclesiastical system, or be suffered to change it by its own sovereign authority? or has it no such right? Must law be given to it perpetually from without, by a power which stands over it, which even has its head on the other side of the Alps? The Five Cantons, who adhered to the latter view without faltering, were not willing to maintain it merely within their own limits, but wished to have it uttered and acknowledged as a fundamental principle of the Confederacy, and the minority to submit to the majority in its application.

This shows itself plainly in the contents of a letter sent by them to Bern, directly before the Religious Conference held there. "Truly," so it runs, "with no less fear than wonder have we, dear Confederates, received your notice of a conference. What can have induced you to make such a move--you, who not two years ago would have esteemed an undertaking of that kind contrary to all honesty. Christian order and law, and a breach of old usages and sworn treaties? and so we esteem it. Whence comes it? Ah, God mend it! only because you have given too long a rein to your seditious, wicked preachers. They have persuaded you to this thing, in order to color somewhat, and in some measure to plaster over with a deceitful show their defeat at Baden, where by the might and splendor of the truth, by the Holy Scripture itself, they were struck to the earth as blind men. Remember what you and yours swore together with us, for which you gave us sealed documents, yet in our possession. Therefore, we beseech you, in the most pressing and earnest manner: Abandon your project. Lot us know, whether you will do this. On Sunday before New Year the deputies of the VIII. Cantons will be in Luzern. On that day we will look for your answer to this effect. But if all this warning is of no avail, then we desire you to summon your bailiwicks on a certain day previous to the disputation, and give us notice of that day in due time. Then will our Lords and Superiors send their embassy to you, and speak with you and yours, not otherwise than becomes propriety, and is necessary and convenient for us; and, if God will, you and yours, us and ours will be preserved from great misfortune and harm. Meanwhile, perhaps, rude speakers may exhort you not to suffer yourselves to be lorded over by. several cantons, ruled, taught, and compelled to believe what may be pleasing to them.

"Ah, dear Confederates! Neither our Lords and Superiors, nor we, ever had any disposition to rule and lord it over you. We bring and compel you to receive no new faith. What is our desire and thought? Only that you and we may remain with each other, dwell peaceably together and rule as your and our forefathers did in the old, true, Christian faith. In this your ancestors and yourselves, your canton and your people have reached great honor. In this did you become Confederates. In this have your ancestors and ours, you and we gained many honorable victories. God be praised therefor! With such a faith, and with the universal Christian Church we desire to remain, and pray God from the heart that He would prevent you by His grace from separating, not alone from us Eight Cantons, but much more from all Christendom."

Yet this letter, although made out in the names of the Eight Cantons, was not signed by Glarus and Solothurn; not by Glarus, because there also public opinion was rising up more and more in favor of Zwingli's reforms, which obliged the deputies to be very guarded; not by Solothurn, because she hesitated about expressing herself so strongly to her neighbor Bern, to whom she was bound by so many ties. Its imperious language, though couched in soothing terms, was ill suited to prevail with Bern. It roused there a feeling of proud independence, and how deep a wound it made, appears from the answer:

"You begin your letter to us with reproaches of dishonor. Faithful, dear Confederates, we had expected better things of you. What we did was done for the Christian purpose of honoring God. We hope that treaties have in no wise been violated thereby; but, indeed, we would commend to your consideration, whether the insolent and haughty letter of your envoys be in accordance with them. You conjecture that our preachers have been the occasion of this Conference, in order to repair their injuries at Baden, and color over their defeat. Dear Confederates, you should not deem us such persons as ever to rest upon any class of men the ground and assurance of our true, primitive, Christian faith. Still less can we discover that we have given them too long a rein, because you are ill pleased that we suffer the uncorrupted Word of God to be preached and spread every where amongst us. Far be it from us to cut ourselves off from the Christian Church, whose head is Christ himself; much rather would we do, what becomes good Christians, defend and protect her. And since you remind us of our sealed document, although we are obliged to give neither you nor others an answer concerning it, yet we freely admit that we swore on that day an oath, on account of faith, not of the Confederacy, but in no wise pledged ourselves to you or others to believe what you or they believe. That your forefathers and ours entered into the Confederacy and took oaths of friendship in the same faith we do not deny. But what they at the same time held in their hearts is known to God alone. Had they become so well acquainted with the treachery of Antichrist as you and we, they would hardly have remained so long in error. Since then you invite us to summon our bailiwicks, so that your envoys may appear before us and them, know ye, that such a step is not in accordance with the Articles of Confederation, and we therefore desire you to abstain from it. And since you suppose there are rude people amongst us, who say they do not wish to be lorded over by other cantons, nor ruled, nor compelled to believe--there is truth in it. We are just as unwilling to go beyond the Articles of Confederation, when asked by you, as you would be, if asked by us; we will, by no means, suffer or permit this. Finally, we understand that unfriendly missives against us have been printed in Luzern, and it cannot be forgotten by you, what was formerly decreed at the Diet on this account. We pray you, therefore, to put a stop to it, else we shall be obliged to print replies. This is what we send you in way of answer to the letter of your envoys, so that henceforth you may know how to negotiate in the matter, and guard against such insolent, disgraceful writing."

The Five Cantons responded to this provoking language by unfriendly measures. They refused their subjects permission to go to Bern, and denied a safe-conduct to travelers who passed through their boundaries. The government of Luzern, excited to the highest pitch of hostility by the passionate Doctor Murner, did not prevent him from attacking Bern and her government in the most unmeasured style in various libelous writings, issued by a printing-house of his own. All this increased the hatred toward that state and the favorable inclination toward Zurich.

Here collected, in the meantime, all those persons from Eastern Switzerland and the neighboring parts of Germany, who intended to be present at the conflict in Bern. On New Year's evening fifteen hundred and twenty-eight were entertained at the chamber of the Canons by the government of Zurich. The day following, preachers and scholars, more than a hundred in number, they set out, surrounded by a troop of armed men to command respect, for it had been rumored that in the free bailiwicks, where the Five Cantons swayed the majority of the rulers, they would be threatened with danger. They reached Bern on the third evening, where also Œcolampadius and the theologians of Strassburg, Bucer and Capito, had already arrived. Religion had put science in motion. From the union of both, politics were to receive their direction. The events in Bern were to determine the fate of Switzerland. Statesmen as well as scholars acknowledged this. The city had neglected nothing in order to make clear its honor, its rectitude and its hospitality. The government had exhibited firmness on all sides. To the Emperor himself, who in a very earnest tone had issued a positive command to abolish the Conference, it had been replied respectfully, but decidedly, that the preparations had already gone too far to permit this.

On the sixth of January the business was opened in the church of the Franciscans. Of splendid accommodations for one party and mean ones for the other, as at Baden, there was nothing to be seen. Several times were the opponents of the Reformers requested to assist each other. "You see"--said the landvogt Manuel, who was appointed to summon the speakers according to the rules--"how they confess the articles to be good, and faithfully keep together; therefore, I pray and warn you once more, for God's sake, to bring into one place your opposing speakers, and assist each other by counsel, writing and speaking. This our gracious Lords will accept with great gratitude as a favorable token of your good-will."

Into the particulars of the Conference it is not needful to enter here. The whole story and the result are pictured for us in a report, still extant, from the pen of a zealous Catholic, who was an ear-and-eye-witness: "What I have so often said," writes Jacob of Muenster, priest at Solothurn, to a lawyer in Mayence--"has been clearly exhibited at this heretical gathering. We are going downwards, only by our own indolence, and because the head's of our church do nothing for science. Several of our adherents in Bern, hitherto members of the government, had implored the bishops even with threats, to send hither learned men, able to cope with the heretics. No one came; no one sent. At last appeared a certain Augustinian brother. They call him Provincial Conrad Freger. He brought with him skill in talking, but of true eloquence and science I could not discover a trace. When proof from the Scripture was demanded, he traveled off. I found nothing in him but a barefaced monk, although others looked for a prodigy. Still more boisterously did a certain Dominicaster beat about him with passages of Scripture for several days, but in the end showed that he understood no Greek. The best among them was the schoolmaster of Zofingen. They call him The Letter. What he quoted from the writings of the Fathers, in defence of the church, was worth hearing. He knew more than all the others put together; yet sufficient power was lacking in him also. Thus must we mourn over our want of skill and contempt of science. Oh, if Erasmus had only been present! But I should tell you something about the heretics. My bile was stirred up--hence, only a little. They did not appear to me so sure of their cause, that we could not have frightened them, if we did not gain a victory, by able speakers, versed in the Scriptures, which, however, we must confess, are not with us in everything. I often saw them not agreed as to the answer to be given; one often putting anxious questions to the other, often whispering to him. Several were only encouraged and roused up by the pertinacious vehemence of Zwingli. This beast is in fact more learned even than I had thought. The saucy Œcolampadius may understand the Prophets and the Hebrew language better, and perhaps equal him in Greek, but falls far behind him in fertility of mind, power, and clearness of representation. How Capito should be rated I could not discover. Bucer spoke more. And, if he had the same learning and knowledge of the languages as Œcolampadius and Zwingli, he would be far more dangerous, so graceful is his gesture and manner, and so pleasant his speech. Thus we stood, wretchedly equipped against the most skillful heretics. Here roared a little mass-priest one moment, and there again another. Alas! they were taught choral singing and nothing else. Honor to that schoolmaster Letter! and yet he himself has not gone beyond the letter. And what was now the issue? Our decided overthrow. How easy it could have been prevented, had our bishops only turned their attention more to humane studies than to base wenches. Thou wilt ask: Is there no longer any hope of mastering this extension of heresy? It is certainly slim. The Luzernese, at the head of the Five Cantons, have taken all possible pains to do this, more, in fact, than all the bishops together; but from our weak defence, the belief has been impressed on the multitude, that we have nothing to defend, and the majority has overcome the better minority. Now the Zurichers can have their own way with them. Thou knowest what cunning they possess and what immoveable constancy."

After the German Conference, which lasted eighteen days, a shorter one followed in the Latin language, for the priests of the bailiwicks of Ælen and Granson. William Farell, a learned Frenchman, who for some time had been laboring for the Reformation with the most unwearied zeal, in Western Switzerland, had to do with opponents still more ignorant than those which fell to his German friends. This part of the proceedings was so sadly lacking in earnestness and dignity, that the details of it were not suffered to appear in the Acts of the Conference, which were immediately put to press and published by the government of Bern. Zwingli also exerted a powerful influence upon the city in general, by two sermons. It is narrated, that, during the delivery of one of them, a priest threw off the mass-robe, which he had already put on, with the words: "If the mass does not rest on firmer grounds, I will never celebrate it again." With gratitude the government of Bern gave a liberal recompense to the foreign scholars and ambassadors and an escort until they had passed beyond their borders. Two weeks after the Conference, appeared their detailed ordinance touching the re-organization of the church-system. In it they cut themselves loose from all former connection with the bishops: "Since you"--so they say--"in spite of all prayers and invitations have staid away from the Disputation, and since you indeed shear the poor sheep, but have not pastured them, we deprive you of your selfish trade, and neither we, nor they who come after us, wish to be bound in any way to you or your successors." All deacons and pastors are released from their oath to them, and required henceforth to give it to the government. He who refuses, is to be banished. In regard to the mass, images and monasteries, they will be dealt with as in Zurich. Living benefactors of ecclesiastical institutions are allowed to take back their gifts. For the rest, account shall be afterward rendered to the government. Yet, it is expressly added: "Not that we wish to appropriate such gifts to our own use, as they are still to be called gifts of God, but so to dispose of them that our honor and justice will stand clear before God and the world." Finally, the rules of fasting and celibacy were abolished, but self-government was demanded for the freedom restored. On this point the document speaks thus: "And as we have heretofore punished, in the rate of ten pounds, those who have eaten flesh and eggs on forbidden days, so will we henceforth fine at the same rate all who take more than their nature can bear, pouring it down after the ninth sleeping-cup, and those who drink on and carouse; when they are guilty of it frequently, heavier punishment is reserved, to be laid on each one according to circumstances."

From what has just been narrated, we see the influence exerted by Zwingli upon Bern. Let us now take into consideration the reaction of Bern upon Zwingli. When he began his great work in Zurich, the path of its development could scarcely have been marked out before his eyes. He little thought of political commotion. Even the mischief arising from desertions and pensions, which he only fought against on account of their evil effects on religion and morals, could be prevented without change either in the government of the several states, or in the ground-work, nature or language of the Articles of Confederacy. The refusal of Zurich to take part in the French Alliance awakened displeasure, it is true, among her sister-cantons, but even this was followed by no direct disturbance of her relations with them. Now came the division of the bishopric, already an influential step. A new principle was introduced into the ecclesiastical, which was so closely interwoven with the political life. But this principle was rejected by all the other states up to the Conference of Baden. The Five Cantons and the party belonging to the old faith hoped from this Conference so glorious an acknowledgment of it in the others, that even Zurich would be obliged to submit. It happened otherwise. Bern also fell away from the principle of the Five Cantons. A new idea of the Confederacy began to form itself in opposition to the old; but even here again some difference prevailed. The ecclesiastical reform in Zurich had been effected by appealing to the people and with their aid. By it and through it, also, the democratic tendency in political life attained the victory. Toward the close of the year 1527, no more traces of the activity of a Secret Council are to be found; all business of any importance had to be brought from the Small before the Great Council, from whence the people were generally informed of it, and not seldom asked for their opinion. In particular emergencies, indeed, the Great Council clothed some of its members with dictatorial power, but only for a few weeks and under public accountability. But the more democratic the form of political life becomes, just so much the more indispensable are culture and the religious elevation of the people. The strengthening of a sense of right demands as a necessary counterpoise, an exalted sense of duty. Thus state and church go together, indissoluble in their mutual relations, in consequence of which every commotion in the sphere of one, reacts inevitably on that of the other; but whilst the authority of the state rests upon law and its severe administration, the power of the church ought to be grounded only upon conviction, faith, freedom and love, for these are the requirements as well as the fundamental doctrines of the Gospel. In a democracy the law must be a most complete defence against the wicked; the Gospel the basis of all improvement. As the principles of the church and of the state differ in this way, so do they also in the mode of their use. This difference was clearly apprehended by Zwingli. We see it above. The ecclesiastical and political reforms of Zurich had shaped themselves according to these principles. In all religious matters, conviction was first sought; in all political, proof that the letter of the law would justify or demand it, was sufficient. Whatever may be the relation of the church to the state in other forms of government, this must continue the most suitable for a democracy. Bern, on the other hand, was never democratic. It is true, indeed, that even here ecclesiastical reform was only possible by the removal of some of the most influential heads of the aristocracy, which, however, did not succumb as completely as in Zurich, so that even the friends of the Reformation and of Zwingli, who form the middle class, worked their way into the government, accepted partly from necessity and partly of their own accord, aristocratic forms and principles. The closer the connection between Bern and Zurich now became, the less could a reaction of the former upon the latter be prevented. The commercial city was rather disposed to treat with her subjects, the knightly to issue her commands. In Zurich the Great Council had, through Zwingli's influence, become the ruling authority; in Bern, as might be expected from her character, it was always the Small. As long as the Reformation was confined to Zurich, the ecclesiastical tendency predominated; in proportion as it passed over to Bern, Basel and other states, the political gained the upper hand. The question, whether the Church or the Holy Scriptures ought to decide in matters of faith, was scientific and historical; that, as to how the Articles of Confederation should be interpreted; what was the limit of the Diet's authority, and for what single states might resist a majority of the others, belonged to the sphere of public law. By the accession of Bern to Zurich, and the common position, which they had now to assume and maintain against the Five Cantons, Zwingli was obliged to take up this question touching the Confederacy, to give counsel, to mingle in politics, to tread the slippery path with one foot, as it were, whilst the other remained on the firm foundation of religious principle. The consequences of this vacillating course are apparent, from the beginning of the year 1528 onward, in the striking change manifest in his mode of dealing with the affairs of his own canton. The same man, who hitherto had done homage to the principle of absolute publicity, who expected in favor of Christianity, as he found it in the Holy Scriptures and drew it thence, a more lively acknowledgment from the sound sense of the people than from learned craftiness; from the uncorrupted feelings of men than philosophical arrogance, to whom Christianity was the most elevated--the only worthy religion for a nation; who, therefore, had to look to the people for the maintenance of his reformatory measures; this same man began now to employ all the arts of a politician, for the upholding and spread of these same measures of reform--a bold undertaking, altogether too bold--one that compelled him to play a double part, in which superhuman effort he at last fell a bloody sacrifice. As we proceed, this will become more clear and evident from authenticated facts.

At the time, when Zurich yet stood alone among her sister-confederates, shortly after the Conference of Baden, when her repeated vindication, her fourth complaint against exclusion from the public councils in direct violation of treaties resounded unheard, and her letters to the Five Cantons were no longer read, and threats multiplied, the neighboring imperial city of Constance found herself in a like forsaken condition. There also, through the preaching of Ambrosius Blaarer, a friend of Zwingli, and others, the reformation of the church had made such active progress, that the bishop and the majority of the canons withdrew in anger to Ueberlingen and Mœrsburg, and the Emperor caused the city to feel the weight of his displeasure; but the Council, devoted to the new order of things, looked around beyond the walls for support in case of need. The necessity appeared the greater, because the suspicion prevailed among many of the citizens that Austria, sure of the secret approval of the head of the Empire, would use the favorable moment to take possession of a place so well situated on the frontier. The behavior of the Archducal Vicegerent, Marcus Sittich von Ems, strengthened the suspicion. His troopers rode up close to the gates of the city. He himself looked about in the neighborhood for a spot, as he said, on which to pitch a camp. In these straits Constance turned toward Zurich and sought a defensive alliance with her. After long negotiations, conducted in secret, this was at last concluded on the 25th of December, 1527, a few days before the Zurichers set out to the Conference at Bern. They carried the news thither. Bern also, in a certain measure by storm, was won over as a party. As early as the 6th of January, 1528, the very day on which the Religious Conference was opened, the majority of the Great Council expressed their willingness to take the matter in hand. The name given to the Alliance, the Christian Buergerrecht, (Citizen's rights), was easy to understand, not so its spirit. In the ancient treaties the Five Cantons had surrendered the privilege of contracting other alliances without the common consent of all the states; the three original cantons, therefore, could not permit any deliberation among separated cantonal authorities. Zurich, on the contrary, and Bern, at the time of their accession to the Confederacy, had reserved this privilege in writing. As a natural consequence, the ties of the Federal Compact were viewed somewhat differently by its members. To the original cantons they appeared closer; to the cities, especially Zurich, less restrictive. This conflict of opinion had contributed not a little to the duration and violence of the old Zurich War, in the preceding century. Now it revived again, and that at a most unpropitious moment. In the Buergerrecht, stipulations were certainly made in regard to the Emperor and Empire, as well as the Confederates, so that the obligations under which the two cities had come toward them, seemed to be ratified on the face of it; but this same Buergerrecht spoke also of the possibility of warlike expeditions, the division of whatever might be conquered, and the privilege of enlarging and extending itself to other cities and territories. Here lay the manifest germ of a new confederacy, resting on new foundations, and the subsequent movements of Zwingli, since expressions incontestibly show that he, more perhaps than any statesman in Zurich, had thought of such an issue. The further the Reformation advanced, the more did it appear to him an affair of historical developement, the author of new conditions in political life; but to these very changes, many of those, who were favorable to the new religious views, showed themselves decidedly averse; for to them the federal compact, under its existing forms, was a thing to be kept inviolably sacred. The time had come when a two-fold choice was placed before him; either of his own accord to retire altogether from the sphere of politics and, plant himself upon purely religious ground, where he might be unassailable; or else to become more completely a politician, i.e. the soul of a faithful band of the most resolute and able members of the government, who, now in a narrow circle and in profound secrecy, prepared and paved the way for the most important business, such as that for which Zwingli himself, at an earlier period, had demanded the greatest possible publicity. The embarrassment into which his retreat would throw the heads of the government, his unrivalled skill in doing business, the hope, that he might cherish, of seeing his political plans succeed as well as his reforms in the church, his own conviction of their necessity in order to uphold the religious movement, and his peculiar position as the citizen of a free state, who could not, as a man of science, be overlooked in the ordering of his country's affairs--all this together drew him toward the second and more dangerous path.

Although, we observe with concern, that he now takes this path; although a foreboding of the fruitless struggles, which he thus prepared for himself, is awakened within us, there is also at the same time a growing admiration of the power displayed by him, and his persevering activity, not only in the field of politics, but in his vocation as a teacher, preacher, and theological writer, which he yet fulfilled with undiminished fidelity. He, who feels such strength within, durst aim at the very highest. Not in blind hatred of the existing order, would he destroy it: out of party-spirit, pride, or lust for dominion: a noble image of a father-land not split asunder, but made young again, reviving in fuller vigor under new forms, hovered before his soul. Heart and head had contributed to its outlines; nor was its realization, by means of a sincere and general effort, beyond the range of possibility. Can it then be imputed to him as a crime, that so few comprehended his ideal, that the time was not ripe for it?

In Bern, meanwhile, the negotiations touching the Christian Buergerrecht were actively carried on by the government during the Religious Conference, in spite of the opposition, as it appears, of a party averse to the Alliance. Roist and the town-clerk, Mangolt, sent information of this to Zurich in several letters. They spoke of consultations with intimate acquaintances, with trusty friends, and of the confidential but unofficial communications of the latter. Zwingli also, busy as he was during the session of that Diet, aided the Zurich Council by drawing up two opinions for the removal of certain doubts on the part of Schwytz. After a happy issue in ecclesiastical as well as political matters, Zwingli ascended the pulpit once more and took his leave: "Understand now"--so he concluded his discourse--"the liberty, which Christ gives you, and abide therein according to the word of the Apostle. You know under what a yoke our consciences groaned, and how we were led from one false hope to another; from one law to another. But now you see that freedom and hope rest upon knowledge and trust; upon confidence toward God through Jesus Christ, His only-begotten Son. Never suffer yourselves to be robbed of freedom and the salvation of your souls. Nothing requires so much courage as this. And as our forefathers, thanks be to God! stood up everywhere bold and unterrified in defence of personal liberty, much more should we stand fast in those things, which give us peace of conscience here and make us eternally joyful hereafter; not doubting that God, who has enlightened and drawn you, will also draw our dear neighbors, the other Confederates, in his own good time, so that we in true friendship, to which right knowledge is in no wise opposed, may become more harmonious than we ever were before. May God, who has created and saves us all, bestow this upon them and us!"

Whilst concord between Zurich and Bern appeared to be restored and their union made stronger than ever, the news of the prevailing alliance was received in Luzern with the liveliest indignation. At a Diet held there, to which he had come on other business, a Bernese ambassador, William von Diessbach, was called to account by the Five Cantons. It is very probable he affirmed that his Lords had a right to make the treaty.--Amid outbursts of displeasure, the session was immediately raised, but after his departure it was again opened. "The Devil take the old faith;" said the Bernese upon the street, "it is no longer tenable." This saying, reported to the sergeants of the Council, increased their wrath. The parties were separated. To organize and strengthen themselves was a natural consequence.