The Life and Times of Ulric Zwingli

by Johann Jakob Hottinger

FOOTNOTES TO CHAPTER SECOND:

Footnote ^[1] [Instead of putting these altered versions into our own language, we give the poems as found in the English translation of Merle D'Aubigne's History of the Reformation, because the German of Zwingli has there been followed, and their original form and spirit better preserved.--Trans.]

Footnote ^[2] This was the only means, as a letter, sent by Francis Zink from Einsiedeln to the government of Zurich, clearly shows, of keeping him in the city; for it was impossible any longer to pay the two assistants, whom he was bound to maintain, out of his own salary, without the pension of the Pope; nevertheless, in order to gain perfect freedom of speech, instead of accepting the doubling of the Romish allowance just then promised, he declined receiving from the legate what had hitherto been paid. Under these circumstances his friend Henry Engelhart came to his assistance, since, he having also a benefice in the church of Notre Dame (Frauen-Muenster), resigned his post in the cathedral, in Zwingli's favor.

Footnote ^[3] To avoid repetition in the answers, we will hereafter give those only, which contain something new, or characteristic.

Footnote ^[4] Only the first and shorter part of Zwingli's Latin letter is here translated; the second and larger, which, based on numerous passages of Scripture, contains Zwingli's vindication and belongs more to theology than history, will be quoted again merely in its leading features.

Footnote ^[5] Thus, for example, after some cutting expressions, he uses the words:

"Very learned Father,
Full and plump,
Open the swollen syllogism.
Or the foul hoof
Must give way."

Footnote ^[6] Obscure teachers of a former age.

[CHAPTER THIRD]

RELIGIOUS CONFERENCE IN ZURICH. THE GOVERNMENT TAKES THE
PLACE OF THE BISHOP FOR THE PROTECTION AND SUPERINTENDENCE
OF THE NATIONAL CHURCH.

The breach, between the government of Zurich and those, who, up to this time, stood at the head of ecclesiastical affairs, was as yet by no means so decided as in the case of Zwingli. He doubtless wished it might become so. Public conferences on religious subjects had already taken place in Germany, and Zwingli himself had conducted such an one, held between him and Francis Lambert, a Franciscan monk, to a triumphant issue, though only before a narrow circle and in the Latin language. But now he determined to venture battle with his enemies before all the clergy and theologians, and compel them to an open acknowledgement that his doctrine was in conformity with Scripture. With this idea he first of all made his hearers familiar in several sermons. Then, sure of the approval of his design by the majority, he turned to the Great Council with the prayer, that, in the deliberate and entire neglect to act on the part of the Bishop, they would appoint such a public convocation. This gave rise to a lively and earnest debate. It could not escape the older statesmen how readily results, not to be foreseen, flow from a violation of forms, whilst others, looking at events in Germany, the humor of the people, and the growing in difference toward the ordinances of ecclesiastical courts, trembled less at the approaching transformation; nay, the boldest and most decided ardently wished it. In fact, the resolution to grant Zwingli's petition was at last carried. Besides, the Council could justify itself with the Bishop by his own inactivity, by his refusal of the just prayer to institute a synod or convocation of learned men for the examination of the Reformer's doctrine. Thus he had only himself to blame, if part of the power, which he might yet have been able to secure, was already taken from him by the public proclamation of Zurich, dated January 3d, 1523. The substance of this paper is contained in the following extract:

"We, the burgomaster and Small and Great Councils of the city of Zurich, to all the clergy in our diocese our salutation and favorable regard. Discord and dissension have sprung up among us between the preachers. Some believe they have proclaimed the Gospel faithfully and fully; on the contrary others affirm that these same persons sow error, mislead their hearers, and are heretics, whilst they on their part at all times and to every one declare themselves ready to be judged by God's Word. Therefore with the best intentions and for the sake of God's honor, peace and Christian unity, it is our will that ye ministers, pastors and preachers, all in general and each in particular, or even other priests, who may have a mind to speak, to inveigh against or else to instruct the opposite party, appear before us on the day succeeding Emperor Charles' day at early council-time at our council-house, and when ye dispute, to do it with appeal to the genuine Scripture in the German tongue and language. With all diligence will we, with the aid of several learned men, note down, whether it seems good to us, and, if it accord with the Holy Scripture, send each one home with the command to go on or leave off; so that every one may not preach from the pulpit without warrant, only what seems good to him. We will also point out this to our gracious Lord of Constance, so that your Grace or your deputies, as you wish, may be there also. But if any one should be so perverse as not to produce the real Divine Scripture, we will call him to account--of whom we would rather be rid. We hope God will illumine us with the light of his truth, that we may be able to walk as children of the light."

Thus it was no longer the Bishop, nor those, who were spiritual lords heretofore, nor even the Pope, who should declare whether the doctrine preached in Zurich was that of the church. Whether it agreed with the Holy Scripture, this alone should be proven, and whether Zwingli or his opponents had justified themselves as its true interpreters, on that would the government decide--a view indeed directly opposed to the Roman Catholic stand-point. It was a real violation of rule in the Bishop not to lay an interdiction, and, if Zurich still persevered, to break off all ecclesiastical intercourse with her. But revenues were due in the Zurich district; worldly relations existed with its government; these appeared to him to require indulgence. Besides, the number of faithful adherents was still considerable. Should they be abandoned? Might not affairs in some unexpected way take a more favorable turn? Could not the envoys succeed in one thing, if not to prevent a complete revolt, at least to postpone it? Hence the resolution of the Bishop to send notwithstanding an embassy to Zurich. This was composed of John Faber, Fritz von Anwyl, steward of the Bishop, and Doctor Bergenhaus, to whom was yet added Doctor Martin Blausch of Tuebingen.

In the mean time Zwingli, who by no means lost sight of the fact that the government, which was about to assume the place of the Bishop, ought to show itself worthy of the post by its actions and opinions, began more earnestly than ever to watch over the improvement and maintenance of good morals, and with unwearied zeal wove into his sermons to the Councils exhortations to this effect. These were not in vain. Ordinances were passed for the better control of the taverns, of the young people, and the hordes of traveling scholars; singing girls were banished from the city, and even four members of the Small Council, who lived in notorious adultery, were excluded from all its sessions for half a year, in order to reclaim them.

But now Charles' day had come, and universal attention was directed to the grave assembly about to meet on the next morning. The Council had sent a letter of invitation to the diet held at Baden on the first day of the year. This was simply noticed in the recess, without further action, because the matter was thought to concern Zurich alone. No one came, with the exception of Doctor Sebastian Hoffmeister from Schaffhausen, and the Franciscan Sebastian Meier from Bern; the latter, however, of his own accord, without public commission. A few days before, Zwingli had compiled and written down in haste, seventy-six propositions, which contained the sum of what his opponents objected to, and the substance of his doctrines. He concluded this small paper with these words: "Let no one undertake to contend here with sophistry or trifles, but let him come with the Scripture. It is to be regarded as the judge; by it we may find the truth; or rather it has thus been found, as I hope and maintain."

It was the second false step of Faber, that, after such a condition laid down by Zwingli, and approved by the Council, he yet came to Zurich, or did not from the first emphatically protest against it. The very practices of the Roman Church, which were most conspicuous and vulnerable, stood in such direct contradiction to the letter and spirit of the Gospel, that he, who would defend them from the Holy Scriptures, even with the greatest skill, was already beaten beforehand. Not only Zwingli and the more thoroughly instructed of his associates were convinced of this, but, taught by his preaching, the greater part of those present also; among whom were a numerous host of youth, ready for the combat, who had zealously read the Holy Scriptures for themselves. In their varying looks were seen expectation, confidence, and contempt of their enemies. The judicial demeanor of the Councils, the confused behavior of those, who, by their boasting and thoughtless speeches, betrayed their ignorance, the excitement among the mass of the people gave the assembly a peculiar expression. "I thought"--says Faber in a letter describing it--"I had come to Picardy."^[1]

Meanwhile, arming himself with as much firmness as possible, he and his co-deputies took the places assigned them. A hundred and eighty members of the two Councils had arrived. Of the public teachers, doctors, canons and the other clergy few were wanting; and the number of strangers present was also considerable. All the spaces before the open doors, where anything was to be seen or heard, were filled with citizens and country people. In a vacant circle, reserved in the middle, sat Zwingli alone by a table, on which lay copies of the Bible in different languages.

The burgomaster Roist began: "Very learned and worthy Lords, hitherto dissension has frequently arisen in the city and canton of Zurich in regard to the doctrines of our preacher, Master Ulric Zwingli. By some he is reviled as a seducer of the people, by others as a heretic. The disturbance among the priests and laity increases, and every day complaints are laid before my fellow-councilors. From the open pulpit Master Ulric has offered to justify his doctrine, if it be granted him to hold a public disputation in the presence of all, both of the clergy and the laity. We have permitted him to do this in the German language before the Great Council. We have summoned thereto all the people's priests and pastors of our Canton, and entreated also the Very Reverend Lord and Prince, the Bishop of Constance. We thank him particularly for sending us his worthy legation. So, to whomsoever it is displeasing or doubtful, what Master Ulric has uttered in the pulpit here at Zurich; whoever may be able to show, that his preaching and doctrine are seditious or heretical; let him prove his error to him here present from the Divine Scripture, so that my fellow-councilors may be relieved henceforth of the daily complaints about disunion and discord, with which they are troubled by clergy and laity."

The steward of the Bishop now rose up. "My gracious Lord"--said he--"is well aware that at present, in all parts of his princely Grace's diocese, strife and discord, touching doctrines or sermons have sprung up, and since he never has refused, and does not now refuse, to show himself gracious, kind and willing, in all that promotes peace and unity, he has sent us hither as his ambassadors, at the special request and information of an honorable, wise Council at Zurich, where disunion chiefly reigns. Having listened to the reasons of this discord, we are to give them the best advice in the case; nothing else than may redound to the welfare of an honorable Council at Zurich, as well as an estimable priesthood. Therefore we are willing, for the sake of peace and unity, to aid in composing the discord; so that friendship may continue among a worthy priesthood, till my Lord, together with his theologians and prelates, has further considered and decided in regard to the matter."

Thus had the adroit courtier wisely marked out the only position which the episcopal embassy could maintain with honor. Affirming simply the power of the Church to judge and her duty to reconcile those at variance, they ought in no wise to take sides, but rather join with the government as umpire, and at all hazards, have the last word reserved for the Bishop. How much humiliation would not Faber have been spared, if he had not suffered himself to be enticed away from this standpoint by Zwingli!

The latter now took occasion to say: "Of old has God made known his will to the human race. Thus speaks the revelation of his word. In and of itself it is light and clear, but for many years, and still more in our times, it has become so dimmed and obscured by the additions and doctrines of men, that the greater part of those, who now call themselves Christians, know less of nothing than of the Divine will, and are only occupied with a worship of their own devising and a fancied holiness resting on outward works. Into such delusion have they been misled by those, who ought to be their leaders, whilst the truth lies in the Word of Christ, as we learn it from his Gospel and the writings of the Apostles. And since some rise up to proclaim this once more, they are not regarded as Christians, but as corrupters of the Church; yea, reviled as heretics, of which I also am counted one. And, although I know, that, for five years now, I have preached in this city nothing else than the glad message of Christ, this has not yet been able to justify me, as is well known to my Lords of Zurich. Therefore have they, and thanks to them for it! instituted for me a public disputation. I have drawn up a summary in writing, which contains all I have hitherto taught. That it is in conformity with the Gospel, I hope, moreover, in presence of our gracious Lords, to prove to the Bishop of Constance or his deputies. The Spirit of God has prompted me to speak; He also knows why he has chosen one so unworthy. Well then; in His name: Here am I."

Still the vicar-general, Faber, did not give up the hope of winning over a part of the Council at least, by friendly words, warnings, and promises, and warding off the decisive blow. "My esteemed brother, Master Ulric Zwingli"--he began--"assures us that he has always preached the Gospel in Zurich. Indeed I do not doubt it; for what preacher, called of God, ought not so to do? He wishes also to justify himself before the Bishop, in regard to his doctrines. The fact is, I desired him to visit Constance. I would have received him into my own house, shewn him all friendship, and treated him like a brother. But hither I have not come, to discuss evangelical or apostolical doctrines, but to listen, to decide in case of strife, and in general, to aid in guiding everything toward peace and unity, not rebellion; for this is the will of Paul as well as the Gospel. But if we are to touch praiseworthy usages and customs of long standing, then I declare, as ambassador of my Lord of Constance, that I have a command not to appear. Such things, in my judgment, belong only to a universal council of the nations, the bishops, and the theologians; for, what another place will refuse to receive, cannot be decided here, and hence divisions would spring up in the Church. It, therefore, is my honest advice, to postpone, for a while yet, disputations concerning the Papal or Ecclesiastical Constitutions, now so many centuries old; especially since my Lord, the Bishop, is informed, that the Estates of the Empire have determined to hold, within the space of twelve months, a general council at Nuremberg. For, in the end, who would be the judge in such a disputation? At the Universities of Paris, Cologne or Louvain^[2] only, could the necessary learning be found."

"And why not"--Zwingli asked in derision--"at Erfurt, or Wittemberg?^[3] Good brethren, the Lord Vicar makes use of much art, to divert you from your purpose by his rhetorical flourishes. We inquire not how long a thing may have been in use? We would speak of the truth as it presents itself in the Divine Law. To this, mere usage ought to give way. We are told of a Christian assembly, though I hope there is one such here in this chamber. Where two or three are gathered together in my name, said our Lord, I am in their midst. There are also bishops enough here among us; for the overseers and teachers of congregations have been so styled by the Apostles, not powerful princes, ruling far and wide, as we have them now-a-days. And wherefore should we need judges, when we have the Holy Scripture itself here in the Hebrew, Greek and Latin languages, and scholars, who understand these languages as well as any at those universities? But even were this not the case, there are at least so many Christian spirits amongst us, that with the help of God it should become plain to us, which party interprets the Scripture truly, and which falsely. And lastly, touching the Nuremberg business, I may tell you, dear Lords, that I can produce, if necessary, three letters, received from there very lately, but they contain not one word about a decree actually published. Pope, bishops, prelates would indeed, for the most part, be adverse to any meeting of the kind. And you of Zurich ought to esteem it a great favor and a call of God, that such a thing has happened among you."

A long pause ensued, till the burgomaster rose up, and once more exhorted the opponents to come forth. No body stirred. "For the sake of Christian charity"--said Zwingli--"I beg every one, who thinks my doctrine erroneous, to speak out his thoughts. I know there are several here, who have accused me of heresy; I may be compelled to call them out by name." No one ventured to confront the powerful champion, whose thorough knowledge they feared, whose attack on the episcopal ambassador they had just witnessed, and whose unsparing mode of combat they knew.

"Where now"--cried a voice from the door--"are the boasters behind the wine-bottle and on the streets? Here is the man for you." It was Gutschenkel of Bern, one of those knaves, who, because fools by profession, escape the censure which their unbecoming speeches deserve. Already it seemed, that with the laughter of Zwingli's friends, and the inglorious flight of his opponents, the whole thing would come to an end, when Jacob Wagner, pastor of Neftenbach, by a question cunningly thrown out, in regard to the offence of the pastor of Fislispach imprisoned at Constance, induced the Vicar-General to say something about this man. With an assumed air of pity Faber spoke of his ignorance, and how he himself, by explaining passages of Scripture, had brought him to acknowledge his former errors. But these very same errors Zwingli had also taught, and immediately he challenged Faber to quote the victorious passages. "Good reason"--replied the Vicar General--"had the wise man in the Old Testament, when he said: 'The fool is easily taken in his speech.' I had firmly declared I would not dispute." This beginning, certainly unexpected by the majority of the audience, was followed by a prolix homily on the origin of heresies; the battles of the Pope and Christendom against them; words of Roman historians on the value of unity; the rareness of the gift of interpreting languages, of which he himself could not boast; in short, every thing but that which was demanded. Yet even here Zwingli never suffered him to wait for an answer, but just as often as the Vicar, with unwearied volubility renewed his digressions, he brought him back to the passages demanded. Doctor Sebastian Hofmeister also began to press Faber, and Leo Judæ likewise. The latter, for a short time back people's priest at St. Peter's, was again united with his friend Zwingli in Zurich. Sorely perplexed, the Vicar cried out: "A Hercules could not stand against two;" but the simple method of defeating them all, by a quotation of the passages, was still far from his thoughts. Then rose up his companion. Doctor Martin Blausch, to secure for him a retreat, if possible; but he also only dwelt on generalities, the doctrines of the church, fathers, and the right of decision by the church. "The good Lord fails to speak; the good Lord has not rightly looked at the words," and similar gibes fell from Zwingli's lips--proofs rather of confidence in the truth of his cause and contempt of his opponents, than of the clemency, which lends to victory a higher worth. After the silencing of the embassy of Constance, the burgomaster called once more for other combatants, but in vain. Zwingli had the last word. The crowd dispersed at noon.

The interval was used by the Council for drawing up its decision, which was published to the meeting, again called together in the afternoon, and ran thus: "All ye, who, answering our summons for the purposes assigned, have appeared before us today, we give to understand. A year is now gone, since an embassy of our gracious Lord of Constance was here at our council-house, before the burgomaster and the Small and Great Councils, on business of a similar kind. Then the request was preferred by us to our gracious Lord, to call together in his diocese learned men and preachers for the examination of the prevailing doctrines; so that a unanimous resolution might be passed, by which every one might be guided. But since, up to this time, perhaps for obvious reasons, nothing special has been done by him in the matter, and the dissension among the clergy and laity continually increases, the burgomaster. Council and the Great Council of the city of Zurich, have again taken the case in hand; and since now; after the offer of Master Ulric Zwingli to render an account, no one has risen up, no one has dared to refute by the Sacred Scriptures the articles he his furnished, although he has repeatedly called on those who revile him as a heretic--we, after mature counsel, have decided, and it is our earnest opinion, that Master Ulric Zwingli shall go on and continue, as heretofore, to proclaim the Holy Gospel and the real Sacred Scripture, according to the Spirit of God and his ability. Also, all the other priests of the people, pastors and preachers, in our city, canton and dependencies, shall not do otherwise, nor preach, except what they may be able to prove by the Holy Scripture. Likewise, they shall not henceforth call each other hard names, nor use other words of reproach. For they who act personally in this, we will deal with in such a manner, that they shall see and find that they have done wrong."

"God be praised!"--said Zwingli--"He will have his Word rule in heaven and on earth, and to you, my Lords of Zurich, he will doubtless grant strength and power to establish his truth in your canton."

Once more the Vicar General essayed to speak. Now, for the first time, it became possible for him to read the articles of Zwingli, and of course he had to find several that were not sustained by the Holy Scriptures. "Well then--prove it, Sir Vicar General," said Zwingli. It can be seen in works on church-history, how Faber, with no little adroitness and a blinding flow of words, endeavored to point out a contradiction between several of the syllogisms and some points of Holy Scripture. Perhaps, too, this would have succeeded before hearers less instructed; but with the greatest ease his superior antagonist shewed to the assembly, where in one place he tore words from their connection, in another distorted the plain sense, sought to give the later expressions of the Fathers a scriptural sound, and even employed the arts of a lawyer, in which he himself was evidently conscious of deceit. "You knew"--said Zwingli--"Sir Vicar General, that we, formerly, at the university, practised in common such dazzling tricks of logic, and that I am skilled in them as well as you; but it truly grieves me, that you as a serious man come still armed with such sophistries."

Anger began to appear in the assembly. The speeches of the opposing parties became shorter and more bitter. In order to keep them from degenerating into abuse, the Councils rose. The assembly dissolved, and the burgomaster Roist took leave of the by-standers with a smile, saying: "The sword, with which the pastor of Fislispach was stabbed, would not come out of its sheath to-day."

Faber by his behavior had fallen low in the estimation of the Zurichers. The monks alone, whose courage again revived, since the close of the battle, tried among those with whom they associated, to point out the circumstance, that the Vicar General had kept the last word, as a sign of victory. He himself also boasted of it in Constance after his return, and wherever Zwingli's rough manner or vehement language afforded an opportunity for censure, it was heaped up and spread on all sides. "In short"--writes Salat of Luzern, clerk of the court--"Zwingli pours down far too many scornful words on the head of the Lord Vicar, that excellent man of honor. Now he calls him Sir Hans, Sir John, Sir Vicary, plucks the vicar-bonnet off, and this times without number, and without shame. This was his mode of disputing."

Calmly and with a manifest endeavor, as far as it lay in his power, to form an unbiassed judgment, an old schoolmaster, Erhard Hegenwald, has described the transaction; and his narrative is the more worthy of credence, for the very reason that Faber was so provoked by it, that he attempted to refute it by a statement of his own. The distinguished air, which he assumed, the haughty treatment of Hegenwald, the importance, which he strove to give to his trifling mistakes, the mixture also of unfounded assertions contained in this production roused the indignation of the young men of Zurich, six of whom, members then already for the most part of the Great, and afterwards of the Small Council, joined in the publication of an answer to Faber, which they entitled "Hawk Plucking." The rude castigation, the biting and often also tasteless wit, and the entire absence of all the respect, which they formerly paid to age and official position, sorely wounded the Vicar General, who, but that it seemed useless, would have complained of the "libelous little book" to the government of Zurich.

Thus the hostility of Faber toward Zwingli and his friends soon extended itself to Zurich also. This champion against the doctrines of the Reformer became a persecutor of all his adherents--an inexorable judge to those, who fell into his power. In the end he even laughed at the tears, which the torture of the rack wrung from one of his victims, and rejoiced to see him burning at the stake.^[4]

Zwingli, although satisfied with the decree of the government, that he should continue unmolested in his way of teaching, was by no means so with the turn, which the conference took in the afternoon, through the tricks of Faber and the sort of protest against his syllogisms as anti-scriptural, with which the Vicar General had left Zurich. He resolved to append to each one of these points a detailed explanation and proof, in a work, which is even now considered the basis of his system of Christian doctrine, as well as his views in regard to church and state.^[5] "Day and night"--he wrote to his friend Werner Steiner--"do I labor at this work." It consisted of a volume of 300 closely-printed pages, and was finished in five months, amid daily preaching and a crowd of other business. New and still more violent enemies were awakened by its appearance, and, although many boasting promises of a refutation were made, none ever saw the light.

But with the rapid spread of this work the time had come, when the influence of the Reformer, hitherto confined mostly to Zurich and its territory, flowed out in all directions beyond these limits. The Zurich ambassadors had to witness a prelude of this in a riot at Luzern, where a disorderly rabble, instigated by several deputies of the diet sitting at that place, carried past their lodging an effigy of Zwingli with scoffs and curses, and burnt it with all the formalities used by the Inquisition. Two months later, in June, Caspar Gœldi, who had been obliged to leave Zurich on account of mercenary service, complained before a second diet at Baden, that his daughter had willfully eloped from the convent of Hermatschweil and married one Schuster at Bremgarten, and the landvogt of Sorgans likewise, that a priest of that place had taken to himself a wife. Zwingli's sermons became still more severe against deserters and pensions. "Confederates,"--said Caspar of Muelinen--"check Lutheranism in the bud. The preachers at Zurich have already become masters of their rulers, so that they are no more able to withstand them. A man is no longer safe there in his own house. The peasantry refuse to pay their rents and tithes, and great discord reigns in the city and canton." The resolution was carried in the Recess, to communicate the complaints to all the governments, in order to agree if possible on a remedy; especially since the pastor had meddled also in political affairs, and preached among other things: "Confederates sell Christian blood and eat Christian flesh."

At Zwingli's request, the articles of the Recess were given to him, so that he might draw up a vindication. This vindication, which was also laid before the Great Council at Zurich, shows the undaunted courage of the man, as well as his assurance of being in the path of duty.

"Wise and gracious Lords,"--wrote he--"I believe indeed that complaints against me are rife; but to show the justice of them is, as I hope in God, in the power of no one. I will indeed confess, that I earnestly rebuke the prevailing vices, in chief that of perfidious bribe-taking, which is in vogue in nearly all courts and countries. But of my Lords, the Confederates, I have never spoken improperly. I have named them perhaps, though not rudely; for, from youth up, nothing has been more foreign to my nature, except when my fatherland has been evil spoken of. When obliged to rebuke severely and bear down against vices, then I have mentioned neither Dalmatians nor Englishmen; and this is my constant custom. Moreover, by no means do I agree with them, who say, no body ought ever to be called by name from the pulpit. God has never commanded this; perhaps the Pope has; but none the less am I of opinion, that we should not make the Word of God hateful by our rashness. When, during Lent in the past year, I preached about eating flesh, I uttered these, among other words: Many a one reviles flesh-eating as evil and thinks that a great sin, which God has never forbidden; but to butcher and sell human flesh, he thinks no sin. But in this I called neither Confederates, nor landsknechts, by name. That I said nothing more, the Great Council of Zurich will bear me witness. In general, for some time back I have had to endure incredible lies against me; they have caused me little sorrow, for I thought: The disciple is not above his master; they lied against Christ, hence it is no wonder, they lie against thee also. Thus my enemies once said of me, that I abused the mother of God our Lord, Jesus Christ. I answered them with a suitable little book. Again they say, I have declared that neither rents nor tithes should be paid. Item, that I have no regard for Christ's holy body, and have preached an opinion about it so scandalous, that I will not repeat it, lest the hearts of pious Christians might be shocked. And much other stuff of the like sort, they swear I have preached; but all these, saving your Honors' presence, are pure lies. Then they tell of me that I have had four children this year; that I wander about the streets at night; that I am a gambler; that I am hired by pensions from princes and lords; yet these also, saving your Honors' presence, are pure lies. Now I would not again set right these points, touching my morals, if they were not prejudicial to the good city of Zurich; for, since it would be a great disgrace to so glorious a city, if it suffered such vices even in a boy, I need not speak of one, who is devoted to God's Word and the common salvation of men. As to this, wise and gracious Lords, let it be far from you to put faith in any one, who speaks what he pleases against others or myself; for the times are perilous. The devil, who is an enemy of the truth, has used all his arts to cast down and destroy it. Therefore it is my humble prayer to Your Worships, that, as heretofore, if they have somewhat to say to me, or any one somewhat against me, he or they seek me before my Lords at Zurich, where I am a citizen and a canon; besides a born Toggenburger and a countryman at Schwyz and Glarus. Bat, as for as regards the doctrine of Christ, I ask no other protection from any one, than may serve to prevent interference against the pure word of God; and each and every one shall see, if God will, that since I laid hold of the Gospel of Christ, I have never taught anything, whose ground I did not search into beforehand, as far as God permitted. Understand this my plain, hasty letter in the best sense; for it is written without deceitful cunning. Let it also be made public, so that each and every one can see my innocence. And may Almighty God keep your State in his grace and honor! Amen."

There is nothing in the records of the Recesses to show, whether this vindication was really read before the Diet. It is certain, however, that it was known to the individual members, among whom, as well as among the States, opinions concerning Zwingli already began to be divided, and his adherents were treated with far more mildness in Bern, Solothurn, Basel and Schaffhausen, than in Luzern, Freiburg and the three Forest Cantons. In Glarus several of the most influential members of the government continued to keep up a correspondence with him, or a friendly feeling toward him; indeed, the government of Bern, as early as June, 1528, issued a decree, that that only, which could be proved by the Holy Scripture, should be taught in the pulpit; and, at the close of the same year, the nuns of Kœnigsfeld received permission to leave the convent, if they desired it.

In this respect, the Council of Zurich had already taken the lead in the month of June, by doing the same thing for the Sisters at Œdenbach. The wealth of this convent was considerable; the nuns, whose number was rather large, belonged, for the most part, to distinguished families. It was no easy undertaking, in a time of such excitement, to keep peace among them, especially because the fiercest enemies of reform, the Dominican monks, who were devoted to the same rule of order, had abundant access to them as preachers, as confessors, and under all possible pretences. The Council, sorry to find this influence, and tracing it in the quarrels, which already began to arise in many families, through the instigation of the spiritual sisters, invited Zwingli to preach in the convent. This had never yet been done by a so-called secular priest. A part of the nuns refused to hear the unwelcome speaker. Zwingli therefore printed the discourse, which he delivered, and sent it to them. Requests were now sent to the government by one for release from her vows; prayers by another for the return of their former confessors and preachers. Strife arose in the convent. Here parents saw with displeasure the resolution of their daughters to go back into secular life, whilst others were dissatisfied, because theirs refused to do this. For some time the Council tried to help matters by rendering access to the convent difficult, and by obliging Leo Judæ to preach there regularly; but when the discord was not allayed thereby, permission to leave was granted to all those who desired to go, with the privilege of taking whatever they had brought, besides their clothing and furniture. The rest were allowed to remain in the convent, but were obliged to lay aside the habit of the order and listen to Leo Judge's preaching. For the management of the revenues and general control a court of magistrates was instituted. The number of those, who went back to secular life, still increased; the aged gradually died off in the convent. Similar ordinances were passed in relation to the other nunneries in the territory of Zurich.

It is enough to show, that in these arrangements, the government was prompted neither by a blind zeal for tearing down, nor a base desire for the property of the convents. He who looks over the writings of Zwingli,^[6] will soon find, that the Council followed closely the path marked out by him, and indeed throughout, in the consciousness that they acted in full harmony with the Holy Scriptures. As another proof of the bold thinking and fearless language of the Reformer, we will here quote, if it be only what he says, in the Explanation of his Final Discourses as to the right disposition of the property of the suppressed establishments: "The simple-minded shudder at this, because they think it not right to change the last will of any body; but a greater fraud lies in this than in other abuses. See: What motive swayed those, who founded the benefices? Nothing else than because they were falsely taught, that the mass is a sacrifice. Therefore they dreamed they were bestowing their possessions on the poor, when they gave to this object. But now, since we are conscious of the deceit, that the mass is not a sacrifice, but the food of him, who eats with faith and spiritual hunger, we may divert the property to the poor, and withdraw it from idle bellies; yet we do this after their departure. But here they cry out; See, thus they undertake to do away with testaments, legacies and last wills! Answer: Here lies the rogue behind the hedge. Has not every government its own right and custom in the making of legacies? Who meddles with the appointment of heirs? Who wishes to act falsely here? You have falsified more than any one else; for you have tampered with last wills, so that that has been given to you, which belonged to other lawful heirs, and you have done it by your parables and false doctrines.^[7] Thus what the people have as a civil right, you claim as a divine right.... See, here we find the real forgers of wills, who have foisted in their avarice, by pretending that it was kindly done for the salvation of souls. But they say, if one of his own free-will gives us his property on his death-bed, is it not right for us to take it? Answer: no, for thou shouldst have before given a right Christian understanding to the donor, representing things thus: Consider not thy temporal property thine own; thou art only a steward over it. Thou shouldst divide it among the poor, which is pleasing to God, and shouldst not give it to those, who do not need it. Thou seest that such property is often used, only to foster pride and vanity in the temples, even though it is not squandered wantonly. God has commanded, to give to the poor; do it then; and no one shall be scandalized, if that which has hitherto been misused, is turned to the Christian advantage of the poor. For were they who, unknowingly have contributed to their bellies, still here, they would snatch it again out of their hands. But no appropriating hand should be laid on it; for that would be acting the thief, or the robber. The authorities should wait till the jointures are without a possessor (till the present incumbents are dead, or have voluntarily relinquished their rights), and then arrange it with God himself; so that common justice be maintained and no one led into wickedness."

Why should a people, accustomed to form free judgments on human affairs, as well as to express their opinions freely concerning them, oppose with violence such views, founded as they were by Zwingli, at all points, on the Holy Scriptures? Did not experience also teach that the Church of Christ has become great in poverty, and straightway been corrupted by riches? Willingly or unwillingly, the government had to yield to public opinion, and awaken to a still more lively consciousness, that, if it would not continually oscillate, without character, between the old and the new, no escape remained, except in the way which the welfare and honor of the country pointed out; by making common cause with the bold and progressive Reformer.

From this feeling, it no longer threw any obstacles in the way of the public marriage of the clergy in the churches, even that of Leo Judæ, people's priest at St. Peter's. William Rœubli, then preacher at Wytikon, anxious to set a striking example, had made a beginning, by wedding the daughter of a wealthy countryman, amid a concourse of joyful guests, on the 28th of April, 1523.

A letter came from the Emperor, accompanied by a decree of the Bishop, in which the prohibition of such marriages, the punishment of those who broke their monastic vows, as well as a severer watchfulness against innovating teachers, were strongly enjoined; but it was all in vain. The Council decided, against the wish of the Bishop, that this "mandate" should neither be complied with, nor even acknowledged, and wrote to him; "in the city of Zurich, its courts and its territories, the Gospel and the Divine Word shall be truly proclaimed, but if any one thinks that heretical matters and articles are preached, let him point them out, whereupon fitting action will be taken in the case."

Just in proportion as Zwingli's position became more secure, his views were transferred to the system of government, and the Reformation taking hold thus of political life, new embarrassments were prepared for him by the very men, who originally supported him, and the first traces of dangerous movements from below upward began already to appear.

The time was ripe for his great work. Boldness only was needed, to give the first utterance to that of which the majority were more or less conscious: The deceit, the abuses that have poisoned our civil as well as our religious life must be put down. In such moments, the feeling of deliverance was awakened in every heart: nobler powers, intellectual activities were stirred up; but mingled at the same time with hereditary weakness, seductive vices and passions, whose charms he, who is born of earth, can not wholly resist; and the brave man, who called the movement into life, had soon to contend less with old enemies, already half conquered, than with the new ones rising up on all sides.

This was the prospect which unfolded itself to the Reformer, as early as the year 1523, soon after the first Religious Conference. William Rœubli, the above-mentioned preacher at Wytikon, Simon Stumpf, pastor at Hœngg, and even Zwingli's former scholar, friend and admirer, Conrad Grebel, are known as the first by whom the congregations were disturbed and seduced into dangerous measures. Among several points, based on the Gospel as they pretended, none was more readily seized on by the people than these--that the tithe, according to the Divine Word, should go exclusively to the benefit of the poor, and that the taking of interest for money loaned was forbidden. In fact, deputies from several congregations in the neighborhood of the city appeared before the Council, on June 22d, with the petition, that, since the tithe was eleemosynary under the Gospel, and theirs was uselessly squandered by the canons of the Great Minster, they might be released from the burden. They were plainly rebuked by the Council in a scaled letter. It was not right in the government to support error. But the flame was not in the least smothered by this act; the bait was too tempting---to free themselves, under the shield of religion, from a tax, which often before had been resisted. Rude sermons, for and against the justice of the thing, were multiplied. A book, called "Chief Articles of Christian doctrine against unchristian Usury," written by a Doctor Strauss, and another, entitled "Balaam's Little Ass," were circulated. It was also asserted that Zwingli rejected tithes and interest. Grebel even ventured to write to his brother-in-law, Vadianus, in St. Gall: "You wish for news about the tithe-business. I can say nothing in accordance with sincerity and the Gospel, if I do not say, that the people in our world of Zurich defraud in this matter like tyrants and Turks. 'People of this world' I style the tyrants of our fatherland, who go by the name of 'the assembled fathers,' Decimating fathers they ought to be called. Thou art not perhaps willing to believe me, and yet T see it with my own eyes. Only ask Zwingli, who can tell thee everything better than I can."

Such assertions as this, which were echoing already through the whole Confederacy, the prayers of his friends and the wishes of the government induced Zwingli to declare himself publicly on the subject. This was done in a sermon, which was given to the press under the title: "On Divine and Human Righteousness."

In earlier moments of enthusiasm over the rich fruits of his struggle, from a feeling of the wide difference between evangelical freedom and the pressure of the numerous burdens imposed by a degenerate church, a word may have escaped him, which, joyfully laid hold of, distorted and magnified, gave some color to the reproach, that he wished also to attack civil order and guaranteed rights. This sermon, prepared with mature deliberation and assured confidence, shows how safe his standpoint here was, and that his system did not rest on fragments of knowledge, dark feelings and a mere negative spirit of contradiction, but was based on a profound understanding of the Holy Scriptures, in their entire connection.

In seeking to bring the sense of human justice into harmony with the fulfillment of religious duty, the lower position was assigned to the citizen, in his relations to the state, where, in order to escape just punishment, he is obliged to obey; and the higher to the Christian, in the spiritual kingdom of his Lord and Master, where he is bound to aspire after the noblest things, in a spirit of faith, love and freedom. This will be plain from several passages, taken out of this sermon.

"There are two laws, as well as two kinds of righteousness; a human and a divine. One part of the law regards the inner man alone, for we must love God and our neighbor. But no one can fulfill this command; hence no one is righteous, because God only and He by grace, the pledge of which is Christ, can make us righteous through faith. The other part of the law regards the external man alone, and hence we may be outwardly pious and righteous, and still none the less wicked within. For example: 'Thou shalt not steal,' is a command for external life and piety. 'Thou shalt not covet the property of thy neighbor,' is a command for inward, divine life and righteousness; yet both have respect to one thing, taking. So, if one only does not steal, he is pious in the eyes of men, but may at the same time be unjust before God; for he has a stronger desire and temptation perhaps to seize foreign property, than one who has stolen. He, who does not practise usury, is pious before men; for he may be restrained by force from doing it; but nevertheless he is not pious before God; for he must sell all his goods and give to the poor. Indeed, the rich man is bound to give to the poor, that is, to God. But, though no man can ever fully attain this divine righteousness, yet believers have special delight in conforming to it more and more, and the desire is greater in one than in another, according as God has kindled his fire in our hearts; for he works all things in us. Therefore, the divine righteousness ought to be made known and preached to all men without ceasing, else godliness will vanish, and all men content themselves with lame, human righteousness, and all righteousness be turned into an allegory; for then no one would respect God, but look out only as to how he might be shielded from punishment before men, as for some time back we have grieved to see happen in many cases.^[8]

"We have now seen, as I hope, how widely the divine righteousness differs from what is merely human. Although this human righteousness is not worthy to be called a righteousness, yet we examine it in comparison with that which is divine; yet has God also commanded it, because he has seen in our fallen estate, that our temptations and desires could not follow or do his will. Christ tells us to be obedient to this human righteousness; for he says: Render unto Cæsar the things that are Cæsar's. He does not mean to say that the whole world should obey Cæsar, but only that portion of mankind, which was subject to him. Had he found the Jewish nation under the king of Babylon, he would have spoken: Render unto the king of Babylon what is due to the king of Babylon. We must understand this of every several government. If you live under the king of France, then render to him what is due to him; and so on, through the whole catalogue."

After this strict separation of the kingdom of God, revealing itself only in freedom and love; and national life, founded on law, order and obedience, he refers interest and tithes to the province of severe human righteousness. Beyond dispute, it would aid the government in disposing of this matter; but just as resolutely did he warn against misuse in the application, against the encouragement of usury, and against the sanction of unfair contracts by sign and seal; for though written guarantees must be kept inviolate according to human order, yet durst you as little forget that the law of kindness and Christian love toward men is written by God himself in the soul. If wantonly violated, they are waked up in the end, and help themselves, in spite of records and parchments. Then you have the decree and your own folly to thank for it. "This brief opinion"--he adds--"I am ready to maintain by the Holy Scripture."

"In short"--he concludes--"the Divine Word ought to rule over all men, be set before them and truly made known; for we are bound to follow it. But in this, the grace of God through our Lord Jesus Christ alone can aid our weakness. For the more we discover our guilt, the more we discover the beauty and the almightiness of God, and the love and assurance of his grace, which makes us more pious than we can be in any other way. Besides, though some will be found, who do not release the ungodly and unbelievers from the duty of living according to God's Word, yet God has given us also as the lowest command, not that, living only therein, we may be pious, but that human society may be upheld and protected, and guardians appointed, who may earnestly look to it, that the last vestige of human righteousness also be not swept away. Such guardians are the powers that be, who are no other than they that bear the sword, whom we call worldly authorities. These authorities must not indeed trample on the Word of God; for they punish outward transgressions only, but cannot make righteous or unrighteous inwardly; for that God alone does in the hearts of men."

The weight of such language, uttered from the pulpit and spread abroad by the press, bore heavily on those, who derived advantage from the burdens, which prevailing abuses heaped upon the people. And the canons of the Great Minster were especially concerned in this. Indeed, some were found among them, who not only led a life of idleness, but of debauchery and wanton dissipation, and instead of attending to divine worship, wont out hunting with falcons, leaping over the hedges of the farmers, or dared even to hold carousals in the sacristy itself.^[9] It is true, that, since Zwingli's arrival, they had been obliged to change, in so far as scarcely ever to venture on such things in public, and, that the number of those, who clearly perceived the need of a remedy, was increasing; and at last they induced Zwingli, as he had given advice, before it would be too late, to stretch out a powerful hand for their reformation.

The result was, a resolution of the monastery to bring the matter to the notice of the government. The latter met them with joy; and by a commission from both parties, a revised order was prepared, in conformity with the progress of religious knowledge and theological science, as it certainly agreed also with the original spirit of the foundation, and that of its most distinguished patron, Charlemagne.

In the introduction of a document relating to this subject, drawn up on the 29th of September, 1523, it runs thus: "The reverend Clergy, Provost and Chapter of the Monastery of St. Felix and Regula make known; since, from a good motive, encouraged thereto by the Divine Word, which lays open everything, they see and acknowledge the abuses, of which they are not the authors, having received them by tradition--with the help of God they will exchange them for the better rules of a good Christian life, and cause them to be practised in another and better fashion than heretofore. Besides, they find that the common people, rich and poor, who support them by their toilsome labor, be it by interest or tithes, have had indeed no pleasure in their prevailing customs and misusages, but felt great discontent at the manifold burdens laid upon them." The improvement consisted in the remission of a considerable sum of dues, which were hitherto drawn for ecclesiastical purposes; in the establishment of professorships for the better education of the clergy; in the greater demands made on those, who wished to come forth as preachers; and in the anxiety manifested for suitable religious instruction among congregations under the care of the Canonical Chapter. Among the present canons and chaplains, whose number, exclusive of the people's priest and his assistants, amounted to 60, whoever was fitted for such purposes, him they would commission, but suffered the others, under pledge, of course, to lead a retired life and attend preaching regularly, to retain their benefices till death, when their revenues were to be transferred to the hospital and the poor of that congregation, which paid the tithe to the Chapter.

But affairs had already come to such a pass, that even well-meant and judicious changes, if not immediately carried out, no longer gave satisfaction. A wild zeal for innovation also found vent in frequent brutish expressions and disorderly scenes. If unpopular canons or chaplains appeared at mass in the church, they were publicly derided; their chronicles were stolen; leaves were torn from a guide-book for the celebration of festivals put up in the choir, and then scattered at the door of the provost's house; and one night the stocks and gallows, emblems of the temporal jurisdiction of the monastery were partly destroyed and partly erected in a different place. By others the lamps in the Church of the Virgin were broken, and the oil spilled, whilst they mutually sprinkled themselves with the holy water. Similar things happened in St. Peter's Church. In the country, a priest even ventured to read mass in slippers and red breeches. They began to call pictures idols, and the examples of the kings and prophets of the East, who contended against the idolatry of their age in every possible way, were arrayed as worthy of imitation before the imaginations of fanatics, who grew more excited, especially as they became acquainted with the Old Testament. A production, composed in this spirit by Lewis Hætzer, under the title of "Decree of God, as to how we ought to deal with Images," was at that time widely circulated.

From this disposition of mind proceeded an event, which attracted attention and aroused indignation throughout the Confederacy, and prepared trouble for the government in Zurich. Directly before the city, in Stadelhofen, there stood on a pedestal of stone, an immense image of the Savior on the Cross, carved out of wood. It was put up by one family, as a monument of devotion, and was now under the care of a miller dwelling in the neighborhood. Many passers-by still did reverence to it. This was a source of great provocation to a number of enthusiasts, who afterwards went over to the Anabaptists, and especially to Nicholas Hottinger, a shoemaker by trade, a man not without culture, possessed of some property, versed in the Scriptures and of a decided character, which, in connection with his natural eloquence, gave him great influence over his associates. It is told of him, that he offered a bucket of wine to the hospital, if he would be allowed to destroy the images and votive paintings in the Water Church; and that he intended to give a banquet in honor of Zwingli at Lindenhof, amid a large assembly of country-people. He had often rebuked the possessor of the crucifix for not casting away the object of idolatry; he had even done it in presence of members of the Council, so that the man at last declared he was tired of the business, and though he would never do such a thing himself, Hottinger had the privilege of doing it, as soon as he had made over to him his right to the image. This was effected, and on a clear day Hottinger came with his companions. They threw down the crucifix, and even digged out the pedestal. The wood, they declared should go to the poor.

Although the actors in this scene appealed to the express command of God; although many approved of the deed, and even a portion of the preachers spoke in their favor from the pulpit, it was still in the eyes of others, perhaps of the majority, especially beyond the canton, an act as rebellious as horrible, yea worthy of death; and they threatened, in case the perpetrators were not dealt with in this way, according to their will and confused ideas, such dangerous consequences, that the government was obliged to cast the so-called "Idol Stormers" into prison for a while. The result of an investigation, conducted in common with the three people's priests, convinced the Council, that the quieting of the people, and the introduction of rules of law for the abrogation of customs, which were no longer tenable, could only be looked for, in the way of a conference, as public and thorough as possible, on the doctrine of Scripture concerning images and the mass also, as connected with this subject.

Hence the collective clergy and laity of the canton were invited, in case they were ready to throw any light on the subject, to appear at the council-house on the 26th of October. Similar invitations were sent to the bishops of Constance, Chur and Basel, as well as to the University at the latter place, to the twelve Cantons of the Confederacy, and to the city and abbot of St. Gall.

The call of Zurich for the first religious conference, nine months before, had scarcely been heeded by her sisters of the Confederacy. But now this actual invitation was received in a different manner. With the exception of Schaffhausen, no canton, it is true, ventured to comply with it formally; but from the answers, yet to be quoted, it may be gathered that, having generally deliberated over the matter, they were decidedly averse to the proposal. Bern, and, by her advice, Solothurn also, declined the invitation, with the prayer, that it might not be taken ill on their part; but as injury as well benefit could grow out of events of this kind, not to a single canton merely, but to the whole Confederacy, the general interest ought to have induced them to confer beforehand in common about the topics to be treated of, as well as about those who were to be invited to the conference. The invitation made a disagreeable impression on Luzern. "You inform us"--so runs the letter from this city--"that quarrels and ill-will about spiritual things are rife among you. This we are sorry to hear, and still more sorry that you have not rooted them up long ago, for which neither right nor might were wanting; and even ha it been so, we as pious Christians would have willingly lent you aid. Now you invite us to a conference; but along with our clergy, whom we think pious, we have found in spiritual and temporal affairs, that such insignificant assemblies are wholly unfit to deal with matters pertaining to faith. We do not wish to attack images, far less the mass, upon which our whole faith is founded. We wish to tread in the footsteps of our fathers--to stand by that, which we have inherited from them and been taught by them; for we do not regard them as seducers, but sainted and pious people. We are willing also to have abuses put away; but by them to whom it belongs. Therefore we send no one, and beg you to accept our reasons in the best spirit."

Still more bitter was the refusal of Obwalden: "To serve you we are at all times ready. But now you invite our learned men to you. Hence we speak thus: We have no particularly learned people amongst us; only pious, reverend priests, who expound to us the Gospel and the other Holy Scriptures, as they were expounded to our forefathers; in which we will trust as long as we live, unless the Pope or a Council revoke the doctrine, and are ready to suffer death therefor. We also can not bring ourselves to believe that the Lord God has given more grace to Zwingli, than to the dear saints and teachers, who have suffered martyrdom and death for the faith. We can not see that he leads such a spiritual life, nay, that he is rather inclined to disturbance, than to peace and quiet. Therefore we desire to send no one to him, nor to any like him. Indeed, if we had him, and would find that true, which is told us about him, we would give him such a reward, that he would never do it again."

Basel, where Zwingli's intimate friend Œcolampadius (Hausschein) was now a preacher, and in the year following became a professor, returned no answer. The University looked with disdain on popular theological conferences, where unlearned men even usurped the seat of judgment, and the Council found itself embarrassed between the friends of the old order and the new. Zurich complained of its silence.

The Bishop of Constance, in two successive letters, asked, according to his former practice, for the reference of such an important point to a Church Council; he would be pledged, so to speak, "for both his superiors (the Emperor and the Pope), from the answers and commands received from them in similar cases." In the same strain wrote the truly venerable and aged Bishop of Basel, with the addition: "although we are otherwise inclined with our whole heart to favor you in all possible things (God knows), because we are not unmindful of the many deeds of kindness shown to ourselves and our monastery," From the Diocesan at Chur no reply was received. The Abbot of St. Gall excused himself on account of the shortness of the time, which did permit him to obtain instructions. From the city on the contrary, appeared, along with Vadianus the friend of Zwingli's youth, who three years after rose to the dignity of burgomaster there, the pastor Benedict Burgauer and Doctor Schapeler. Doctor Sebastian Hofmeister, the people's priest Martin Steinlin and Conrad Irmensee, trustee of the monastery of All Saints, arrived from Schaffhausen.

Of the course, the nature and the results of the theological investigations, during the three days devoted to this conference, enough can be learned from church-history.^[10] Our task is to describe the carriage and behavior of the persons engaged in it. They seem to divide themselves into two main classes of a better stamp, and one of a worse; the most prominent speakers were Zwingli, Conrad Schmied, commander of the Knights of St John at Kuessnacht, and Conrad Grebel. A reckless treatment, an absolute rejection of all, that could not be proven before the tribunal of Scripture-interpretation conducted by the natural understanding, marked the character of one class; a sparing of the weak, cautious progress and a horror of tearing down anything, before it could be built up again, marked that of the second. Bolder, springing more from the immediate wants of the age, more politic were the views of the first; milder, more accordant with nature, better agreeing with the spirit of Christianity, were those of the second. Still Zwingli was not lacking in feeling, nor Schmied in understanding Hence they, and their friends likewise, mutually comprehended each other and united in their opposition to the third class, in which, under Grebel's guidance, only the impure elements of stormy passions mingled.

Because there were now only two, though very important, points of discussion, this conference was more lively and animated than the one preceding. The decisive action to be taken in regard to images, held in suspense the multitude of those, whose devotions were made up of genuflections, faith in miracles, and the observance of external rites, whilst on the other hand, the thoughtful and sensible turned their attention rather to the examinations on the mass, which was without doubt the basis of the prevailing worship. This assembly drew together a far greater number than the first, held in the beginning of the year, and in order that digression to irrelevant subjects might not be possible, and that the management might not be attributed to a faction of Zurichers, Vadianus and Schapeler of St. Gall, along with Doctor Hofmeister of Schaffhausen, were chosen as presidents.

Rigidly did they adhere to the rule of order laid down for them by the burgomaster, to suffer no replies to pass which were not sustained by the very language of the Bible, and Hofmeister particularly ordered silence and the disuse of certain expressions, which few in our times would not admit as substantially true, although according to the nature of things they could not be proven by the bare letter of Holy Scripture.

At first, the debate concerning the adoration of images proceeded without much strife. The unscriptural character of the practice was universally acknowledged. Only in appearance, or in order to pave the way for discussion, Gregory Luethy, pastor in Winterthur, raised some objections, but was supported by no one. The word "idolater," which they were so ready to use, carried terror on all sides.

The canon Edlebach, whilst granting all such veneration to be superstitious, was still anxious to preserve at least figurative representations of noble deeds, because "he thought they charm us to imitation."--"This is a use"--answered Zwingli--"which is no use to me; bring the Divine Scripture for it. God has forbidden us to be charmed by any one save Him alone and His Word. Besides, when we have them, they will be honored and esteemed as helpers. And that is at all points against Christ and His Word."

The severity of this answer the canon attributed perhaps to the circumstance, that he was known as a secret adversary of the Reformer, when one of his friends and admirers also rose up, not indeed for the defence of images, but to put in a plea for their merciful treatment and impartial estimation.

This was Commander Schmied. Let us dwell a while upon a character so full of interest. Son of a countryman from the village of Kuessnacht, set apart for study on account of his natural gifts, he came to Basel, where he remained till the ripe age of manhood, and found himself clothed with academical honors. Then he was chosen people's priest at Seengen, and unanimously by the Knights of St. John at Kuessnacht for their commander, in 1519. We know that he here won universal respect, sought to promote religion and science, and in the spirit, which animated the founders of this Order of Knighthood, joined a sincere and active benevolence with courage, honor and morality. Even his external appearance was dignified and engaging.

As the truth of the Gospel was sacred to him, so the spirit of love lived in him, that spirit of the Holy Scriptures, which is eternal, whilst the letter bears the stamp of the age from which it came--the character of the men, by whom it was written; that spirit makes alive, whilst the letter kills.

A shrewd observer, having the confidence of the country-people living under him, he had heard many peculiar expressions about the much-talked-of image-question, and looked as deep into weak as into stronger hearts. Why should the nobler end be done away also with the abuse? How had an elevation to the reign of pure ideas suddenly become possible for thousands, whose feelings heretofore could only be wrought upon through the medium of the senses? Was then the zeal so pure, which glowed in the bosoms of the stormy fanatics, who with axe and hatchet overthrew without discrimination the ornaments of churches and the grotesque creations of superstition,^[11] and before whose gloomy looks the most delicate works of art, from which the grandeur of innocence and the blessedness of love beamed down upon them, found no mercy?

Hence Schmied said: "Let us first put away the idols in our hearts, through the preaching of the Divine Word, before we begin to rattle on the outside. Pictures are the staves of the weak, which we dare not take away, until we have given them strength to walk without. Paul too did not assail the gods and statues of the Athenians, but strove to erect in their hearts a temple to the invisible God, convinced that then idolatry would fall away of itself. In general, we ought not to provoke anger without necessity; and not everything that happens amongst us springs from a pure love of the truth. Such things work injuriously in the Confederacy. We are told the Confederates should not be our God. But yet they are Christian people, and for that reason we ought to spare them."

Who, in our times, will not approve of this mild speech? And to what do the Protestants of this 19th century owe it, that they can hold these views peacefully? that no faith of the letter drives them to a renunciation of innocent feelings, to unrighteous, repulsive severity, and to a stiff and wanton tyranny of creeds, such as meets us in the 17th century? To the progress of science alone--science, which teaches how to distinguish between the letter and the spirit--science, which the coward only fears, which he, who knows her not, only can calumniate.

But how very far in the rear was such science in Zwingli's age! Philology, history, an enlarged knowledge of nature and geography--what light have they not since furnished for the explanation of the Holy Scriptures! With what wonderful rapidity the results of scientific investigation, universally intelligible, are poured out by an unfettered press among the multitude! Questions must now be started, can not be kept back, on which nobody then, or at least a very few, ever thought; and if three centuries ago a knowledge of grammar only was needed for the interpretation of Scripture, there is now need of philosophy also.

Still, in a book designed for general information, we cannot enter deeply into what is scientific. It is enough to shew plainly, that Zwingli must not be judged by the ideas of our age, if in the discussion about images he opposed his friend Schmied.

In the noble feelings of the latter he shared, but surpassed Lim, in a just appreciation of the age and its immediate wants, and in the logical carrying out of a well-weighed system. Only by holding firmly to the very language of Holy Scripture could he keep his ground against his numerous opponents, for only thus far were his hearers able to follow him. We will see hereafter what difficulties he prepared for himself, when, instead of clinging to the letter in explaining the words of the eucharist, he yielded to a freer spirit.

"Well has my lord and brother said"--so Zwingli answered Schmied's objections--"that we ought to put away the false images in our hearts by the preaching of God's Word. I hope too that Leo and I have not been negligent in this; but he has spoken ill, when he calls images 'the staves of the weak.' Where is there any passage of this sort in the Holy Scripture? But we are to follow its plain language. And it is clear as day, that it permits no images, least of all those of gold and silver, of whose value poverty is deprived."

Hofmeister also thought, that, according to the commission he had received, he must admonish the commander to contend only with Scripture. The latter, from respect to the order of the government, did not prolong the colloquy.

So decided was Zwingli's victory, so general the aversion to meet him, that a whole troop of those, who were enemies, carpers and boasters behind his back, now became silent in his presence, when called by name. The manner in which some tried to get out of the affair was quite characteristic. This one played the part of an injured man, and growled out, that no body had a right to ask him as long as he kept his peace; that one naively declared, that he had believed the old, but now he must believe the new; a third, that he would teach nothing bad, that he could understand neither Greek nor Hebrew, and it were well if these languages had never come into the country; a fourth, that he could not fight, his sword having been broken off at the hilt; the prior of the Augustinians said, that he could give answer any moment from the Papal Decrees, and if he was not able to do it, then he would stand there like any other "cowled pate;" and the rest in a similar strain.

Thus the fate of images was decided by an easy battle. "This has been child's play,"--said Zwingli--"but now we come to a more important matter."

Here again we must be reminded, that it belongs to the province of theology, not history, to show in what nearer or more remote connection the doctrine of the mass, as then laid down and practised by the Church, stands with the declarations of Holy Scripture. It is enough to remark, that it rests upon the idea, so deeply rooted in the human spirit, of the duty of sacrifice. But what is true sacrifice? At bottom, nothing else than offering up to Him, from whom we have everything and by whom we are. In such offering--in offering at the same time from the purest love for man, Christ has gone before us all. That the perpetual presence of his sacrifice, therefore, must strengthen us in faith and love, we all agree. But then there is a difference between the sensuous and the spiritual apprehension of the fact. Zwingli taught that Christ offering himself must not be looked for in a host made of meal, but in his living image, the helper of the needy. "He who receives one of these, receives me"--so he himself once said. This was the plain, practical view, which Zwingli maintained not only in this Conference, but in his whole system of doctrine also.

This practical view has for centuries now exerted its influence amongst us, and with whatever reason we may be censured for other things--that there is a sense of active benevolence amongst us can never be denied. Here, Zurich, hold firm! Here is thy rock! May thy Church lean on it with wisdom, in youthful strength! Then need she dread neither time, nor science, nor Jacobins, nor Jesuists. Religion, that flower of life, has its root neither in the vague dreams of the rustic, nor in the naked formulas of the philosopher, but in noble, unpretending acts. Here the real and the ideal, the beautiful and the time meet for their eternally necessary mutual strengthening and purification.^[12]

Owing to the nature of the subject, the Conference assumed a more peaceful and scientific cast, and at times became quite familiar. Even Zwingli, especially after the commander Schmied had again spoken in his mild, conciliatory manner, confessed to his most persevering opponent, Steinlin, people's priest at Schaffhausen, that he had learned much from him, and desired, that, if severe expressions sometimes fell from his lips, they should not be laid too much to heart. "Many"--said he--"there are, who catch up only the bitter things said by me, and so too it happens with that learned gentleman, Martin Luther, whom they are willing to imitate in naught, save the sharpness of his language, which nevertheless he often utters out of true, ardent love; but the pious, faithful heart and its struggles after truth, remain unnoticed."

The earliest traces of a fire, which afterwards broke out destructively, began to appear first on the evening of the second day. Mention has already been made of Conrad Grebel, Zwingli's previous friend and admirer, and also of his father, the councilor Jacob Grebel. The history of this family, truly told, would be a warning for all, who expect from the chances of fortune that happiness, which is only to be found in contentment and a pure conscience. A skillful man of business, frequently employed in the affairs of Zurich and the Confederacy, the father had formed extensive connections. His house in Zurich was always open to the ambassadors of foreign princes and distinguished allies; in consequence of which his expenses gradually became greater than his income. His sons and daughters grew up. Their welfare and that of the family was sought in splendid living. The elder daughter became prioress of the convent of Œdenbach; the younger, at a later period, the wife of Vadianus; she was the most fortunate of the children, the only one happy till a ripe old age. One of the sons entered the service of the Archduke Ferdinand as a gentleman of the bed-chamber; the other, Conrad, lived at Vienna and Paris on sums of money, which the father knew how to obtain from the Emperor, the King of France, and Duke Sforza of Milan. His extravagance aided not a little in the ruin of the family. More and more the father put himself under dangerous obligations to strangers. He did it too, after the penalty of death had been affixed to the taking of foreign pensions. Already had one son been dismissed from the service of the Archduke, and Conrad returned home in shattered health and burdened with debt. The convent at Œdenbach was broken up; the mother tormented by sickness, domestic calamities and her own passionate disposition, increased the general misery. Then the bribery of the father came to light, and an old man, with snow-white hair, he ended his days on the scaffold, in 1526. His dignified behavior, when led to the block, excited universal pity. Some months before he had begged the authorities to pardon his ruined son, the chief cause of his misfortunes.^[13] For himself, he would not do it. What value would a longer life have had in view of such a downfall!

We have anticipated, in order to show the fate of the family in its connection; the thread of our story now leads us back to Conrad. To no common abilities he had joined industry and a thirst for learning in his earlier youth, and knew how to gain the good-will of Zwingli and Vadianus. Many letters bear witness of the friendly relations in which he stood toward both; but his character gradually became worse, and he could not escape the never-failing consequences of debauchery. Not the body only, but the spirit also, sinks under them. Peace vanishes from the soul; insight into the sphere of duty and the relations of life grows dim. Still, at times a nobler feeling awoke within him; he acknowledged the justice of his sufferings, bewailed his folly and strove to break loose from his fetters; but then again he would accuse others, especially his father. How severe and dreadful is the language which he uses in a letter to Vadianus: "My father would discover my crime, if the beam in his own eye did not hinder him from seeing the mote in mine. He does not know what I have had to suffer on his account, since he first caused me to be fed by the Emperor and then by the King of France. Had he taught me to get along with a small patrimony according to the national custom; had he not wished me to soar higher, as my wings grew, in the track of his other son, then would I not be troubled, when the betrayers of the fatherland are cursed, lest my father should be included among them; then would I not, when such are spoken of, grow now red with shame and now pale with fear, lest they should say my father was a French hireling; then would I not be irritated; then would I not be compelled to tremble for a speedy discovery; then would I not have to think of restitution; then perhaps had I never bartered my freedom for gold and my honor for sordid metal. The King flays his people and snatches the food from their mouths like a wolf, that he may adorn his person and fare sumptuously, and would have once been able to bring me to God knows what, if my native city had raised me to honor and dignity. O that it were granted me, to plunge from this misery into another, or to escape both, and reach the shore from the wreck in a happier hour! Is this denied me? then do I set myself against fate and the gods and will brave the torture, till their wrath is satiated in my grave. Glad am 1 that the plague, which still spared many, during the past autumn, has broken out here again in the course of this month!"

Thus, Zwingli's labors in Zurich began to stir up base elements, along with what were truly noble and pure. People, who were lacking in means to rise, and often justly low in public esteem, now called out likewise for change, so that their old incapacity, or their old sins, might be forgotten. The deeper the agitation, the more they hoped to gain. Then already Grebel was numbered among them; the better spirit had wholly forsaken him. Others of a like stamp clustered around him. To stand with Zwingli they would have needed purer morals, more labor of the mind, and above all self-denial. This would not do for them. They must outstrip him therefore, in order to gain their end the more quickly.

It has already been remarked, that the first traces of their disturbing influence appeared at the close of the disputation. Lame, frivolous were the questions about mere externals in the administration of the Supper, the form of the bread, the kind, as how it ought to be brought to the mouth, the time of taking it which Grebel started--difficulties that he would find everywhere; then, supported chiefly by Simon Stumpf, people's priest at Hœngg, he impugned the right of the government to issue ordinances; all evidently designed to produce an excitement, to rouse the spirit of sect, to make himself a party. With generous forbearance Zwingli answered him, but here again Conrad Schmied spoke out against fanaticism and a rage for destruction. He brought the insurgents to silence, and then proceeded to deliver an ample discourse on the need of better instruction, which met with general approbation. His spiritual superiors had hitherto refused, for good reasons, to inform the people. "The more need"--continued he--"is there, that you, dear Sirs, should take the work boldly in hand. For money, you have helped many an earthly prince to his land and his subjects, help then, for God's sake, Christ our Lord to his dominion and honour."

No one opposed this. Then Zwingli spoke one more, begging all to hold firm to the Gospel, and never to despond as long as they leaned upon it. "What is done from the best motives will be misrepresented by falsehood and slander. Thus it had been said here and there yesterday evening that we would now degrade the body and blood of Christ into sleeping-cups. No!"--cried he--"no one certainly wishes to do this." Tears interrupted his speech and many other were heard to weep. "If God will"--said Leo Judæ--"we will all stand by the Gospel, and cheerfully will I, if need be, lay down my life for it. They may kill the body, but the soul they can not kill. The Scripture ought never to be used for quarrelling, or display, but for the improvement of our lives, and if perchance I have spoken too harshly to any one, during the present Conference, I ask his forgiveness." Zwingli did the same. The presidents now laid down their office with a petition for Hottinger and the other prisoners, in which the Abbott of Cappel, the Commander of Kuessnacht and the Provost of the Great Minster joined.

The issue of this Conference formed a new epoch for Zurich. The government prudently resolved to do nothing rashly, to change nothing suddenly. Even images and relics should not be taken from the churches for a while, yet, where it was possible, covered, locked up, but in no case injured. He, who wished to read mass, or to assist in the reading, was permitted once more to do so. The rules of fasting also were to be observed; but the Great Council had already put forth the declaration, that in spiritual affairs it would henceforth be the court of decision with the advice of the people's priest, or bishops, as it styled the pastors of the congregations in a public document.^[14] Hottinger, on account of his rash conduct, was banished from the canton for two years, and Lorenz Hochruetiner, who with foolish obstinacy had repeated the act, for life. Several associates of these "Idol Stormers" had to lay down considerable sums as bail for their peaceful behavior. Simon Stumpf, people's priest at Hœngg, whose name occurs above, was obliged to leave the country, till permission for his return could be granted, "on account of his rough sermons, speeches and other things he had done."^[15]

The most pressing want, just then, was the instruction of the ignorant priests of the people. Hence, by order of the government, Zwingli prepared a small book, under the title of "Christian Introduction," in which the chief articles of evangelical doctrine, and founded on these, a decision against the former dogmas and practices of the Church were brought together in the plainest possible language. This was placed in the hands of all the preachers in the canton, with the summons to adhere to this pattern in their discourses. At the same time it was sent to the governments of the collective states, to the bishops of the Confederacy and to the University of Basel, with the request that it might be tested and refuted, if it contained any points at war with the Gospel. The government, it is to be observed, had made up its mind to wait a full half year for refutations, and then, if nothing arrived, to proceed to the removal of abuses, and the introduction of a new church-order.

The reformation of the state kept pace continually with that of the church. No one was more thoroughly convinced than Zwingli, that the civil was the result of the religious corruption, and vice versa. Soon after the end of the Conference he again delivered a vehement discourse against the mischief of pensions, traces of this evil being still apparent and it required no great penetration to perceive, that it stood in connection with the spirit of fanaticism, which began to show itself toward the close of the disputation. After this discourse, on the 21st of December, 1523, the burgomaster and the councils took an oath against all pensions; on the day before, the entire priesthood had done the same. Transgressors were threatened with capital punishment.

Meanwhile the Bishop of Constance had sent a very detailed report on the Introduction, to the Council of Zurich, with the notice, that in drawing it up he had availed himself of the advice of several universities. A committee, consisting of nine of the most learned clergy, four members of the Small and four of the Great Council, were ordered to give it a careful examination, and on their motion the whole of it was read aloud in the assembly. As Bullinger informs us, "all agreed, that there was little ground for it in the Divine Word."

A similar judgment was passed by another committee, appointed to examine the objections raised against Zwingli, during the present Conference, by the canon Hofmann and several members of the Chapter.

The opinions of the Confederates were yet to be looked for. But they had trouble, to come to an understanding among themselves. True indeed, it was determined to turn a common front against Zurich for her remarkable innovations; but as to what should be said, the instructions are very dissimilar. "Let us act in a friendly way," wrote the burgomaster of Schaffhausen and such was the order from Bern, Glarus, Basel, Solothurn and Appenzell; but Luzern, Zug, Freiburg and the three Forest Cantons were in favor of "remaining true to the old faith and telling Zurich very plainly what ought to be told to her." At last they agreed to complain against several particular articles, to lay which before the Great Council deputies appeared in Zurich on the 21st of March, 1524. The deputy of Schaffhausen, not being authorized to make special complaint, withdrew from the others, who then made a report, of which the following is the substance: With pain, we see the increase of the new, unchristian Lutheran religion in the Confederacy; with pain, that Zurich abets the mischief. It is clear as day, that disorders only spring from it. Hence, the landvogt of Baden has been hindered from throwing several criminals into prison, at Weiningen, where the supreme court of the duchy sits; at a fire there the peasants laid hold of sword and spear instead of water-buckets; at Stammheim they insulted the crucifix and images; at Elggau, a pious clergyman, who remonstrated with the pastor, was obliged to flee the church and the parish; at Kuessnacht the tithe has been refused to the Cloister of Engelberg, and at Wædenschweil the steward of the Knights of St. John has been abused. The landvogt of Zurich circulates Lutheran books in the free bailiwicks; a parson has said at Rifferschweil that it is all one to baptize a man or a block of wood; the priests take wives, and the monks and nuns abandon the convents. No longer can this be borne, and we pray Zurich to maintain the old treaties and customs, and then we will cheerfully aid in rooting out real abuses, the shameful trade in benefices, the selling of indulgences and the scandalous lives of the clergy.

Things important and unimportant, true and false, were mingled in this report. A written answer was required. In this it was easy to show, that to give information in regard to the scenes at Weiningen belonged altogether to the lower courts at that place; that the affair at Stammheim was disapproved of, would be looked into and corrected; that the priest, who had interrupted the pastor at Elggau in an insulting manner, whilst preaching would be indebted to their protection for a safe return to his home; that Kuessnacht had not refused the tithe to Engelberg, and that the pastor at Rafferschweil had not said that of which he had been accused. But, in order to justify herself on other points, it was necessary to enter more deeply into the views of faith prevalent at Zurich, which was not to be done by a diplomatic communication through the Secretary of State, but by Zwingli himself, publicly. This disposed the deputies of the confederates, who on other accounts were displeased with the Reformer, to an unfavorable reception of the answer. "That Zurich," so it was said in the Recess at Luzern on the 1st of April, 1524, "sent in a discourse and sermon from God's Word, is not necessary to mention here."

The last word of Zurich to the Bishop of Constance met with as little favor. From all sides reports of an unfriendly character came to the ears of the government; yea, it began to be rumored, that some of the states seriously thought of giving back their written treaties to the Zurichers.

From whom had the government now to seek its most powerful protection? Only from God and its own people.

To learn whether they could be relied on, information was sought through their vogts and civil officers. "Faithful and beloved friends"--so runs the paper, which was sent out to be read publicly--"you know how we have held conferences in our canton for the settlement of the dispute. The truth has been revealed, and we would have had a perfect right to do away all abuses immediately. Still we did not wish to hurry, and afforded opportunities on all sides to show us what was better. Our gracious Lord, the Bishop of Constance, has tried to prove, in a book written by his own hand, that we are guilty, that we ought to adhere to images and esteem the mass a sacrifice, as hitherto. We have examined it, compared it with Holy Scripture, and have only been able to find that we ought to obey God rather than man. Our brethren of the Confederacy have sent their deputies to lay such complaints before us. Accept the answer which we sent them.^[16] After this, we heard that they in Luzern gave out, that they would put down this 'piece of work,' as they call it. We have asked them, where they intend doing this. They have answered, just where it suits them. Again it reached our ears, that we were grossly slandered, as to city and canton, in Luzern. We sent two of our councilors hither with the request, that they would allow them to vindicate us before the people. It was not granted. Still they appeared before the Great Council, and desired that such calumniators might be brought against them. We inform you of all this, in the hope that you will be of like mind with us in this Christian business. Remember, how many good, honest men, we, by the use of God's Word in these times of war, have kept alive and spared for their wives and children. Heretofore, you have acted faithfully in this and other matters, like pious people. How much more should we, in that which concerns the honor of God, the salvation of our souls and our consciences, keep together, use the Divine Word, and be one in protecting and defending ourselves. If this happen, then God is with us, whom no one on earth or in hell can withstand. Therefore take friendly counsel together, and let us know your resolutions."

Now again, all the answers agree in substance. There was not one, in which the determination to uphold evangelical liberty was not expressed in strong language. "We testify"--wrote Winterthur--"and have resolved, as far as in us lies, to be eternally loyal to our gracious Lords of Zurich, according to our oath, and place at their disposal our honor, our bodies, our goods and our lives, and are willing to defend the same by the Holy Word of God;" but it seemed also to be the general wish to remain in alliance with the Confederates, and, if it were possible, in peace. Thus the people of Wædenschweil and Richterschweil gave notice, that they would be neighbors with them at Hœfen and Zugerberg, who had always dealt with them in friendship and love, as they also did with them as far as possible. Thalweil also prayed that war would not be begun for the sake of one or two, be they clergy or laymen. For the rest they were pleased with the just commands of the Lords and all, which they heretofore had so excellently managed, for they had always acted like wise men. Not in the ill-will of the Confederates, but in their instigation from Zurich, the reasons of the discord were to be sought--in their instigation by a minority still present in the Council, who were opposed to the Gospel and addicted to taking pensions, at least secretly, by perverse clergymen, by the people of the convents, by unwearied letter-writers and forgers of lies. "There is talk"--says a memorial from Wiedikon, Albisrieden and Altstætten--"that all the opposition only comes from our own midst, and therefore we desire that such base-intentioned persons be looked after, be they in the Council or elsewhere, and be compelled to keep still and quiet and cease their contrariety. So will we ever pledge to the noble city of Zurich life, honor and fortune. We beg our Lords only to hold bravely to their mandates and the Word of God, and we will faithfully aid them in using and protecting the same." In like manner the congregations of Neuamt write: "We have reason to know, that You, our Lords and Superiors, are not one in the Small and Great Councils, but are divided in this business, which is a great trouble to us. Therefore we earnestly pray you to put away all such discord and be united, so will we also pledge our persons and our property to God's Word and our Lords."--"Nothing is kept secret"--wrote Buelach--"in Your Small and Great Council, but everything is continually published through the whole Confederacy, and this grieves us. We pray you therefore to make diligent inquiry and expel the babblers, and drive off them who are opposed to God's Word; then it should be cared for that the entire country should not be disturbed by them." Eglisau asked for the same thing with the addition: "If you, dear Lords, are not strong enough to punish such people, we will help you with our persons and our property." That from Ruemlang carries the same sense: "Further, it is our wish and advice, that You, as our Lords and Superiors, will look after the adversaries of God's Word, both those who sit in your Council and those who are of the clergy, be they priests or monks, and expel them from the city and canton, for it is certain that the greatest displeasure of the Confederates has sprung from this source; and if You, as our Lords and Superiors, are not strong enough for them, we will stand by you with our persons and our property, for such things can be endured no longer." With a hankering side-glance at the fat possessions of the monasteries, they of the Four Wards wrote: "We have received the friendly and gracious communication of our Lords with great thanks, and wish to be among those who pledge person, soul, honor and property to the Word of God and their Lords and Superiors, especially to those who mean well, and not to the base, who strive against God's Word. For the rest, it is our wish, that You, as our Lords and Superiors, would punish and drive away those wicked ones, who fight against God's Word, be they in the Council, in the city, or in the canton, be they clergymen or laymen, for it is certain, that the displeasure of our Confederates has, for the most part, arisen from this quarter by their letter-writing and other rebellious acts; and if you are not strong enough to punish or drive them away, we will aid you with our persons and our property to drive them off. In the third place, be it our will and opinion, that you will take care of and drive away by the help of God's Word, all the soup-eaters, who crowd together, as is well known, in the monasteries; for if this be not done, we will see if we also cannot some day obtain such eating and drinking." And still more fully Riespach and Hirslanden: "It is also our earnest opinion, whereas numerous and manifold speeches and lies have hitherto been written and sent off by the clergy and laymen to the confederates generally and particular cantons and cities, and have been little inquired into as yet, by which great injury and loss of reputation may fall upon the city of Zurich and its territory, since when our people go from home, be it to Luzern, Zug, Baden or other parts, then they all say: Such reports came from Zurich;--therefore we wish this business to be better looked into; and if the Gospel is to be protected, such persons ought to be punished according to their deserts. We also pray our Lords, that, where there are ill-minded priests, who will not obey their statutes and always speak and act against the Gospel, God's Word, all such be thrust from their livings and the churches supplied with good pastors; for it strikes us that otherwise we can never hope for peace. Further, we pray our Lords to sequester the property of the monasteries and the canons, so that it may go to the aid of the poor, who everywhere sit before our churches; so that the Confederates and other strangers may not say: 'If they are such good Christians in Zurich, why do so many poor people sit before all the churches?' Hence we think that the tithes, which we raise, more justly belong to the poor than to nonsensical priests, who write here and there behind the back of the government. Hence it is our urgent prayer to our gracious Lords of Zurich, that they deliberate on the above-cited points, and if then it seems better to their wisdom to do so than to leave it alone, we all and each one in particular will pledge his soul, honor, body and goods to the city of Zurich, and esteem you, our dear Lords, as true fathers, as we hope you will find us good, willing, dutiful and submissive children, even unto death."

The tenor of these answers was sufficient to show the government, that, even if it wished, it could no longer delay the progress of the reformation, and that only by action, just as decided as cautious, would it be possible to prevent an outbreak of the flame, which already appeared in scattered sparks.

Hence an ordinance of the Council was passed for the removal of the images in the most quiet way, with forbearance and care. Whoever had presented any to the churches, or had caused them to be made at his own cost, could take them home without molestation. If the majority in a congregation were opposed to their removal, then it was commanded to wait till they were better informed. All processions were forbidden, even the pilgrimage to Einsiedeln, in memory of the victory at Tættweil. The latter, celebrated by a dangerous mingling of both sexes in a march of several days and in the monastery, was discontinued accordingly, and this was regarded as an act of hostility. But why should public thanks to the Supreme Disposer of battles, why should joyful remembrance of the bravery of their father's cease?

The reform of the clerical foundations and monastic life was very thorough. Mention has already been made of that in the Chapter of Canons at the Great Minster. Now, it also voluntarily surrendered its secular jurisdiction to the government, but guarded itself on the other hand against the delivery of its rich church-ornaments, which were likewise demanded by the Council and at length taken. Their value went to cover a part of the expenses of the Canton, which were greatly increased by the commotions of the age. At the same time Catherine von Zimmern, abbess of Frauminster, gave up to the burgomaster and councils, under the assurance that she and the sisters would receive an adequate support, the convent along with its rights and revenues. The Chapter of Canons at Embrach, the Cistercians at Cappel and the Augustinians at Heiligenberg, near Winterthur, asked of their own accord for a suppression or, a re-organization for a more useful end. The remaining cloisters were taken under the care of the government. Toward the Dominicans of the city the greatest severity had to be shown. They held the richest possessions; and yet, like the Franciscans, were pledged to poverty by the rules of their order. "On Saturday, Dec. 3d, 1524,"--Felix Weiss narrates--"the burgomaster and the councils ordained, that the three men of the monasteries, namely, the Dominicans, the Augustinians and the Franciscans, should be united, and the younger portion of them taught trades. If any did not wish to remain, to these a viaticum was to be given; and to all who desired to remain in the monastery a comfortable support for life and permission to die a peaceful death. Thus, on the Saturday aforesaid, in the afternoon, without notice or warning, the three chief officers and other members of the council, accompanied by the police of the city, led the Dominicans all at once to the Franciscans; and directly after that they went to the Augustinians and summoned them all. They were obliged to lay down their keys of office in presence of my lords on a table in the convent-parlor. After a long speech and friendly words, they again led them over the upper bridge to the barefooted friars; and thus the rulers of the city, of the Small and Great Councils, honestly disposed of the people in all the monasteries. Soon after, their portion was assigned them, so that those who were willing to stay in the monastery of the Franciscans, would receive lodging and shelter there and wood enough; besides, to each one 6 shocks of grain, 6 buckets of wine and 32 pounds Haller were promised every year."

Out of the ordinary revenues of the government, aided by the property of the suppressed monasteries, schools were founded, an alms-house, a lazaretto for the plague-stricken, and an orphan-asylum. The hospital was enlarged, and suitable salaries awarded to its spiritual and lay attendants. Scholastic education was greatly needed, and where qualified teachers could not be obtained from the city, they were called from abroad. Thus Myconius was brought back to Zurich. Rudolph Collin followed him from Luzern. Wiesendanger came from the village of Dynhart, after him Pellikan from Alsace; all in order to teach the ancient languages.

Zwingli now resolved to marry, and on the 2d of April, 1524, led Anna Reinhart,^[17] in whom he found the guardian angel of his earthly existence, before the altar, to take the pledge of fidelity in the presence of God and the congregation. Henceforth the priests wished to be, above all, Christians; but to all Christians without exception, the call has been made according to the language of the Apostle, to become priests by inward consecration, priests without love of power and without the spirit of caste.