The Life and Times of Ulric Zwingli

by Johann Jakob Hottinger

ORGANIZATION OF THE PARTIES. BREACH OF THE GENERAL PEACE.

Not only was the reciprocal relation of the states within the Confederacy changed by the conclusion of the Buergerrecht; but that of the entire nation toward foreign countries was just as much altered. Early in the beginning of February, 1528, a letter of the Emperor, written from Spire, reached Luzern, with complaints about this alliance; very similar ones were received from the authorities of the Austrian Government at Ensisheim and Inspruck, and still a fourth one from the captains of the Swabian League. "Constance," such was their general drift, "is not at all competent to conclude a treaty of this kind without the consent of the Emperor, nor have the Confederate Cities any right to enter into it. It is not impossible that it may yet be the occasion of war, and the damage resulting may be ascribed to their own folly by the Confederates." This warning was very acceptable to the deputies of the Eight Cantons. It was immediately communicated to the Zurichers. "You see," was the language of the accompanying letter, "whither the necessity of finding allies for the maintenance of your superstition must lead you. Do not hope that we will stand by you in case of war. It is not our doing; we, who wish to uphold the laws, regulations and customs of our fathers, will not be accused of disturbing the peace of the Empire. We exhort you, by virtue of our Confederation, to abstain from unlawful alliances." But neither Zurich and Bern, on the one hand, nor Constance on the other, were moved by all this. "We have," answered they, "strictly examined our Confederate Charter, our Imperial Privileges, the Hereditary Union with Austria--all necessary documents, and have nowhere been able to find, that we have transcended law or privilege. And Constance is just as little subject to Austria or the Swabian League, as we. Why do they then wish to interfere? Our Buergerrecht was devised not for disturbing the peace of the Empire, but to aid in preserving it." Agreement became more and more difficult. The Five Cantons, already standing in hostile attitude toward Zurich and Bern, sought to persuade Glarus, Freiburg and Solothurn to a closer, special union "for the maintenance of the old, true Christian faith, the holy seven sacraments and particularly the office and sacrifice of the mass, with all good Christian rules, benedictions and usages, as handed down from our forefathers, nothing excepted"--for the suppression of every innovation in the Common Territories, and armed succor, if either there or on their own soil an attack is made on that faith, whose support and defence should be the highest duty, higher even than the preservation of the Confederacy. From Freiburg they received an unconditional assent; from Glarus and Solothurn, where the friends of Reform were increasing in number, one with provisos attached. Wallis (Valois) also joined the alliance. More anon. The time had come, when the Five Cantons began likewise to look beyond the limits of the Confederacy. Austria was the nearest to them. Zurich and Bern had sought foreign aid in order to carry out their innovations more securely, why should they refuse the same for the preservation of the old faith, for upholding the unity of the church. Through the bishops of Chur, especially through their friends in Graubuenden, they hoped to obtain access to the authorities of the Archducal government in Inspruck. Meanwhile these projects were kept secret for a long time within a narrow circle of those who could be trusted. They first came to light, when, in the summer of 1528, a second alliance in addition to the Christian Buergerrecht was concluded between Zurich and Bern, who were moved thereto, as they said, by the violent suppression, on the part of the Eight Cantons, of all attempts at Reform in the Common Territories. "Since," so it is recorded in the original documents relating to this matter, "our dear Confederates of the Eight Cantons are not only offended and show themselves averse to us and our adherents in our Christian enterprise, but have even taken occasion specially to pledge and bind themselves to remain true to the old faith, as they call it, and have attempted to seduce several of ours from their Christian enterprise and respect and obedience to us, promising them help, counsel, encouragement and succor against us, all for the suppression of the Divine Word and of the duty, which our people owe to us, it is not only becoming in us, but our great necessity demands it, so that the Divine Word and evangelical truth may not in any measure be kept down by outrage and violence, but that we and ours may be allowed to remain in the free enjoyment thereof without any fear or terror of man."--And thus one measure of mistrust and dislike continually provoked another still more hostile. There was less and less concealment in the efforts of each to strengthen their party.

Any one acquainted with the history of Switzerland knows what ties of relationship, of agreement in their manners and mode of living, and neighborly intercourse existed from the most ancient times, between the inhabitants of Obwalden and those of the Haslithal and a part of the Bernese Oberland. Their friendship was kept alive by popular festivals celebrated in common, and also by the reverence which was paid, especially in the interior of Switzerland, to Saint Beatus, who, as the first promulgator of Christianity in that region, dwelt in a cave on the shore of lake Thun, called by his name, and received canonization. Numerous pilgrimages were made thither from the Five Cantons. The rumor, that the relics of the saint, exhibited there on such occasions, had been cast into the lake by order of the Bernese government, awakened universal indignation. But this was not true. Two deputies of the Council had taken possession of them in order to carry them to Interlachen and bury them afterward. In complaints against the abolition of their pilgrimages, the inhabitants of the Bernese Oberland joined with their neighbors of Unterwalden. Pastoral races are very tenacious of old customs. If these be taken away their respect for law is often shaken at the same time. The government of Bern had to experience this. Between the two lakes of Thun and Brienz lay, under the lordly supervision of Bern, the wealthy Augustinian cloister of Interlachen. Its domain extended over a great part of the surrounding country and through the mountain-valleys of Lauterbrunnen and Grindelwald. The monks of that period were in good repute neither for their learning nor their morals. The Provost himself Nicholas Trachsel, was destitute both of external and internal dignity. And when the doctrines in regard to the uselessness of monkery, the unscripturalness of spiritual lordship, and the rights of Christian liberty now began to spread among the people subject to the foundation, they immediately applied them to deliverance from all dependence; from the duty of paying rents and tithes. If the one, said they, is an invention of man, so is the other. If we are to receive the Gospel, which teaches liberty among brethren, then will we also become our own masters, an independent canton like Unterwalden and Uri. The Provost, who did not know how to resist them, fled with a few friends to Bern, where, for a decent maintenance, he surrendered the monastery along with its domains and privileges into the hands of the Council. Under sanction of the Great Council, an agreement was quickly made by the government with the assembled convent; its seal, documents, revenues and jewels were brought to Bern; an officer was sent thither, and the whole converted into a bailiwick. But the people belonging to the monastery, who asserted that they ought to have had a voice in the change, at once preferred a complaint. When the government tried to postpone investigation, a violent insurrection broke out, which found sympathy even in some parts of their own district. New hopes were excited among the friends of the Old Order by this uprising of the malcontents, with whom the inhabitants of the Haslithal and other Oberlanders also joined, at the instigation of their neighbors in Obwalden. The Council was in great perplexity. Some of its own members secretly rejoiced--but only the most violent. With others, who also were little favorable to the Reformation, the sense of duty, which demanded the sacrifice of personal inclination to the interests of the state, predominated. From this class chiefly, a commission was chosen to examine on the spot the grievances of the malcontents and negotiate with them. They succeeded in restoring political order by lessening their rents, tithes and other taxes; by remitting more than 50,000 pounds of outstanding dues, and a promise of increased support for the poor and sick; but to allay the religious excitement was a far more difficult task.

Here, for the first time, the two religious parties appeared in arms against each other. The occasion was given by a split among the Oberlanders themselves--division in a matter, where no majority could decide. In the Haslithal the Reformation had found resolute adherents. They and the preachers sent hither from Bern were a source of daily vexation to their fellow-citizens of the old faith, who surpassed them in numbers. The latter sought advice from their neighbors of Obwalden, who, on their part, very willingly came forward and tried to gain over their allies to the support of the Oberlanders. In this they were not unsuccessful. Even the ruling authorities of the Five Cantons exhorted them to hold fast to the old religion in public or in private, and hinted at coming events and help just at hand. Under the pretext of looking once more upon the bones of Saint Beatus, the Abbot of Uri, the landamman and several prominent Zugers came to Interlachen. Ought not the wicked attempt of the innovators to commit them to the earth be prevented? Captain Schœnbrunner of Zug, asserted that he had concealed at least part of the relics in his cap and thus saved them. "Come to us in future," they now said, "as we heretofore made pilgrimages to you. St. Beatus lies with us." The public mind became more and more disturbed in the Haslithal. One Sunday in June, some of the leaders, instigated by persons from Obwalden, called together a general assembly of the people. The question was started whether the mass should be restored; and it was decided in the affirmative by a vote of one hundred and fifty one, against one hundred and eleven. Dispatches immediately went forth to Obwalden and Uri for priests, and several were conducted by the country people of the Five Cantons, yea, by the very magistrates, with drums and fifes to Hasle and Brienz; and mass was again celebrated amid great rejoicing. What should the government do? It was a perilous undertaking for them to carry out changes in worship against the decided will of a majority of the people. Some members of the Council declared their opposition to it. The mass, they thought, might be permitted, without bringing back episcopal power and foreign church-rule. But the Great Council firmly rejected every such compromise. Copies of the treaties, by which they had come under the dominion of Bern, were sent to the inhabitants of the Haslithal, and appeals made to their duty of submission to the highest authorities of the Canton, even in ecclesiastical affairs. It was all in vain. The adherents of the old faith, stirred up by their new priests, determined to yield under no circumstances. They asked help from Obwalden; they ventured to appear before the deputies of the Five Cantons, assembled at Beckenried, with a similar request. But no resolution was passed in their favor; even Uri and Zug came out strongly against any interference incompatible with the federal laws. The affair was regarded in a different light by Obwalden, and, under the name, it is true, of an embassy to mediate between the parties in the valley, a delegation was sent thither, accompanied, however, by twenty-eight young men adorned with fir-twigs, the defiant badge of the old party. Instead of reconciliation they brought fiercer quarrels. The friends of the Reformation were roused, when they ventured to call them heretics. Deputies from both sides now hastened to Bern, with prayers for succor from one and a declaration from the other, that they were willing to obey in all things, except matters of faith, which neither the Confederation nor the government, but the Church alone, had a right to touch. In this emergency, where they ought to issue commands, but where those commands could not be executed, was a source of uneasiness to the most skillful statesmen. Meanwhile this much was clear, that a protest must be uttered against every interference from abroad. The schultheiss of Erlach, along with two members of the Small and three of the Great Council, went to Sarnen. All save Councillor Wagner belonged to the lukewarm friends of the Reformation. It was hoped that their language would, for this reason, be less offensive in Obwalden. The schultheiss, in his address, kept wholly within the limits of a political consideration of the question. But when, among various cutting remarks, it was cast up to him, that the very Articles of Confederation, to which he appealed, and which were formerly, by reason of the common, venerable faith of their pious forefathers, sworn to in the names of the Saints, had been first brought into contempt by Bern and violated by her antichristian innovations: "The Articles of Confederation," said Erlach, "do not touch upon religion, and grant full liberty in regard to it."--"Well!" replied the old landamman, Halter, "if you yourselves say, that the Articles of Confederation do not touch upon religion, then they cannot be violated even by our intervention in matters of faith; and if your people or others appeal to us for sympathy or succor, where true Christianity, as we have received it from our old fathers, is concerned, we will pledge our persons and property for its maintenance, and still keep our honor towards you." The more clearly the Bernese tried, after this, to exhibit the distinct peculiarities and rights of church and state before the assembly at Hasle, the more did they fall, perhaps to the injury of their cause, into that confusion of ideas, which is altogether unavoidable, when we do not know how to discriminate between Christ's kingdom of faith and love, resting only on his Gospel, intended both for this world and the other, whose very element is freedom, and a government under tyrannic forms established by men in his name. As a true knowledge of the first lies at the foundation of the visible church, it alone can exert a beneficial influence upon the life of the state; yea, without this influence nothing worthy of being so called can possibly exist. The opposite, found in the latter, leads only to discord.

But for such a discrimination of ideas that age was not at all prepared. Prejudiced opinion and passion triumphed.--A multitude of excited people, from all the vallies of the Oberland, streamed into Hasle. "We ourselves," said they, "desire to uphold the faith, the faith of the church, and be separate from the government. On this faith only have we sworn allegiance; if it be taken away, our obligations are dissolved. We will fall in with the Confederates, who hold fast to the old pledges." Before the eyes of the schultheiss and his companions, in direct violation of the law, leaders were chosen, the ministers of Grindelwald, Æsche and Gsteig driven out of their houses with their families, mass-priests placed in their stead, the adherents of the government threatened and compelled to fly, reports of the help promised by their neighbors circulated on all sides--indeed, after several weeks of agitation and violence, the greater part of the Oberlanders, assembled at Interlachen, swore under no circumstances to separate themselves from the real Catholic church, to seek justice from none but the Seven Cantons of the Old Confederacy; to suffer no persons to be punished except under their sentence; to keep possession of the cloister and its domains, and to render mutual aid with their persons and property.

Bern was thrown into great embarrassment. Berchthold Haller wrote to Zwingli: "The Small Council has lost its head; it is given up by us Evangelicals. We have to hunt up the members at their country-seats; the vintage serves as an excuse for their absence and neglect of duty. Those of the Great Council murmur, lament and rave; but even they can find no remedy. They try by adjournments and tricks to avoid the necessity of sending out troops. Meanwhile the power of Antichrist increases everyday." But the impotence was not so universal as represented by the timid preacher. Courage revived; the Confederates were written to for a faithful examination of affairs and help in the hour of need, and a vanguard was sent to Thun; but the march of the entire army was delayed, because the soldiers were not to be trusted in all cases. This was to be expected. Conflicting religious views and the boldly proclaimed resolution of the Oberlanders to risk everything for their party, might seem to those, who had favored the Reformation more from necessity than inward conviction, no sufficient reason to take up arms against them. Something else had to be added to justify the expedition. But it did not last. Even the lukewarm were compelled to acknowledge that determined action had become just as much a duty as a necessity. The insurgent Oberlanders themselves, though united for the maintenance of the old faith, were no wise so in reference to their position toward the government. Among a portion of them the feeling of loyalty was not wholly extinct. They did not wish to separate themselves from the state of Bern, nor refuse obedience in political matters. It was otherwise with the more violent, who, for the time being, had the upper hand. These latter desired a formal breach with the government. They continued to believe in the possibility of forming an independent canton of the Confederacy, under a constitution and laws of their own making. Moreover, they hoped, should their Catholic neighbors lend them aid, to secure and increase at the same time their real power; and in the youthful heads of Obwalden especially such hopes had found sympathy. In fact, eight hundred men set out for the Oberland, and that under the banner of the canton, which was carried by a grandson of the friar Nicholas von Flue, and six hundred men of Uri were ready to follow them In spite of the disapprobation of their own Council. This rash proceeding was a breach of the General Peace, according to the spirit and letter of the Articles of Confederation, and the Bernese government had henceforth a perfect right to resist it by arms in the most energetic manner. And so it happened. Under the command of the Schultheiss Von Erlach, five thousand men provided with artillery and all, necessary supplies marched out. From the very moment, when the power of the government was displayed, the confidence of its friends increased and the courage of its enemies sank. Many of the Oberlanders, who were in Interlachen, saw the arrival of the men of Obwalden with concern, knowing their cause would be rather endangered than promoted by them. They began to rue the step they had taken, and quietly to desert the ranks of the insurgents. A hurried embassy from Basel, the inhabitants of the country around Sarnen, and even a deputation from Luzern showed the men of Obwalden that their invasion was a breach of the Federal Compact, with good effect upon the more considerate. Cold weather was approaching, and the rain poured down in torrents; they became fearful, if they did not speedily return home, of finding the mountain-passes blocked up with snow, and hence the Bernese advanced without resistance, whilst the enemy retreated and in the end dispersed. The more peaceable and better-thinking people of the Five Cantons expected this turn of affairs, yea even wished it. "Then the peasants," so writes Captain Shœnbrunner of Zug in his journal, which is still extant, "went back again to their Lords of Bern, which was not improper; for it is natural for every man to cleave to his own."

The punishment that followed was truly severe: the restitution of all property stolen or destroyed, payment of costs, the acceptance of the Reformation, the surrendry of their banners with the seal of the canton, and the abrogation of all privileges and immunities, formed the chief items. The oath of unconditional obedience had to be sworn on their bended knees.--"Then," we are told by a contemporary, "the horse-guards were sent into all the insurgent villages, and especially into the valley of Grindelwald to apprehend the real authors of the mischief, the ringleaders and the pillagers. Then were the houses of the rebels ransacked, and their cattle, goods and possessions, and whatever property belonged to the Unterwaldeners in the canton were taken and confiscated to the city of Bern, though afterward through pity much was given back again to women and children. Hereupon some arrived from Halse, Brienz, Grindelwald, Habkeren and Rinkenberg in chains. These they sent with the others, who were captured on the ascent at Oberhofen, to Thun, and thence to be dealt with according to their deserts, well guarded to Bern." A number of the parties most deeply implicated escaped punishment by fleeing to Obwalden. Among these was a certain Hans im Sand, an aged, wealthy and, in other respects, estimable man. He afterward crossed over the Bruenig by stealth to visit his family, and was then betrayed, condemned and beheaded. In accordance with the barbarous custom of the age, his widow was obliged to pay the executioner, who went himself to get his wages. At the earnest request of those, who had remained faithful, part of their privileges were gradually restored, first to the inhabitants of the Haslithal and then to the people of the monastery. Most of the captives were set free through the prayers of friends or by giving bail. On the other hand, the brother of the Provost of Interlachen and two more of the principal rebels were executed, and Christian Kolb, who had everywhere stirred up the insurgents to excess and violence, was not only slain but quartered.

After this victory, the government of Bern addressed itself to the establishment of the Reformation in the entire canton as well as to its more rapid diffusion in all parts of the Confederacy. St. Gall, where the mass and images had already been laid aside, now joined the Christian Buergerrecht. In Basel, the middle class took a still bolder stand against the more aristocratic party belonging to the old faith. The Council was divided and cramped; one burgomaster stood opposed to the other. Now the deputies of the cantons and now those of the cities appeared with attempts at mediation. The churches re-echoed with the mutual recriminations of the mass priests and the preachers. Œcolampadius wisely continued to speak in favor of peace, but he could not bring it about; for the time for anything like compromise had gone by. Crowds of armed men broke into the churches by force, altars were overthrown, pictures and images dashed to pieces, dragged into the streets and burned: the Small Council was compelled to exile twelve of its members, and the Great Council to increase its number by the admission of four associates from each guild. A committee, appointed by them and armed with full authority, succeeded in restoring quiet. The introduction of the Reformation into the whole canton followed these events. In Glarus also, Schaffhausen, Appenzel and Graubuenden the new party gained strength every day. Even Solothurn no longer stood firm in the old faith, especially since Berchthold Haller had been called thither as a preacher.

In all directions, with unremitting zeal, by his counsel, by his writings, by his correspondence, Zwingli wrought upon the government of Zurich, which committed to him the drawing up of its opinions, and, as appears from the protocols, usually gave him a voice, during the latter years of his life, in the most important deliberations of a political nature. When the thorough measures, which he wished and demanded, met with resistance from those, who were yet averse to church-reforms, he procured, by means of a fiery sermon, about the close of the year 1528, the passage of a law compelling the members of Small and Great Councils, man for man, to declare and avow their faith, and accept preaching and the Lord's Supper in the Evangelical mode. Some were excluded from the Small Council, who would not make this promise. Equally clear, from his correspondence, is the great attention bestowed by him on events occurring outside of the fatherland; the proceedings of the Imperial Diet, the mandates of the Emperor, and the measures of Austria. Even before the treaty of the Buergerrecht was ratified with Constance, he received hints from different quarters in regard to secret negotiations carried on between the authorities of the Austrian government and the Five Cantons. The apprehensions might perhaps be exaggerated. But they struck him as important. Hence he did not strive to conceal the possibility of war; and a historical work, which would give a full portrait of so great a character, durst not suppress the fact, that previous to the Conference in Bern he had prepared for such an emergency a very elaborate plan of defence, which is still extant in his own hand-writing.^[1] He, who would censure him for this, should not, on the other side, forget the courageous spirit which, at a time, when Zurich stood almost alone in the Confederacy, still, relying only upon the truth and justice of the cause to be defended, thought it possible to maintain the battle against such overwhelming odds as then existed. In this feeling the pamphlet was thrown off, from the beginning of which we make the following extract: "The author has pondered over this counsel for the honor of God and the good of Christ's Gospel, so that wickedness and injustice may not get the upper hand and put down the fear of God and innocence. In the first place, it should be proclaimed in all parishes in the city and canton, that all men earnestly beseech God never to let us counsel or act contrary to His divine will; and also, if it be consistent with that divine will, to remove all victory from our enemies and bring forth the honor of His Word, as well as grant us grace to live in accordance with his will. Of course this work should begin at home; for there is need to let all the people in the city and canton know with what violence and treachery some of the Confederates have acted toward us, all which has been borne with a patient. Christian spirit, in hope of a change for the better; that now no choice is left but to defend ourselves in a knightly fashion, or else to renounce God and His Word; and that it is the determination of the good city of Zurich to lose everything: state, goods, town, country, body and life, rather than abandon the truth she has professed. Each and every district ought to be commanded, in case any one is not willing thus seriously and honestly to stand by the Word of God, the city and the canton, to notify him in the beginning, that he must go off in three days under suitable conditions. But whoever has courage enough to pledge soul, honor, life and property to God's Word and the city of Zurich, to him shall be said that you have received such and such counsels, and that you yourselves act wholly for God, and will protect yourselves and Him from all harm." These counsels now follow. They furnish proofs of his knowledge of foreign and domestic relations as well as the arts of political life and stratagems of war. He afterward shows how they ought to conduct themselves toward the Emperor, France, other neighbors, every canton of the Confederacy, their allies and the common territories. He unfolds the advantages of striking the first blow, of surprises in war; he enters even into the nature and use of various kinds of weapons. But then, he concludes: "These crude and smoke-stained plans I have hastily brought together for the sake of certain violent and dishonest persons, who, beyond all propriety and in the teeth of the Federal Compact, threaten the good city of Zurich with war. Still, I have an undoubting hope that Almighty God will not let the pious people of the Confederacy suffer for the treachery of a few, nor permit us thus to sit in judgment on each other. I have prayed from the bottom of my heart, that he will defend his city in some other way than the one here pointed out, and cause the pious, common people to dwell peacefully together in one Confederacy." How deeply concerned he was in guiding the ship of state is clear from the fact, that in this same sketch he even designates the individuals, who might be safely entrusted with the command of the different batalions as well as with seats in the council of war, adding, it is true: "But a muster can hurt nobody." From such labors he hurried off to write letters to theologians, to study the Holy Scriptures, to mount the pulpit, to draw up ecclesiastical regulations and formulas of worship. Only such a man was able to carry out the Reformation in a free state. Instead of condemning him, we must keep this steadily in view, and be careful not to form our judgment according to the ideas of the nineteenth, but of the sixteenth century.

Over against this activity of the Reformed, that of the Catholic party now developed itself in silence, but with no less energy. This became manifest at the close of the year 1529. At the same time the adherents of the Reformation had already gained so great a preponderance in Glarus, that there, as in Bern, the sealed promise, given to the Five Cantons, of fidelity to the old faith could no longer be upheld as a law of the land. A number of parishes in the Thurgau and the valley of the Rhine had applied to Zurich for Evangelical preachers. In spite of the landvogt of the Five Cantons, who had gone to prevent them, they made their appearance there, and the church-regulations of Zurich were introduced under the very eyes of the Catholic envoys. The Toggenburgers also, through the undeniable influence of Zwingli, rose up against the ecclesiastical supremacy of their liege-lord, the Abbot of St. Gall. He sick and deserted by a portion of the members of his convent had been carried to Rorschach, whilst the burghers of the city began more freely to exercise a control and gradually to assume the command in the monastery, and even in the cathedral. In Graubuenden, the Abbot of St. Lucien, one of the most powerful supports of the Bishops and the Catholic party, had been executed for bribery and criminal intrigues, and in Schænnis, in the very presence of a threatening embassy from Schwyz, the wooden images of the Saints were brought out into the street. "See," cried the excited youth to them, "here is the road to Schwyz; here to Glarus; here Zurich. Choose which you will take; you have a safe-conduct. If you cannot travel you must burn." When the Catholic rulers wished to avenge this outrage, the burghers of Wesen sought aid from Zurich, which, because she had no jurisdiction in that region, was denied them.

If the Reformation should continue to spread in this way, what was left for the Five Cantons, except to throw open at last their own territory for its entrance, or, surrounded by opponents, to see themselves overwhelmed in case of war, and reduced, perhaps, to the most fearful want by the obstruction of commerce? Under these circumstances many, whose ideas of affairs were just, gradually yielded, and what had for a long time been secretly hoped for by a few, an alliance with their powerful neighbor, Austria, who likewise remained loyal to the faith, found increasing favor among the rulers of the people. On the 14th of February, 1529, deputies of the Five Cantons met the Austrian authorities at Feldkirch. Whether they had invited them thither, as a historian of Luzern informs us, or whether, as said by several reporters of the opposite party, one of whom was himself present as a spy, the suit of the Austrian counsellors at first foiled through the great coldness with which it was received by the Confederates, can scarcely be ascertained now. The records afford no proof for either view. In the meantime, a draught of a mutual treaty was made, which, if approved by the Archduke Ferdinand, King of Hungary and Bohemia, as well as by the Councils and parishes of the Five Cantons, was to be published and ratified as a definitive alliance in Waldshut. This took place in April, and in the same month King Ferdinand himself handed over a copy of the document to the Diet of the collective states assembled in Baden, with the explanation that the alliance was intended neither to aggrieve, nor attack or injure, but simply to protect the old, true faith, to uphold peace and order, and was open to every Christian government, which desired to enter it. At the same time, the Zurichers and Bernese must have clearly seen, that it was a counter-part, and a suspicious one, of the Christian Buergerrecht. On the side of the Reformed only one imperial city came forward, whilst on that of the Catholics stood the mightiest of the neighboring states, and that with articles capable of a far wider application than any in the Christian Buergerrecht. They commenced by declaring, that every reform in matters of faith, yea even the representation of the necessity of such a thing was interdicted in the territories of the allies, and that whosoever "would undertake to raise up and form new lawless sects among the people," he should be taken by the magistracy, supported of course by the allies, and punished "in honor, body and life, or according to the form laid down for that crime." What was now to be done in the territories held by Zurich and Bern in common with the Five Cantons? Could the former permit the inhabitants, who wished for reform and sought aid for its introduction, to be punished by the vogts (bailiffs) perhaps with fire and sword, merely because their religious convictions were not those of a part of their rulers? Then the possibility of a war, even within the limits of the Confederacy, was expressly provided for, and in that event the Austrian quota was to be 6,000 foot-soldiers, 400 horsemen and a supply of artillery. Other associates beyond the Confederacy had likewise permission to join the alliance and "march against the enemy and rebels within, in full force and at their charges." Finally, what was afterward regarded as an act of special injustice to the cities of Zurich and Bern and the chief cause of the unhappy turn of the religious war, the prohibition of the necessaries of life was made also a principle of this alliance, a lawful mode of fighting, and preferred and recommended in case strife should break out.

As soon as the two cities had received certain information that the alliance was concluded, before the documents were yet delivered to the Diet by King Ferdinand, they instituted a convention of the collective cantons, not embraced in the alliance. All, with the exception of Freiburg, were present at it. A resolution was now passed to send an embassy to Luzern and into the Five Cantons, praying for the abandonment of a connection, which would necessarily shake the Confederacy to its very foundations. This embassy of the seven states was joined by delegates from the allied cities of St. Gall, Chur, Muehlhausen and Biel.

But the animosity of the parties had already grown to such a height that little was to be hoped for from conciliatory measures. Still many were found on both sides, who continued to favor peaceful counsels and desire a dispassionate, and, above all, a national discussion of the questions at issue. Some months previous to this, the Council at Zug had written to that of Zurich: They were not willing to believe in the rumor of hostile intentions against the Zurichers and designs of pillage among the peasantry on the further side of Lake Zurich: then the letter proceeds--"for we have observed with great pleasure, what friendly intercourse exists between our people and yours, who lie together on the borders. So would we also act toward you, and spare neither day nor night to bring about peace, reconciliation and unity." Bern discovered a similar kind disposition among her Catholic neighbors in Entlebuch "Every day"--it was written to the bailiff and commons of that place--"the people of the Emmenthal speak of the friendly manner in which you have behaved toward them, and how you lately cast into prison one who defamed us. For this, accept our hearty thanks. And although much may have been said to you, how we perhaps intended to compel you or others to embrace the new faith, as it is called, we freely declare that we never thought of such a thing, and would do it on no account, for faith is the gift of God alone; but if any one would force us from our resolution, we must defend it, as those who are bound always to give an answer for our faith according to the Holy Scripture." In Luzern itself, even among individual members of the government, a friendly feeling was still found by the envoys of Zurich, who in the beginning of the year were sent thither to lay complaints against Thomas Murner. They wrote from this city to the Council at Zurich: "It is the common talk at Luzern that the peasantry, who border on us and the Bernese, are so well content with their neighbors, that there is nothing like it, and they say together that they will have no war with each other, but mutually agree to pledge their persons and their services and not trouble themselves about religion." This was also confirmed by Von Knonau, the Zurichan landvogt.

Relying on this spirit, which still survived, at least among a portion of the people even in the other Catholic cantons, a full statement was drawn up, to be laid by envoys before the Councils, and if permitted, before the general assemblies (landgemeinen) of the Five Cantons. "No doubt," so it ran, "there is still, dear Confederates, many a good honest man among you, who may justly consider what injury, reproach and danger to us all and our common fatherland must spring from such an alliance, and into whose hands and power we will fall--those namely, who have never favored, but always hated us, and even taught their children to hate us from the cradle. Indeed, many a dwelling will become desolate, if they, who began this, persevere in their undertaking. But how can they do it, when we, on our part, yet desire to remain your true and faithful Confederates; to adhere to our treaties and oaths with you, and to prove to you our friendship, love and duty without stint of life or property? And since many and various slanders, about our two cities Zurich and Bern, have circulated among you, as though they had made a special agreement to arm themselves against you with artillery, guns, ships, marchings and other warlike devices, placed the bell over you and used foul words to your disparagement; O do not lend a ready ear to such fables! for indeed such a thing has never entered our heart or mind, much less have we ever attempted to do it."

The reception of the embassy was of a more friendly character in Schwyz, and that before a full meeting of the general assembly. They heard the message calmly. A written answer was promised and given not without cordiality. This, however, may have been partly due to the secretary.

The event in Zug was not quite so peaceful. Open discord reigned among the counselors, a majority of whom were zealous advocates of the alliance. Admission to the general assembly (landsgemeine) was not granted to the deputies. We are told in their report: "They pretended they had an excitable population, and were concerned lest our presence would create great confusion; for they were much more passionate and intolerant in the assemblies than the councils." In Altorf a difference was made between Zurich and Bern; between the decided cantons and those that were more accommodating.--The former were thanked; the latter, and Zurich especially, were charged with interfering in matters of faith, where they had no business so to do. Of the new faith, they said: "Would to God it were buried!" Then an attempt was made, as had been done before by Schwyz, to maintain it as a principle in the government of the Common Territories, that even in ecclesiastical affairs the majority of votes among the ruling cantons should decide. Of all the points at issue this was the most difficult. Over it the strife continually broke out anew.--Proudly and piously spoke the Luzerners: They would follow their forefathers in everything, in adherence to the Federal Compact, and in love, but only when it did not deviate from the faith. Seditious persons now try to undermine this, as once the serpent sneaked around our first parents in Paradise. From such poison they would preserve their children and children's children. They had been prompted to do what they now did, in the face of censure, by the intrigues, embassies and negotiations of other cantons among themselves, in the territories as well as with foreigners, the defiance with which their just complaints had been met and the arming of the Zurichers. In Obwalden a very hostile disposition at last revealed itself. Here a bitterness of spirit had been left behind by the unsuccessful inroad into the Haslithal, which was essentially increased by the claims of Bern for indemnification, the sojourn of fugitive Oberlanders and the execution of Hans im Sand, who had enjoyed special favor in Obwalden. With all their efforts the mediating cantons had not yet been able to restore peace, but only to prevent the outbreak of a second war. The deputies of Obwalden and those of the Reformed cities still gave each other short words and exchanged sullen looks, when they met at the Federal Diet. But in Sarnen the most unfriendly reception awaited the embassy of the Confederates. Only the envoys of those cantons, which had not yet spoken out decidedly for the Reformation, were treated with a certain moderation, and notified that the sharp language, which must be used, had but a partial reference to them. Then the Federal Compact was revoked with all apostates from the true faith, and pity expressed that it had not been done before. They and the other Forest Cantons were the true, old Confederates, they had won the prize of liberty, they had admitted the rest of the cantons into the Confederacy. Why should these now wish to be their masters? But the Emperor, Austria, France, Savoy and Wallis (Valais) will indeed help them to prevent it. A written answer was refused. On the other hand they got a sight of the escutcheons of Zurich, Bern and Basel painted on a gallows in the house of the secretary of state (landschreiber) and when they complained of it, the excuse was, it meant nothing,--a foolish fellow had daubed it there.

Great was the exasperation at this news, particularly in Zurich. Now openly and earnestly they set about arming themselves, refused peace beforehand without the humiliation of Obwalden, and called upon Bern by letters and an embassy not to make the least abatement in its unsettled grievances against that district, but rather to insist with redoubled zeal on satisfaction and the fullest indemnity. Indeed, Zwingli wished to go yet further. He had expressly desired, in the Privy Council, by which all the more important business of state was again disposed of, that no peace would be concluded with Obwalden, if she would not renounce all pensions, abandon the alliance with Austria and give up all the bailiwicks for a term of office. But Bern was by no means so ready for war. In the Council, jealousy or mere political shyness of the often hasty interference of Zurich, appears to have given new animation to the party opposed to her. "We are," wrote Haller to Zwingli, "as unsound as ever in our government; and though we now at Easter possess the Small and Great Councils, yet we are fearful that nothing good will be done here, because all those, who have hitherto shown themselves hostile to the word of God, are returning to power, and if that happen, then you may expect nothing else from us, than that nothing good will be undertaken." Under seal of the strictest silence he communicated to him the fact, that in eight days at furthest no more than a crown would be found remaining in the public treasury. "If the Oberlanders knew this," he added, "do you suppose they would leave us unmolested?" It appears also, when Zurich became still more urgent, and earnestly declared she would not suffer it, but prevent it by force of arms, if necessary, that the new landvogt of Baden, an Unterwaldner, entered the city on horseback about the time of the election of public officers, and an embassy from Bern with prayers for more peaceful deliberation and more moderate councils, uttered the assurance that she was less inclined than ever to such a course. "In the opinion of my Lords," said its spokesman, "it would be better yet to prevent by friendliness an unpleasant issue. They are not willing to begin war before they know more certainly the disposition of their people, who are ready for an outbreak, now when the sun shines, but when it rains, their courage falls. A part of our peasantry have concluded a formal treaty with their neighbors of Luzern not to injure one another. We would not compel them to do so. You know very well that the Word of God enjoins nothing else but peace and quiet. True, dear Confederates and Christian townsmen of Zurich, you yourselves at first desired to accomplish everything by kindness. Indeed, faith cannot be administered at the point of the spear and halberd. And then remember, the Emperor has not so much to do, that if we attempt anything, he cannot march out against us. Then we have the Wallisers (people of the canton of Valais) with us, who are waiting, and if we would undertake anything with the Confederates, they would march homo again in an hour, even if they had to leave their beds; and who could hinder them? Lastly, there is the negotiation with the Duke of Savoy not yet settled, and we know not where we are. Therefore, we pray you, for the sake of Christ's passion, not to be so violent."

But this language availed nothing; for on the same day dreadful tidings arrived. Jacob Kaiser, surnamed the Locksmith of Utznach, the place of his birth, had a benefice and settlement given him at Neftenbach, in the canton of Zurich. Now he received a call as a preacher to Oberkirch, in Gaster. Before he resigned his former charge, he sometimes visited his new parish. Being much hated by the Schwyzers, because when pastor at the Ufnau he had declared himself strongly opposed to image-worship, the bailiff (vogt) in Utznach, which was under the dominion of Schwyz and Glarus, caused him to be apprehended, as he journeyed through, and brought to Schwyz.^[2] This was done in pursuance of an order, which all the bailiffs of the Five Cantons had received, to keep an eye on innovating preachers in the Territories, and seize them, and hand them over to justice. Like an earlier victim in Schwyz, another in the Thurgau, and three preachers delivered to the Bishop at Mœrsburg, by Catholic bailiffs of that place, Kaiser was condemned to die at the stake. In vain did Zurich intercede for him; in vain did she write more earnest letters; in vain did she send the treasurer Edlebach to Schwyz. On the day of his execution the Schwyzers answered: "The territory of Utznach belongs not to you it is a property bought by us and our Confederates of Glarus. For what we do there you have no right to call us to account. And if the parson is so dear to you as you say in your letter, then you should have kept him at home, and not suffered him to come among our people. This would have been most agreeable to us, and certainly much better for him." Such scorn and the flames of the faggot were decisive. War was determined on.