BOOK XX.
1 Soyne eftir. “Not long after” (nec multum post. Gesta Edw., p. 97). It was “lately,” on September 22, 1327 (Northern Registers, p. 344).
5 A gret host. “With a great army” (North. Reg., p. 344).
7 to Norhame. Besieged Norham Castle (ibid.; also Fœdera, iii., p. 975; and Scala., p. 155). Robert himself was at Norham (Scala.). For this and next note, cf. Scotichronicon, ii., p. 288.
10 Awnwyk. Alnwick. “Besieged the castle of Alnwick for more than fifteen days” (Gesta Edw., p. 97). Alnwick besieged by Moray and Douglas (Scala., 155).
15 mony fair gud chevelry. At Alnwick “there were great jousts of war by formal agreement” (estoient grantz joustes de guere par covenaunt taille. Scala., p. 155).
23-25 The landis of Northumberland ... gaf he. “And lands, it is claimed, within the kingdom of England, the said King Robert confers on certain of his followers, and causes charters to be prepared for the grantees” (North. Reg., p. 344; cf. “thai payit for the seliys fee”).
27 raid he destroyand. The Scots “destroyed Northumberland almost entirely, except the castles, and remained there a long time” (Lanercost, p. 260).
31 Ledaris of hym. “The Queen and Mortimer arranged everything” (la royne et le Mortimer le firent tout, Scala., 156). “By the evil advice of his mother and Roger, Lord of Mortimer” (Lanercost, p. 261); “his mother then ruled the whole kingdom” (ibid.).
33 Send messyngers. The “messengers” (nuntios; in Acts., messages) and procurators of the King of England were the Bishops of Lincoln and Norwich, Henry Percy, William of Ashby-de-la-Zouch (a Mortimer), and Geoffrey Scrope. The negotiations took place at Edinburgh, and were concluded March 17, 1328 (Gesta Edw., p. 98; Acts Parl. Scot., i., p. 124). A parliament at Northampton finally agreed to the treaty, May 4, 1328 (Exchequer Rolls, i. ciii.).
38 fiff yheir ... scarsly. David Bruce was born on March 5, 1324.
39 Johane ... of the Tour. Having been born in the Tower of London. “Johanam de Turre” (Lanercost, p. 261); “Johannam de Turribus” (Scotich., ii., p. 290).
44 monymentis and lettrys ser. Especially the Ragman Roll (Icelandic, ragmanr, a coward?), containing a list of the homages to Edward on August 28, 1296, at Berwick, by the churchmen, earls, barons, knights, burgesses, and whole community of Scotland, as well as earlier submissions (Bain, ii. xxv., pp. 193-214; cf. also Lanercost, p. 261; Knighton, i. 448-9; Scotichr., ii., p. 289; Baker, p. 103). Baker says the Roll was publicly burned at the marriage at Berwick (ibid.). The only copies of it that exist are in the Tower Rolls (Bain, ibid.), with portions of the original instruments of homage; so that this stipulation was never carried out (Acts Parl. Scot., i., p. 19).
48 all the clame. “Omnem clameum (sic) seu demandam” (Lanercost, p. 261). Cf. for terms of the “Relaxation of Superiority.” Fœdera, iv., p. 338; York, May 1, 1328.
53 Fully xx thousand pund. Twenty thousand pounds sterling to be paid in three years (Acts Parl. Scot., i., p. 125). Fordun says 30,000 marks out of King Robert’s “mere goodwill,” in compensation for English losses (Gesta Annalia, cxli.). The last payment was in 1331 (Excheq. Rolls, cx.).
67 for the mangery. The Exchequer Rolls, I, cxiv.-cxvii., contain a long list of purchases in the Low Countries for the household of the young people—food, furniture, utensils, etc.
73 male es. Fr. mal aise, illness. According to Le Bel, Bruce was suffering from the “great sickness” (la grosse maladie) in 1327 (p. 48; see also 79). The Lanercost chronicler says it was leprosy (factus fuerat leprosus, p. 259). Johnes translates Froissart’s “grosse maladie” as leprosy (i. 18, 26).
79 Cardross. On the Clyde, half way between Dumbarton and Helensburgh, acquired by the King in 1326 in exchange for other lands (Exchequer Rolls, I., cxix.).
83 To Berwik. The marriage took place on Sunday, July 19, 1328 (Lanercost, p. 261); July 17 (Gesta Annalia, cxlii.).
85 the Queyne and Mortymer. Edward III. himself was not present (Lanercost, p. 261).
125 At that parliament. The arrangement as to the succession of the Steward and a possible regency were made in a parliament of 1318. Randolph was to be regent, and, failing him, Douglas (Acts Parl., i. 105). Barbour divides the regency; Fordun makes no mention of this (Gesta Annalia, cxxxix.).
*129 Maid hym manrent and fewte. Some such ceremony in all likelihood did take place; Barbour’s statement is not to be rejected lightly. Le Bel (Froissart) says that when the King felt the approach of death he summoned his barons (see below), and charged them, on their fealty, to guard loyally the kingdom for his own David, and when he came of age obey him, and crown him King, and marry him suitably—in which last detail Le Bel is, of course, astray (p. 79; Johnes, i. 27).
151 Till Cardross went. He had paid a visit to Galloway, and was at Glenluce on March 29, 1329.
158 For the lordis. See note on 129.
167 Lordingis. An alternative account of this speech and of the whole circumstances up to the death of Douglas is given by Le Bel (ch. xxv.), and adapted from him by Froissart (Johnes, i., ch. xx.). Divergencies or close parallels are noted as they occur. See on these Appendix, F. vi. Baker also has a brief account, citing, as a witness of the doings of Douglas in Spain, Thomas Livingstone, a Carmelite friar, at that time a civilian serving under his command in the Christian army (p. 104).
177 my trespass. This sounds like a clerical interpretation; cf. Bk. II. 43-5 for a similar comment. In Le Bel Bruce opens with the remark that all knew that he had much to do in his time, and had suffered much to maintain the rights of this kingdom (as cited).
178 my hert fyschit firmly was. “I made a vow which I have not accomplished and which weighs upon me” (Le Bel). “I vowed,” etc. (Baker, p. 105).
181 to travell apon Goddis fayis. “To make war upon the enemies of our Lord and the adversaries of the Christian faith beyond the sea” (Le Bel). Froissart does not have the closing phrase. “That I would fight with my body against the enemies of Christ” (Baker, p. 105).
183-5 the body may on na wis, etc. “Since my body is not able to go or accomplish that which the heart has so long desired, I wish to send the heart for the body to make satisfaction for me and my wish” (pour moy et pour mon vueil acquittier. Le Bel, 1904, I., chap. xv.); “to fulfil my vow” (pour mon voeu achever. Froissart); “Because alive I shall not be able”—i.e., to go (Baker, 105).
188 cheis me ane. Le Bel and Baker represent Bruce as himself choosing Douglas for the mission; so, too, does Bower (Scotichr., ii., p. 300).
191-2 On Goddis fayis, etc. Cf. above on line 181. Le Bel gives the commission differently and in fuller detail: “That you take my heart and have it embalmed, and take as much of my treasure as will seem good to you for performing the journey, for yourself and all those whom you will wish to bring with you; and that you will carry my heart to the Holy Sepulchre, where our Lord was buried, since the body is not able to go thither; and that you do it as magnificently (si grandement) and as well provided with all things and with attendance sufficient, as belongs to your estate; and wherever you come let it be known that you carry as a commission (comme message) the heart of the King of Scotland for the reason that his body cannot go thither.” In Johnes it is, from Froissart, “you will deposit your charge at the Holy Sepulchre”; in Berners, “present my heart to the H.S.” The Vatican (final) MS. of Froissart, however, has “that you carry (the heart) beyond the sea against the heathen (mescreans) and as far as to the Holy Sepulchre and leave it there, if you have the fortune to go so far” (si l’aventure poes avoir d’aler si avant, Lettenhove, I., chap. xxxviii., p. 119). Bain summarizes a Protection “for seven years,” given by Edward III. on September 1, 1329, for James Douglas, “on his way to the Holy Land with the heart of the late Robert K. of Scotland, in aid of the Christians against the Saracens” (No. 991); who also, on the same date, commends Douglas, on this mission, to Alfonso K. of Castile, Leon, etc. (990). In the Pope’s absolution for the ecclesiastical offence of mutilating a dead body, dated at Avignon, August 6, 1331, which, of course, proceeds on a narrative furnished from Scotland, it is explained that King Robert had expressly commanded that “his heart should be carried in battle against the Saracens” (in bello contra Saracenos portaretur), and that, in accordance with the wish of the King himself, it was carried by Douglas into Spain in battle against the said Saracens (Theiner, Vetera Monumenta, No. 498). Baker has it, “that you carry my heart against the enemies of the name of Christ to Gardiavia on the frontier” (ad fronterii Gardiaviam, p. 105). Later chroniclers distort the details somewhat, Bower alleging that the heart was to be buried in Jerusalem, and sending both Alfonso and Douglas to the Holy Land; referring the reader, nevertheless, to “Barbour’s Bruce” (“Barbarii Broisacus,” Scotichr., ii., p. 301); while the Book of Pluscarden simply paraphrases Bower, expanding the reference to the Bruce (legendam dicti excellentissimi principis in nostro vulgari compositam). Cf. also note in Brown’s Wallace and Bruce, pp. 136-7, where, however, Mr. Brown’s hand is being forced by his theory. Doubtless Bruce’s words might be alternatively interpreted; but, from what we know of Douglas, we may conclude that he fulfilled his commission to the letter, and that Barbour is, so far, right. The Vatican Froissart shows us how, also, the confusion arose. Scott, in his final note on The Abbot, prints a commendation (May 19, 1329) of Melrose Abbey by Bruce to his son David and his successors, in which he says that he has arranged that his heart should be buried there, but makes no mention of a prior destination. Edward I. also had “bequeathed” his heart to the Holy Sepulchre (Trivet, p. 413; Wright’s Political Songs, p. 247).
197 greting. “All those who were there began to weep with much compassion” (Le Bel).
212 his bounty. “I shall now die in peace, when I know that the most suitable man in my kingdom and the most worthy will perform that which I have not been able to perform” (Le Bel).
223-231 “Noble sire, a hundred thousand thanks for the great honour you do me, when you charge and entrust to me so noble and so great a thing and such a treasure; and I shall do very willingly what you command concerning your heart, doubt it not, to the best of my power” (Le Bel). In Baker, “I swear by the heart of Jesus Christ that I shall carry your heart as you have asked me and die fighting with the cursed enemies” (contra prædamnatos hostes moriturum, p. 105).
253 he wes ded. June 7, 1339, aged fifty-four years and eleven months.
276 all for his persoune. This, as may be gathered from all that here precedes, was fully the case. Le Bel, in his earliest reference (ch. i.), refers to him as “the noble King Robert the Bruce, who was King of Scots, and had given often so much trouble to the good King Edward, spoken of above” (Edward I.); and later says that from their exploits these two Kings were reputed “the two most worthy in the world” (p. 107). On the English side: “Indeed, I would speak of Lord Robert the Bruce with the greatest praise, did not the guilt of his homicide and the knowledge of his treason compel me to be silent,” and the writer drops into a couplet to the same effect (Vita Edw. Sec., p. 166). Baker is of the same mind; Bruce was “every inch a soldier” (per omnia militarem), save that he was disloyal to his natural lord, which no knight should be (p. 101).
286 bawlmyt syne. According to Le Bel, the heart was taken out and embalmed (p. 81).
292 solempnly erdit syne. “He was buried in the honourable manner that became him, according to the usage of the country” (Le Bel, ibid.). Froissart adds that “he lies in Dunfermline Abbey.” His skeleton was brought to light in digging in the Abbey in 1819, showing the breastbone sawn up to get at the heart. It is that of a man about six feet high. The mass of the wide, capacious head is to the rear, and the forehead is rather low; the marks of the muscles on the head and neck are very pronounced, and the cheekbones particularly strong and prominent. Four front teeth in the upper jaw are missing, three, apparently, as the result of a blow, the socket being much fractured. The lower jaw is exceptionally strong and deep. For full details see Archæol. Scot., vol. ii., pp. 435-453. The fair toume was brought from Paris to Bruges, and thence, by England, to Dunfermline; the expense of this conveyance and of many other items in connection with the interment are to be found in the Exchequer Rolls, vol. i.
318 To schip till Berwik. “En Escoce” (Le Bel, i., p. 83); “Montrose,” adds Froissart (Lettenhove, I., chap. xxxix.)
324 the Grunye of Spanyhe. Bain makes this comment, reading Grunye from E. “The ‘Grunye’ is probably Coruna, called by sailors the ‘Groyne.’ Mr. Skeat’s text makes the word ‘grund,’ taking no notice of the other reading” (iii., p. xxxvii, note). Le Bel takes Douglas first to Sluys in Flanders, making him hear in that port of the operations in Spain (p. 84). In Sluys, he says, he hoped to meet with some going to Jerusalem (p. 83).
326 Sebell the Graunt. Seville the Grand, on the Guadalquiver. “First at the port of Valence (Valentia) la Grande” (Le Bel, 84). Seville was then the base of operations against the Moors.
336-7 a fair company, And gold eneuch. According to Le Bel, Douglas had with him the knight-banneret and six others of the most distinguished men of his country. His plate was of silver (and gold, adds Froissart), and all of his own rank who visited him at Sluys were treated to two kinds of wine and two kinds of spices (ch. xvi.; Johnes, i., ch. xx.).
338 The Kyng. Alphonso XI. of Castile and Leon, to whom Douglas had been commended by Edward III.; see note on 190. There was another Alphonso, IV. of Arragon, but he gave no assistance on this occasion (Mariana, Bk. xv., ch. x., p. 255).
361 The Inglis knychtis. Prussia and Spain were the favourite resorts of English knights anxious to war against the infidels. Chaucer’s knight had been in both countries on this errand (Prologue, 53-56).
393 Balmeryne. A Moorish kingdom in Africa; or, more correctly, of the reigning dynasty, the Banu-Marin. In Chaucer’s Prologue it is “Belmarye” (line 57); in Froissart the name appears more correctly as Bellemarie (Johnes, ii., p. 484; Letten., I., p. 121, chap. xxxix.).
401 The vaward. In Le Bel (Froissart) Douglas betakes himself to one of the wings “the better to do his business and display his power” (son effort, p. 84).
402 the strangeris with him weir. So we gather also from Baker, whose informant served under Douglas. Cf. note on 167.
403 mastir of Saint Jak. The Master, or head, of the Order of St. James.
407 To mete their fayis. On March 25, 1330, at Tebas de Hardales, a strong town in Granada (Mariana, Bk. xv., ch. x., p. 255). Fordun, however, dates the battle August 25 (cxliv.).
*421-32 Bot ere they joyned, etc. See on these lines Appendix D.
431 So fer chassit. The account in Le Bel is to the effect that Douglas attacked prematurely, thinking that Alphonso was about to do so, and that he was being followed up. But Alphonso did not move for the reason, we learn from Mariana, that the frontal attack of Moorish cavalry was but a feint, and that the real attack, as the King said, was to be in the rear on the Christian camp (Le Bel, p. 84; Mariana, as cited). Alphonso was better acquainted than Douglas with the Moorish methods of fighting. Fordun’s narrative is that Douglas and his company were cut off by an ambuscade which, though superior in numbers, they readily attacked (Gesta Annalia, cxliv.).
440 That relyit. I.e., the Moors rallied. It was their usual tactics to attempt to draw after them a body of the enemy in pursuit, and then surround the pursuers.
467 ilkane war slayn thar. “Not a single one of them escaped, but they were all slain” (Le Bel, p. 84).
521 the leill Fabricius. Roman consul, 278 B.C. A traitor offered to poison Pyrrhus, but the Roman refused the proposal, and sent information to Pyrrhus (Plutarch).
585 the kirk of Dowglas. St. Brides, Douglas.
587 Schir Archibald his sone. Skeat, in his note on this passage, is all astray. He says that Douglas was never married, that he left only a natural son William, and that this Archibald was his third or youngest brother. But Sir William Fraser is of opinion that Sir James was married, though Sir Herbert Maxwell doubts, and certainly no record of it survives; but he was succeeded in the estates by William, while his brother Archibald “Tineman” (Loser) was killed at Halidon Hill in 1333. He, however, had another son, certainly illegitimate, the Archibald referred to here, who succeeded in 1388 as third Earl of Douglas, and died, after a varied career, in 1400 (Fraser’s Douglas Book, I., 188-9; Scalacronica; Maxwell’s History of the House of Douglas, i., p. 67 and 114-124; Acts Parl., i. 193-4; Reg. Mag. Sig., i., p. 177). Archibald was known as “the Grim.” Mr. Brown cites Fraser to the effect that Archibald erected the tomb “probably about the year 1390, after his succession as third Earl of Douglas” (Douglas Book, I., p. 181); and adds the proposition that he could not have done so before his succession, because, according to the Book of Pluscarden (1462), his friends “held him in small account because he was a bastard,” and because his succession to the estates was disputed (Acts Parl. Scot., i., p. 194; The Wallace and Bruce, pp. 154-5). Mr. Brown’s contention, therefore, is that the statement in the text could not have been penned by Barbour in 1375, and that it is not due to him, but to his redactor. The reasoning is not all conclusive; against the plain statement of Barbour there is only an assumption on Fraser’s part, and inferences on the part of Mr. Brown which are not necessarily contained in his premisses. Archibald was, no doubt, only a child when his father was killed; but he became Lord of Galloway in 1369, and Earl of Wigtown in 1372. What was there to prevent his erecting a tomb for his distinguished father, except a delicacy of feeling on the side of the “legitimates,” which is rather modern than late mediæval? Archibald bought his earldom, built and endowed a hospital near Dumfries, erected Thrieve Castle, and had extensive lands in various parts of Scotland, so that he must have been a man of considerable wealth, besides being, as Warden, the most important figure on the Border. Who or what was then to prevent him honouring the congenial memory of his great father before 1375-6?
600 Melros. Cf. note on 191-2.
604 And held the pure weill to warrand. I.e., “And carefully guarded or looked after the interests of the poor.”
609 poysonyt was he. Moray died at Musselburgh, July 20, 1332. Fordun says nothing of poisoning (Gesta Annalia, cxlvi.). But there appears to have been a popular story to this effect, to which, later, was added the detail that his poisoner was an English monk (Scotichr., ii., lib. xiii., ch. xix.). Moray died of the stone from which he suffered towards the close of his life; the rest Hailes considered “a silly popular tale” (Annals, vol. iii., App. 2).