THRENODIA AUGUSTALIS.


I.

Thus long my grief has kept me dumb:

Sure there's a lethargy in mighty woe,

Tears stand congealed, and cannot flow;

And the sad soul retires into her inmost room:

Tears, for a stroke foreseen, afford relief;

But, unprovided for a sudden blow,

Like Niobe, we marble grow,

And petrify with grief.

Our British heaven was all serene,

No threatening cloud was nigh,

Not the least wrinkle to deform the sky;

We lived as unconcerned and happily

As the first age in nature's golden scene;

Supine amidst our flowing store,

We slept securely, and we dreamt of more;

When suddenly the thunder-clap was heard,

It took us, unprepared, and out of guard,

Already lost before we feared.

The amazing news of Charles at once were spread,

At once the general voice declared,

"Our gracious prince was dead."

No sickness known before, no slow disease,

To soften grief by just degrees;

But, like an hurricane on Indian seas,

The tempest rose;

An unexpected burst of woes,[43]

With scarce a breathing space betwixt,

This now becalmed, and perishing the next.

As if great Atlas from his height

Should sink beneath his heavenly weight,

And, with a mighty flaw, the flaming wall,

As once it shall,

Should gape immense, and, rushing down, o'erwhelm this nether ball;

So swift and so surprising was our fear:

Our Atlas fell indeed; but Hercules was near.[44]

II.

His pious brother, sure the best

Who ever bore that name,

Was newly risen from his rest,

And, with a fervent flame,

His usual morning vows had just addrest,

For his dear sovereign's health;

And hoped to have them heard,

In long increase of years,

In honour, fame, and wealth:

Guiltless of greatness, thus he always prayed,

Nor knew nor wished those vows he made,

On his own head should be repaid.

Soon as the ill-omen'd rumour reached his ear,

(Ill news is winged with fate, and flies apace,)

Who can describe the amazement of his face!

Horror in all his pomp was there,

Mute and magnificent, without a tear;

And then the hero first was seen to fear.

Half unarrayed he ran to his relief,

So hasty and so artless was his grief:

Approaching greatness met him with her charms

Of power and future state;

But looked so ghastly in a brother's fate,

He shook her from his arms.

Arrived within the mournful room, he saw

A wild distraction, void of awe,

And arbitrary grief unbounded by a law.

God's image, God's anointed, lay

Without motion, pulse, or breath,

A senseless lump of sacred clay,

An image now of death,

Amidst his sad attendants' groans and cries,

The lines of that adored forgiving face,

Distorted from their native grace;

An iron slumber sat on his majestic eyes.

The pious duke—Forbear, audacious muse!

No terms thy feeble art can use

Are able to adorn so vast a woe:

The grief of all the rest like subject-grief did show,

His, like a sovereign's, did transcend;

No wife, no brother, such a grief could know,

Nor any name but friend.

III.

O wondrous changes of a fatal scene,

Still varying to the last!

Heaven, though its hard decree was past,

Seemed pointing to a gracious turn again:

And death's uplifted arm arrested in its haste.

Heaven half repented of the doom,

And almost grieved it had foreseen,

What by foresight it willed eternally to come.

Mercy above did hourly plead

For her resemblance here below;

And mild forgiveness intercede

To stop the coming blow.

New miracles approached the etherial throne,

Such as his wonderous life had oft and lately known,

And urged that still they might be shown.

On earth his pious brother prayed and vowed,

Renouncing greatness at so dear a rate,

Himself defending what he could,

From all the glories of his future fate.

With him the innumerable crowd

Of armed prayers

Knocked at the gates of heaven, and knocked aloud;

The first well-meaning rude petitioners.[45]

All for his life assailed the throne,

All would have bribed the skies by offering up their own.

So great a throng, not heaven itself could bar;

'Twas almost borne by force, as in the giants' war.

The prayers, at least, for his reprieve were heard;

His death, like Hezekiah's, was deferred:

Against the sun the shadow went;

Five days, those five degrees, were lent,

To form our patience, and prepare the event.[46]

The second causes took the swift command,

The medicinal head, the ready hand,

All eager to perform their part;[47]

All but eternal doom was conquered by their art:

Once more the fleeting soul came back

To inspire the mortal frame;

And in the body took a doubtful stand,

Doubtful and hovering, like expiring flame,

That mounts and falls by turns, and trembles o'er the brand.

IV.

The joyful short-lived news soon spread around,[48]

Took the same train, the same impetuous bound:

The drooping town in smiles again was drest,

Gladness in every face exprest,

Their eyes before their tongues confest.

Men met each other with erected look,

The steps were higher that they took;

Friends to congratulate their friends made haste,

And long inveterate foes saluted as they past.

Above the rest heroic James appeared,

Exalted more, because he more had feared.

His manly heart, whose noble pride

Was still above

Dissembled hate, or varnished love,

Its more than common transport could not hide;

But like an eagre[49] rode in triumph o'er the tide.

Thus, in alternate course,

The tyrant passions, hope and fear,

Did in extremes appear,

And flashed upon the soul with equal force.

Thus, at half ebb, a rolling sea

Returns, and wins upon the shore;

The watery herd, affrighted at the roar,

Rest on their fins awhile, and stay,

Then backward take their wondering way:

The prophet wonders more than they,

At prodigies but rarely seen before,

And cries,—a king must fall, or kingdoms change their sway.

Such were our counter-tides at land, and so

Presaging of the fatal blow,

In their prodigious ebb and flow.

The royal soul, that, like the labouring moon,

By charms of art was hurried down,

Forced with regret to leave her native sphere,

Came but a while on liking[50] here:

Soon weary of the painful strife,

And made but faint essays of life:

An evening light

Soon shut in night;

A strong distemper, and a weak relief,

Short intervals of joy, and long returns of grief.

V.

The sons of art all med'cines tried,

And every noble remedy applied;

With emulation each essayed

His utmost skill; nay, more, they prayed:

Never was losing game with better conduct played.

Death never won a stake with greater toil,

Nor e'er was fate so near a foil:

But, like a fortress on a rock,

The impregnable disease their vain attempts did mock;

They mined it near, they battered from afar

With all the cannon of the medicinal war;

No gentle means could be essayed,

'Twas beyond parley when the siege was laid.

The extremest ways they first ordain,

Prescribing such intolerable pain,

As none but Cæsar could sustain:

Undaunted Cæsar underwent

The malice of their art, nor bent

Beneath whate'er their pious rigour could invent.

In five such days he suffered more

Than any suffered in his reign before;

More, infinitely more, than he,

Against the worst of rebels could decree,

A traitor, or twice pardoned enemy.

Now art was tired without success,

No racks could make the stubborn malady confess.

The vain insurancers of life,

And he who most performed, and promised less,

Even Short[51] himself, forsook the unequal strife.

Death and despair was in their looks,

No longer they consult their memories or books;

Like helpless friends, who view from shore

The labouring ship, and hear the tempest roar;

So stood they with their arms across,

Not to assist, but to deplore

The inevitable loss.

VI.

Death was denounced; that frightful sound

Which even the best can hardly bear;

He took the summons void of fear,

And unconcernedly cast his eyes around,

As if to find and dare the grisly challenger.

What death could do he lately tried,

When in four days he more than died.

The same assurance all his words did grace;

The same majestic mildness held its place;

Nor lost the monarch in his dying face.

Intrepid, pious, merciful, and brave,

He looked as when he conquered and forgave.

VII.

As if some angel had been sent

To lengthen out his government,

And to foretel as many years again,

As he had numbered in his happy reign;

So cheerfully he took the doom

Of his departing breath,

Nor shrunk nor stept aside for death;

But, with unaltered pace, kept on,

Providing for events to come,

When he resigned the throne.

Still he maintained his kingly state,

And grew familiar with his fate.

Kind, good, and gracious, to the last,

On all he loved before his dying beams he cast:

Oh truly good, and truly great,

For glorious as he rose, benignly so he set!

All that on earth he held most dear,

He recommended to his care,

To whom both heaven

The right had given,

And his own love bequeathed supreme command:[52]

He took and prest that ever-loyal hand,

Which could, in peace, secure his reign;

Which could, in wars, his power maintain;

That hand on which no plighted vows were ever vain.

Well, for so great a trust, he chose

A prince, who never disobeyed;

Not when the most severe commands were laid;

Nor want, nor exile, with his duty weighed:[53]

A prince on whom, if heaven its eyes could close,

The welfare of the world it safely might repose.

VIII.

That king, who lived to God's own heart,

Yet less serenely died than he;

Charles left behind no harsh decree,

For schoolmen, with laborious art,

To save from cruelty:[54]

Those, for whom love could no excuses frame,

He graciously forgot to name.

Thus far my muse, though rudely, has designed

Some faint resemblance of his godlike mind;

But neither pen nor pencil can express

The parting brothers tenderness;

Though that's a term too mean and low;

The blest above a kinder word may know:

But what they did, and what they said,

The monarch who triumphant went,

The militant who staid,

Like painters, when their heightening arts are spent,

I cast into a shade.

That all-forgiving king,

The type of him above,

That inexhausted spring

Of clemency and love,

Himself to his next self accused,

And asked that pardon which he ne'er refused;

For faults not his, for guilt and crimes

Of godless men, and of rebellious times;

For an hard exile, kindly meant,

When his ungrateful country sent

Their best Camillus into banishment,

And forced their sovereign's act, they could not his consent.

Oh how much rather had that injured chief

Repeated all his sufferings past,

Than hear a pardon begged at last,

Which, given, could give the dying no relief!

He bent, he sunk beneath his grief;

His dauntless heart would fain have held

From weeping, but his eyes rebelled.

Perhaps the godlike hero, in his breast,

Disdained, or was ashamed to show,

So weak, so womanish a woe,

Which yet the brother and the friend so plenteously confest.

IX.

Amidst that silent shower, the royal mind

An easy passage found,

And left its sacred earth behind;

Nor murmuring groan expressed, nor labouring sound,

Nor any least tumultuous breath;

Calm was his life, and quiet was his death.

Soft as those gentle whispers were,

In which the Almighty did appear;

By the still voice the prophet knew him there.

That peace which made thy prosperous reign to shine,

That peace thou leav'st to thy imperial line,

That peace, Oh happy shade, be ever thine!

X.

For all those joys thy restoration brought,

For all the miracles it wrought,

For all the healing balm thy mercy poured

Into the nation's bleeding wound,[55]

And care, that after kept it sound,

For numerous blessings yearly showered,

And property with plenty crowned;

For freedom, still maintained alive,

Freedom, which in no other land will thrive,

Freedom, an English subject's sole prerogative,

Without whose charms, even peace would be

But a dull quiet slavery;—

For these, and more, accept our pious praise;

'Tis all the subsidy

The present age can raise,

The rest is charged on late posterity.

Posterity is charged the more,

Because the large abounding store

To them, and to their heirs, is still entailed by thee.

Succession of a long descent,

Which chastely in the channels ran,

And from our demi-gods began,

Equal almost to time in its extent,

Through hazards numberless and great,

Thou hast derived this mighty blessing down,

And fixed the fairest gem that decks the imperial crown:

Not faction, when it shook thy regal seat,

Not senates, insolently loud,

Those echoes of a thoughtless crowd,

Not foreign or domestic treachery,

Could warp thy soul to their unjust decree.

So much thy foes thy manly mind mistook,

Who judged it by the mildness of thy look;

Like a well-tempered sword, it bent at will,

But kept the native toughness of the steel.

XI.

Be true, O Clio, to thy hero's name;

But draw him strictly so,

That all who view the piece may know,

He needs no trappings of fictitious fame.

The load's too weighty; thou may'st chuse

Some parts of praise, and some refuse;

Write, that his annals may be thought more lavish than the muse.

In scanty truth thou hast confined

The virtues of a royal mind,

Forgiving, bounteous, humble, just, and kind:

His conversation, wit, and parts,

His knowledge in the noblest useful arts,

Were such, dead authors could not give;

But habitudes of those who live,

Who, lighting him, did greater lights receive:

He drained from all, and all they knew;

His apprehension quick, his judgment true,

That the most learned, with shame, confess

His knowledge more, his reading only less.

XII.

Amidst the peaceful triumphs of his reign,

What wonder, if the kindly beams he shed

Revived the drooping arts again,

If science raised her head,

And soft humanity, that from rebellion fled.

Our isle, indeed, too fruitful was before;

But all uncultivated lay

Out of the solar walk, and heaven's high way;[56]

With rank Geneva weeds run o'er,

And cockle, at the best, amidst the corn it bore:

The royal husbandman appeared,

And ploughed, and sowed, and tilled;

The thorns he rooted out, the rubbish cleared,

And blest the obedient field

When strait a double harvest rose,

Such as the swarthy Indian mows,

Or happier climates near the Line,

Or paradise manured, and drest by hands divine.

XIII.

As when the new-born phoenix takes his way,

His rich paternal regions to survey,

Of airy choristers a numerous train

Attend his wonderous progress o'er the plain;

So, rising from his father's urn,

So glorious did our Charles return;

The officious muses came along,

A gay harmonious quire, like angels ever young;

The muse, that mourns him now, his happy triumph sung.[57]

Even they could thrive in his auspicious reign;

And such a plenteous crop they bore

Of purest and well-winnowed grain,

As Britain never knew before.

Though little was their hire, and light their gain,

Yet somewhat to their share he threw;

Fed from his hand, they sung and flew,

Like birds of paradise, that lived on morning dew.

Oh never let their lays his name forget!

The pension of a prince's praise is great.

Live then, thou great encourager of arts,

Live ever in our thankful hearts;

Live blest above, almost invoked below;

Live and receive this pious vow,

Our patron once, our guardian angel now!

Thou Fabius of a sinking state,

Who didst by wise delays divert our fate,

When faction like a tempest rose,

In death's most hideous form,

Then art to rage thou didst oppose,

To weather out the storm;

Not quitting thy supreme command,

Thou heldst the rudder with a steady hand,

Till safely on the shore the bark did land;

The bark, that all our blessings brought,

Charged with thyself and James, a doubly-royal fraught.

XIV.

Oh frail estate of human things,

And slippery hopes below!

Now to our cost your emptiness we know;

For 'tis a lesson dearly bought,

Assurance here is never to be sought.

The best, and best beloved of kings,

And best deserving to be so,

When scarce he had escaped the fatal blow

Of faction and conspiracy,

Death did his promised hopes destroy;

He toiled, he gained, but lived not to enjoy.

What mists of Providence are these

Through which we cannot see!

So saints, by supernatural power set free,

Are left at last in martyrdom to die;

Such is the end of oft repeated miracles.—

Forgive me, heaven, that impious thought,

'Twas grief for Charles, to madness wrought,

That questioned thy supreme decree!

Thou didst his gracious reign prolong,

Even in thy saints and angels wrong,

His fellow-citizens of immortality:

For twelve long years of exile born,

Twice twelve we numbered since his blest return:

So strictly wer't thou just to pay,

Even to the driblet of a day.[58]

Yet still we murmur, and complain

The quails and manna should no longer rain:

Those miracles 'twas needless to renew;

The chosen flock has now the promised land in view.

XV.

A warlike prince ascends the regal state,

A prince long exercised by fate:

Long may he keep, though he obtains it late!

Heroes in heaven's peculiar mould are cast;

They, and their poets, are not formed in haste;

Man was the first in God's design, and man was made the last.

False heroes, made by flattery so,

Heaven can strike out, like sparkles, at a blow;

But ere a prince is to perfection brought,

He costs Omnipotence a second thought.

With toil and sweat,

With hardening cold, and forming heat,

The Cyclops did their strokes repeat,

Before the impenetrable shield was wrought.

It looks as if the Maker would not own

The noble work for his,

Before 'twas tried and found a master-piece.

XVI.

View then a monarch ripened for a throne.

Alcides thus his race began,

O'er infancy he swiftly ran;

The future God at first was more than man:

Dangers and toils, and Juno's hate,

Even o'er his cradle lay in wait,

And there he grappled first with fate;

In his young hands the hissing snakes he prest,

So early was the Deity confest;

Thus, by degrees, he rose to Jove's imperial seat;

Thus difficulties prove a soul legitimately great.

Like his, our hero's infancy was tried;

Betimes the furies did their snakes provide,

And to his infant arms oppose

His father's rebels, and his brother's foes;

The more opprest, the higher still he rose.

Those were the preludes of his fate,

That formed his manhood, to subdue

The hydra of the many-headed hissing crew.

XVII.

As after Numa's peaceful reign,

The martial Ancus[59] did the sceptre wield,

Furbished the rusty sword again,

Resumed the long-forgotten shield,

And led the Latins to the dusty field;

So James the drowsy genius wakes

Of Britain long entranced in charms,

Restiff and slumbering on its arms;

'Tis roused, and, with a new-strung nerve, the spear already shakes.

No neighing of the warrior steeds,

No drum, or louder trumpet, needs

To inspire the coward, warm the cold;

His voice, his sole appearance, makes them bold,

Gaul and Batavia dread the impending blow;

Too well the vigour of that arm they know;

They lick the dust, and crouch beneath their fatal foe.

Long may they fear this awful prince,

And not provoke his lingering sword;

Peace is their only sure defence,

Their best security his word.

In all the changes of his doubtful state,

His truth, like heaven's, was kept inviolate;

For him to promise is to make it fate.

His valour can triumph o'er land and main;

With broken oaths his fame he will not stain;

With conquest basely bought, and with inglorious gain.

XVIII.

For once, O heaven, unfold thy adamantine book;

And let his wondering senate see,

If not thy firm immutable decree,

At least the second page of strong contingency,

Such as consists with wills, originally free.

Let them with glad amazement look

On what their happiness may be;

Let them not still be obstinately blind,

Still to divert the good thou hast designed,

Or, with malignant penury,

To starve the royal virtues of his mind.

Faith is a Christian's and a subject's test;

Oh give them to believe, and they are surely blest.

They do; and with a distant view I see

The amended vows of English loyalty;

And all beyond that object, there appears

The long retinue of a prosperous reign,

A series of successful years,

In orderly array, a martial, manly train.[60]

Behold e'en the remoter shores,

A conquering navy proudly spread;

The British cannon formidably roars,

While, starting from his oozy bed,

The asserted Ocean rears his reverend head,

To view and recognize his ancient lord again;

And, with a willing hand, restores

The fasces of the main.


NOTES
ON
THRENODIA AUGUSTALIS.


[Note I.]

An unexpected burst of woes.—P. [62.]

Charles II. enjoyed excellent health, and was particularly careful to preserve it by constant exercise. His danger, therefore, fell like a thunder-bolt on his people, whose hearts were gained by his easy manners and good humour, and who considered, that the worst apprehensions they had ever entertained during his reign, arose from the religion and disposition of his successor. The mingled passions of affection and fear produced a wonderful sensation on the nation. The people were so passionately concerned, that North says, and appeals to all who recollected the time for the truth of his averment, that it was rare to see a person walking the street with dry eyes. Examen. p. 647.

[Note II.]

The second causes took the swift command,

The medicinal head, the ready hand,

All eager to perform their part.—P. [64.]

If there is safety in the multitude of counsellors, Charles did not find it in the multitude of physicians. Nine were in attendance, all men of eminence; the presence of the least of whom, Le Sage would have said, was fully adequate to account for the subsequent catastrophe. They were Sir Thomas Millington, Sir Thomas Witherby, Sir Charles Scarborough, Sir Edmund King, Doctors Berwick, Charlton, Lower, Short, and Le Fevre. They signed a declaration, that the king had died of an apoplexy.

[Note III.]

The joyful short-lived news soon spread around.—P. 65.

An article was published in the Gazette, on the third day of the king's illness, importing, "That his physicians now conceived him to be in a state of safety, and that in a few days he would be freed from his indisposition."[61] North tells us, however, on the authority of his brother, the Lord Keeper, that the only hope which the physicians afforded to the council, was an assurance, (joyfully communicated,) that the king was ill of a violent fever. The council seeing little consolation in these tidings, one of the medical gentlemen explained, by saying, that they now knew what they had to do, which was to administer the cortex. This was done while life lasted,[62] although some of the physicians seem to have deemed the prescription improper; in which case, Charles, after escaping the poniards and pistols of the Jesuits, may be said to have fallen a victim to their bark.

[Note IV.]

And he who most performed, and promised less,

Even Short himself, forsook the unequal strife.—P. [67].

Dr Thomas Short, an eminent physician, who came into the court practice when Dr Richard Lower, who formerly enjoyed it, embraced the political principles of the Whig party. Short, a Roman Catholic, and himself a Tory, was particularly acceptable to the Tories. To this circumstance he probably owes the compliment paid him by our author, and another from Lord Mulgrave to the same purpose. Otway reckons, among his selected friends,

Short, beyond what numbers can commend.[63]

Duke has also inscribed to him his translation of the eleventh Idyllium of Theocritus; beginning,

O Short! no herb nor salve was ever found,

To ease a lover's heat, or heal his wound.

Dr Short, as one of the king's physicians, attended the death-bed of Charles, and subscribed the attestation, that he died of an apoplexy. Yet there has been ascribed to him an expression of dubious import, which caused much disquisition at the time; namely, that "the king had not fair play for his life." Burnet says plainly, that "Short suspected poison, and talked more freely of it than any Protestant durst venture to do at the time." He, adds, that "Short himself was taken suddenly ill, upon taking a large draught of wormwood wine, in the house of a Popish patient near the Tower; and while on his death-bed, he told Lower, and Millington, and other physicians, that he believed he himself was poisoned, for having spoken too freely of the king's death."[64] Mulgrave states the same report in these words, which, coming from a professed Tory, are entitled to the greater credit: "I am obliged to observe, that the most knowing and most deserving of all his physicians did not only believe him poisoned, but thought himself so too, not long after, for having declared his opinion a little too boldly."[65] North, in confutation of this report, has interpreted Short's expression, as meaning nothing more than that the king's malady was mistaken by his physicians, who, by their improper prescriptions, deprived nature of fair play;[66] and he appeals to all the eminent physicians who attended Dr Short in his last illness, whether he did not fall a victim to his own bold method, in using the cortex. Upon the whole, whatever opinion this individual physician may have adopted through mistake, or affectation of singularity, and whatever credit faction, or indeed popular prejudice in general, may have given to such rumours at the time, there appears no solid reason to believe that Charles died of poison. Both Burnet and Mulgrave say, that they never heard a hint that his brother was accessary to such a crime; and it is very unlikely that any zealous Catholic should have had either opportunity, or inclination, to hasten the reign of a prince of that religion, by the unsolicited service of poisoning his brother. The other physicians, several of whom, Lower, for example, were Whigs, as well as Protestants, gave no countenance to this rumour, which was circulated by a Catholic. And, as the symptoms of the king's disorder are decidedly apoplectic, the report may be added to those with which history abounds, and which are raised and believed only because an extraordinary end is thought most fit for the eminent and powerful.

Short, as we have incidentally noticed, survived his royal patient but a few months. He was succeeded in his practice by Ratcliffe, the famous Tory physician of Queen Anne's reign.

[Note V.]

All that on earth he held most dear,

He recommended to his care,

To whom both heaven

The right had given,

And his own love bequeathed supreme command.—P. [69].

The historical accounts of the dying requests of Charles are contradictory and obscure. It seems certain, that he earnestly recommended his favourite mistress, the Duchess of Portsmouth, to the protection of his successor. He had always, he said, loved her, and he now loved her at the last. The Bishop of Bath presented to him his natural son, the Duke of Richmond; whom he blessed, and recommended, with his other children, to his successor's protection; adding, "Do not let poor Nelly[67] starve." He seems to have said nothing of the Duke of Monmouth, once so much beloved, and whom, shortly before, he entertained thoughts of recalling from banishment, and replacing in favour; perhaps he thought, any recommendation to James of a rival so hated would be ineffectual. Burnet says, he spoke not a word of the queen. Echard, on the contrary, affirms, that, at the exhortation of the Bishop of Bath, Charles sent for the queen, and asked and received her pardon for the injuries he had done her bed.[68] In Fountainhall's Manuscript, the queen is said to have sent a message, requesting his pardon if she had ever offended him: "Alas, poor lady!" replied the dying monarch, "she never offended me; I have too often injured her."[69] This account seems more probable than that of Echard; for so public a circumstance, as a personal visit from the queen to her husband's death-bed, could hardly have been disputed by contemporaries.

[Note VI.]

The officious muses came along,

A gay harmonious quire, like angels ever young;

The muse, that mourns him now, his happy triumph sung.—P. [74].

In Dryden's Life, we had occasion to remark the effect of the Restoration upon literature. It was not certainly its least important benefit, that it opened our poet's own way to distinction; which is thus celebrated by Baber:

——till blest years brought Cæsar home again,

Dryden to purpose never drew his pen.

He, happy favourite of the tuneful nine!

Came with an early offering to your shrine;

Embalmed in deathless verse the monarch's fame;

Verse, which shall keep it fresh in youthful prime,

When Rustal's sacred gift must yield to time.

[Note VII.]

Faith is a Christian's and a subject's test.—P. [78].

James, as well as his poet, was not slack in intimating to his subjects, that he expected them to possess a proper portion of this saving virtue. And, that they might not want an opportunity of exercising it, he was pleased, by his own royal proclamation, to continue the payment of the duties of the custom-house, which had been granted by parliament only during his brother's life.


THE
HIND AND THE PANTHER,
A POEM.

IN THREE PARTS.


——Antiquam exquirite matrem——

——Et vera incessu patuit Dea. Virg.


THE
HIND AND THE PANTHER.

In the Life of Dryden, there is an attempt to trace the progress and changes of those religious opinions, by which he was unfortunately conducted into the errors of Popery. With all the zeal of a now convert, he seems to have been impatient to invite others to follow his example, by detailing, in poetry, the arguments which had appeared to him unanswerable. "The Hind and the Panther" is the offspring of that rage for proselytism, which is a peculiar attribute of his new mother church. The author is anxious, in the preface, to represent this poem as a task which he had voluntarily undertaken, without receiving even the subject from any one. His assertion seems worthy of full credit; for, although it was the most earnest desire of James II. to employ every possible mode for the conversion of his subjects, there is room to believe, that, if the poem had been written under his direction, the tone adopted by Dryden towards the sectaries would have been much more mild. It is a well-known point of history, that, in order to procure as many friends as possible to the repeal of the test act and penal laws against the Catholics, James extended indulgence to the puritans and sectarian non-conformists, the ancient enemies of his person, his family, and monarchical establishments in general. Dryden obviously was not in this court secret; the purpose of which was to unite those congregations, whom he has described under the parable of bloody bears, boars, wolves, foxes, &c. in a common interest with the Hind, against the exclusive privileges of the Panther and her subjects. His work was written with the precisely opposite intention of recommending an union between the Catholics and the church of England; at least, of persuading the latter to throw down the barriers, by which the former were kept out of state employments. Such an union had at one time been deemed practicable; and, in 1685, pamphlets had been published, seriously exhorting the church of England to a league with the Catholics, in order to root out the sectaries as common enemies to both. The steady adherence of the church of England to Protestant principles, rendered all hopes of such an union abortive; and, while Dryden was composing his poem upon this deserted plan, James was taking different steps to accomplish the main purpose both of the poet and monarch.

The power of the crown to dispense, at pleasure, with the established laws of the kingdom, had been often asserted, and sometimes exercised, by former English monarchs. A king was entitled, the favourers of prerogative argued, to pardon the breach of a statute, when committed; why not, therefore, to suspend its effect by a dispensation a priori, or by a general suspension of the law? which was only doing in general, what he was confessedly empowered to do in particular cases. But a doctrine so pernicious to liberty was never allowed to take root in the constitution; and the confounding the prerogative of extending mercy to individual criminals, with that of annulling the laws under which they had been condemned, was a fallacy easily detected and refuted. Charles II. twice attempted to assert his supposed privilege of suspending the penal laws, by granting a general toleration; and he had, in both cases, been obliged to retract, by the remonstrances of Parliament.[70] But his successor, who conceived that his power was situated on a more firm basis, and who was naturally obstinate in his resolutions, was not swayed by this recollection. He took every opportunity to exercise the power of dispensing with the laws, requiring Catholics to take the test agreeable to act of Parliament. He asserted his right to do so in his speech to the Parliament, on 9th November, 1685; he despised the remonstrances of both Houses, upon so flagrant and open a violation of the law; and he endeavoured, by a packed bench, and a feigned action at law, to extort a judicial ratification of his dispensing power. At length, not contented with granting dispensations to individuals, the king resolved at once to suspend the operation of all penal statutes, which required conformity with the church of England, as well as of the test act.

On the 4th of April, 1687, came forth the memorable Declaration of Indulgence, in favour of all non-conformists of whatever persuasion; by which they were not only protected in the full exercise of their various forms of religion, but might, without conformity, be admitted to all offices in the state. With what consequences this act of absolute power was attended, the history of the Revolution makes us fully acquainted; for it is surely unnecessary to add, that the indulgence occasioned the petition and trial of the bishops, the most important incident in that momentous period.

About a fortnight after the publishing of this declaration of indulgence, our author's poem made its appearance; being licensed on the 11th April, 1687, and published a few days after. If it was undertaken without the knowledge of the court, it was calculated, on its appearance, to secure the royal countenance and approbation. Accordingly, as soon as it was published in England, a second edition was thrown off at a printing office in Holyroodhouse, Edinburgh, then maintained for the express purpose of disseminating such treatises as were best calculated to serve the Catholic cause.[71] If the Protestant dissenters ever cast their eyes upon profane poetry, "The Hind and the Panther" must have appeared to them a perilous commentary on the king's declaration; since it shows clearly, that the Catholic interest alone was what the Catholic king and poet had at heart, and that, however the former might now find himself obliged to court their favour, to strengthen his party against the established church, the deep remembrance of ancient feuds and injuries was still cherished, and the desire of vengeance on the fanatics neither sated nor subdued.

In composing this poem, it may be naturally presumed, that Dryden exerted his full powers. He was to justify, in the eyes of the world, a step which is always suspicious; and, by placing before the public the arguments by which he had been induced to change his religion, he was at once to exculpate himself, and induce others to follow his example. He chose, for the mode of conveying this instruction, that parabolical form of writing, which took its rise perhaps in the East, or rather which, in a greater or less degree, is common to all nations. An old author observes, that there is "no species of four-footed beasts, of birds, of fish, of insects, reptiles, or any other living things, whose nature is not found in man. How exactly agreeable to the fox are some men's tempers; whilst others are profest bears in human shape. Here you shall meet a crocodile, who seeks, with feigned tears, to entrap you to your ruin; there a serpent creeps, and winds himself into your affections, till, on a sudden, when warmed with favours, he will bite and sting you to death. Tygers, lions, leopards, panthers, wolves, and all the monstrous generations of Africa, may be seen masquerading in the forms of men; and 'tis not hard for an observing mind to see their natural complexions through the borrowed vizard."[72] Dryden conceived the idea, of extending to religious communities the supposed resemblance between man and the lower animals. Under the name of a "milk-white Hind, immortal and unchanged," he described the unity, simplicity, and innocence of the church, to which he had become a convert; and under that of a Panther, fierce and inexorable towards those of a different persuasion, he bodied forth the church of England, obstinate in defending its pale from encroachment, by the penal statutes and the test act.[73] There wanted not critics to tell him, that he had mistaken the character of either communion.[74] The inferior sects are described under the emblem of various animals, fierce and disgusting in proportion to their more remote affinity to the church of Rome. And in a dialogue between the two principal characters, the leading arguments of the controversy between the churches, at least what the poet chose to consider as such, are formally discussed.

But Dryden's plan is far from coming within the limits of a fable or parable, strictly so called; for it is strongly objected, that the poet has been unable to avoid confounding the real churches themselves with the Hind and the Panther, under which they are represented. "The hind," as Johnson observes, "at one time is afraid to drink at the common brook, because she may be worried; but, walking home with the panther, talks by the way of the Nicene fathers, and at last declares herself to be the Catholic church." And the same critic complains, "that the king is now Cæsar, and now the lion, and that the name Pan is given to the Supreme Being." "The Hind and Panther transversed, or the City and Country Mouse," which was written in ridicule of this poem, turns chiefly upon the incongruity of the emblems adopted by Dryden, and the inconsistencies into which his plan had led him.[75] This ridicule, and the criticism on which it is founded, seems, however, to be carried a little too far. If a fable, or parable, is to be entirely and exclusively limited to a detail which may suit the common actions and properties of the animals, or things introduced in it, we strike out from the class some which have always been held the most beautiful examples of that style of fiction. It is surely as easy to conceive a Hind and Panther discussing points of religion, as that the trees of the forest should assemble together to chuse a king, invite different trees to accept of that dignity, and, finally, make choice of a bramble. Yet no one ever hesitates to pronounce Jotham's Parable of the Trees one of the finest which ever was written. Or what shall we say of one of the most common among Æsop's apologues, which informs us in the outset, that the lion, the ox, the sheep, and the ass, went a hunting together, on condition of dividing equally whatever should be caught? Yet this and many other fables, in which the animals introduced act altogether contrary to their nature, are permitted to rank without censure in the class which they assume. Nay, it may be questioned whether the most proper fables are not those in which the animals are introduced as acting upon the principles of mankind. For instance, if an author be compared to a daw, it is no fable, but a simile; but if a tale be told of a daw who dressed himself in borrowed feathers, a thing naturally impossible, the simile becomes a proper fable. Perhaps, therefore, it is sufficient for the fabulist, if he can point out certain original and leading features of resemblance betwixt his emblems, and that which they are intended to represent, and he may be permitted to take considerable latitude in their farther approximation. It may be farther urged in Dryden's behalf, that the older poets whom he professed to imitate, Spenser, for example, in "Mother Hubbart's Tale," which he has actually quoted, and Chaucer, in that of the "Nun's Priest's tale" have stepped beyond the simplicity of the ancient fable, and introduced a species of mixed composition, between that and downright satire. The names and characters of beasts are only assumed in "Mother Hubbart's Tale," that the satirist might, under that slight cloak, say with safety what he durst not otherwise have ventured upon; and in the tale of Chaucer, the learned dialogue about dreams is only put into the mouths of a cock and hen, to render the ridicule of such disquisitions more poignant. Had Spenser been asked, why he described the court of the lion as exactly similar to that of a human prince, and introduced the fox as composing madrigals for the courtiers? he would have bidden the querist,

——Yield his sense was all too blunt and base,

That n'ote without a hound fine footing trace.

And if the question had been put to the bard of Woodstock, why, he made his cock an astrologer, and his hen a physician, he would have answered, that his satire might become more ludicrous, by putting these grave speeches into the mouths of such animals. Dryden seems to have proposed as his model this looser kind of parable; giving his personages, indeed, the names of the Hind and Panther, but reserving to himself the privilege of making the supposed animals use the language and arguments of the communities they were intended to represent. I must own, however, that this licence appears less pardonable in the First Part, where he professes to use the majestic turn of heroic poetry, than in those which are dedicated to argument and satire.

Dryden has, in this very poem, given us two examples of the more pure and correct species of fable. These, which he terms in the preface Episodes, are the tale of the Swallows seduced to defer their emigration, and that of the Pigeons, who chose a Buzzard for their king.[78] It is remarkable, that, as the former is by much the most complete story, so, although put in the mouth of a representative of the heretical church, it proved eventually to contain a truth sorrowful to our author, and those of the Roman Catholic persuasion: For, while the Buzzard's elevation (Bishop Burnet by name) was not attended with any peculiar evil consequences to the church of England, the short gleam of Popish prosperity was soon overcast, and the priests and their proselytes plunged in reality into all the distress of the swallows in the Panther's fable.

In conformity to our author's plan, announced in the preface, the fable is divided into Three Parts. The First is dedicated to the general description and character of the religious sects, particularly the churches of Rome and of England. And here Dryden has used the more elevated strain of heroic poetry. In the Second, the general arguments of the controversy between the two churches are agitated, for which purpose a less magnificent style of language is adopted. In the Third and last Part, from discussing the disputed points of theology, the Hind and Panther descend to consider the particulars in which their temporal interests were judged at this period to interfere with each other. And here Dryden has lowered the tone of his verse to that of common conversation. We must admit, with Johnson, that these distinctions of style are not always accurately adhered to. The First Part has familiar lines; as, for instance, the four with which it concludes:

Considering her a civil well-bred beast,

And more a gentlewoman than the rest,

After some common talk, what rumours ran,

The lady of the spotted muff began.

Some passages are not only mean in expression, but border on profaneness; as,

The smith divine, as with a careless beat,

Struck out the mute creation at a heat;

But when at last arrived to human race,

The Godhead took a deep considering space.

On the other hand, the Third Part has passages in a higher tone of poetry; particularly the whole character of James in the fable of the Pigeons and the Buzzard: but it is enough to fulfil the author's promise in the preface, that the parts do each in general preserve a peculiar character and style, though occasionally sliding into that of the others.

It is a main defect of the plan just detailed, that it necessarily limited the interest of the poem to that crisis of politics when it was published. A work, which the author announces as calculated to attract the favour of friends, and to animate the malevolence of enemies, is now read with cold indifference. He launched forth into a tide of controversy, which, however furious at the time, has long subsided, leaving his poem a disregarded wreck, stranded upon the shores which the surges once occupied.

Setting aside this original defect, the First and Last Parts of the poem, in particular, abound with passages of excellent poetry. In the former, it is worthy attention, with what ease and command of his language and subject Dryden passes from his sublime description of the immortal Hind, to brand and stigmatise the sectaries by whom she was hated and persecuted; a rare union of dignity preserved in satire, and of satire engrafted upon heroic poetry. The reader cannot, at the same time, fail to observe the felicity with which the poet has assigned prototypes to the dissenting churches, agreeing in character with that which he meant to fix upon their several congregations. The Bear, unlicked to forms, is the emblem of the Independents, who disclaimed them;[79] the Wolf, which hunts in herds, to the classes and synods of the Presbyterian church; the Hare, to the peaceful Quakers; the wild Boar, to the fierce and savage Anabaptists, who ravaged Germany, the native country of that animal. With similar felicity, the "bird, who warned St Peter of his fall," is, from that circumstance, and his nocturnal vigils, afterwards assigned as the representative of the Catholic clergy. Above all, the attention is arrested by the pointed description of those dark and sullen enthusiasts, who, scarcely agreeing among themselves upon any peculiar points of doctrine, rested their claim to superior sanctity upon abominating and contemning those usual forms of reverence, by which men, in all countries since the beginning of the world, have agreed to distinguish public worship from ordinary or temporal employments. The whole of this First Part of the poem abounds with excellent poetry, rising above the tone of ordinary satire, and yet possessing all its poignancy. The difference, to those against whom it is directed, is like that of being blasted by a thunder-bolt, instead of being branded with a red-hot iron.

The First Part of "The Hind and Panther," although chiefly dedicated to general characters, contains some reasoning on the grand controversy, similar to that which occupies the Second. The author displays, with the utmost art and energy of argumentative poetry, the reasons by which he was himself guided in adopting the Roman Catholic faith. He is led into this discussion, by mentioning the heretical doctrine of the Unitarians; and insists, that the Protestant churches, which have consented to postpone human reason to faith, by acquiescing in the orthodox doctrine of the Trinity, are not entitled to appeal to the authority which they have waived, for arguments against the mystery of the real presence in the eucharist. This was a favourite mode of reasoning of the Catholics at the time, as may be seen from the numerous treatises which they sent forth upon the controversy. It is undoubtedly very fit to impose on the vulgar, but completely overshoots the mark at which it aims. For, if our yielding humble belief to one abstruse doctrine of divinity be sufficient to debar the exercise of our reason respecting another, it is obvious, that, by the same reason, the appeal to our understanding must be altogether laid aside in matters of doubtful orthodoxy. The Protestant divines, therefore, took a distinction; and, while they admitted they were obliged to surrender their human judgment in matters of divine revelation which were above their reason, they asserted the power of appealing to its guidance in those things of a finite nature which depend on the evidence of sense, and the consequent privileges of rejecting any doctrine, which, being within the sphere of human comprehension, is nevertheless repugnant to the understanding: therefore, while they received the doctrine of the Trinity as an infinite mystery, far above their reason, they contended against that of transubstantiation as capable of being tried by human faculties, and as contradicted by an appeal to them. In a subsequent passage, the author taxes the church of England with an attempt to reconcile contradictions, by admitting the real presence in the eucharist, and yet denying actual transubstantiation. Dryden boldly appeals to the positive words of scripture, and sums his doctrine thus:

The literal sense is hard to flesh and blood,

But nonsense never can be understood.

Granting, however, the obscurity or mystery of the one doctrine, it is a hard choice to be obliged to adopt, in its room, that which asserts an acknowledged impossibility.

In the Second Part, another point of the controversy is agitated; the infallibility, namely, which is claimed by the Roman church. The author appears here to have hampered himself in the toils of his own argument in a former poem. He had asserted in the "Religio Laici," that the Scriptures contained all things necessary for salvation; while he yet admitted, that those, whose bent inclined them to the study of polemical divinity, were to be guided by the expositions of the fathers, and the earlier, especially the written, traditions of the Church. There is, as has been noticed in the remarks on "Religio Laici," a certain vacillation in our author's arguments concerning tradition, while yet a Protestant, which prepares us for his finally reposing his doubts in the bosom of that church, which pretends to be the sole depositary of the earlier doctrines of Christianity, and claims a right to ascertain all doubts in point of faith, by the same mode, and with the same unerring certainty, as the original church in the days of the apostles and fathers. These doubts, with which Dryden seems to have been deeply impressed while within the pale of the Church of England, he now objects to her as inconsistencies, and accuses her of having recourse to tradition, or discarding it, as suited the argument which, for the time, she had in agitation. It is unnecessary here to trace the various grounds on which reformed churches prove, that the chain of apostolical tradition has been broken and shivered; and that the church, claiming the proud title of Infallible, has repeatedly sanctioned heresy and error. Neither is it necessary to shew, how the Church of England stops short in her reception of traditions, adopting only those of the primitive church. Something on these points may be found in the notes. I may remark, that Dryden is of the Gallican or low Church of Rome, if I may so speak, and rests the infallibility which he claims for her in the Pope and Council of the Church, and not in the Vicar of Christ alone. In point of literary interest, this Second Part is certainly beneath the other two. It furnishes, however, an excellent specimen of poetical ratiocination upon a most unpromising subject.

The Third Part refers entirely to the politics of the day; and the poet has endeavoured, by a number of arguments, to remove the deep jealousy and apprehensions which the king's religion, and his zeal for proselytism, had awakened in the Church of England. He does not even spare to allege a recent adoption of presbyterian doctrines, as the reason for her unwonted resistance to the royal will; and all the vigour of his satire is pointed against the latitudinarian clergy, or, as they were finally called, the Low Church Party, who now began to assert, what James at length found a melancholy truth, that the doctrine of passive obedience and non-resistance was not peremptorily binding, when the church herself was endangered by the measures of the monarch. Stillingfleet, the personal antagonist of our author, in the controversy concerning the Duchess of York's posthumous declaration of faith, is personally and ferociously attacked. The poem concludes with a fable delivered by each of the disputants, of which the moral applies to the project and hopes of her rival. We have already said, that which is told by the Panther, as it is most spirited and pointed, proved, to the great regret of the author, most strictly prophetic. It is remarkable for containing a beautiful character of King James, as the other exhibits a satirical portrait of the historian Burnet, with whom the court party in general, and Dryden personally, was then at enmity.

The verse in which these doctrines, polemical and political, are delivered, is among the finest specimens of the English heroic stanza. The introductory verses, in particular, are lofty and dignified in the highest degree; as are those, in which the splendour and majesty of the Church of Rome are set forth, in all the glowing colours of rich imagery and magnificent language. But the same praise extends to the versification of the whole poem. It never falls, never becomes rugged; rises with the dignified strain of the poetry; sinks into quaint familiarity, where sarcasm and humour are employed; and winds through all the mazes of theological argument, without becoming either obscure or prosaic. The arguments are in general advanced with an air of conviction and candour, which, in those days, must have required the protestant reader to be on his guard in the perusal, and which seems completely to ascertain the sincerity of the author in his new religious creed.

This controversial poem, containing a bold defiance to all who opposed the king's measures or faith, had no sooner appeared, than our author became a more general object of attack than he had been even on the publication of "Absalom and Achitophel." Indeed, his enemies were now far more numerous, including most of his former friends, the Tories of the high church, excepting a very few who remained attached to James, and saw, with anxiety, his destruction precipitated by the measures he was adopting.

Montague and Prior were among the first to assail our author, in the parody, of which we have just given a large specimen. It must have been published before the 24th October 1687, for it is referred to in "The Laureat," another libel against Dryden, inscribed by Mr Luttrel with that date. This assault affected him the more, as coming from persons with whom he had lived on habits of civility. He is even said to have shed tears upon this occasion; a report probably exaggerated, but which serves to shew, that he was sensible he had exposed himself to the most unexpected assailants, by the unpopularity of the cause which he had espoused. Some further particulars respecting this controversy are mentioned in Dryden's Life. Another poet, or parodier, published "The Revolter, a tragi-comedy," in which he brings the doctrines of the "Religio Laici," and of the "Hind and Panther," in battle array against each other, and rails at the author of both with the most unbounded scurrility.[80]

Not only new enemies arose against him, but the hostility of former and deceased foes seemed to experience a sort of resurrection. Four Letters, by Matthew Clifford of the Charter-House, containing notes upon Dryden's poems and plays, were now either published for the first time, or raked up from the obscurity of a dead-born edition, to fill up the cry of criticism against him on all sides. They are coarse and virulent to the last degree, and so far served the purpose of the publishers; but, as they had no reference to "The Hind and Panther," that defect was removed by a supplementary Letter from the facetious Tom Brown, an author, whose sole wish was to attain the reputation of a successful buffoon, and who, like the jesters of old, having once made himself thoroughly absurd and ridiculous, gained a sort of privilege to make others feel his grotesque raillery.[81] Besides the reflections contained in this letter, Brown also published "The New Converts exposed, or Reasons for Mr Bayes changing his Religion," in two parts; the first of which appeared in 1688, and the second in 1690. From a passage in the preface to the first part, which may serve as a sample of Tom's buffoonery, we learn, Dryden publicly complained, that, although he had put his name to "The Hind and Panther," those who criticized or replied to that poem had not imitated his example.[82]

Another of these witty varlets published, in 1688, "Religio Laici, or a Layman's Faith, touching the Supreme Head and Infallible Guide of the Church, in two letters, &c. by J. R. a convert of Mr Bayes," licensed June the 1st, 1688. From this pamphlet we have given some extracts in the introductory remarks to "Religio Laici," pp. 9, 10.

There were, besides, many libels of the most personal kind poured forth against Dryden by the poets who supplied the usual demand of the hawkers. One of the most virulent contains a singular exhibition of rage and impotence. It professes to contain a review of our poet's life and literary labours, and calls itself "The Laureat." This, as containing some curious particulars, is given below.[83]

The cry against our author being thus general, we may reasonably suppose, that he would have taken some opportunity to exercise his powers of retort upon those who were most active or most considerable among the aggressors, and that Montague and Prior stood a fair chance of being coupled up with Doeg and Og, his former antagonists. But, if Dryden entertained any intention of retaliation, the Revolution, which crushed his rising prospects, took away both the opportunity and inclination. From that period, the fame of "The Hind and Panther" gradually diminished, as the controversy between Protestant and Papist gave way to that between Whig and Tory. Within a few years after the first publication of the poem, Swift ranks it among the compositions of Grubstreet; ironically terms it, "the master-piece of a famous author, now living, intended as a complete abstract of sixteen thousand schoolmen, from Scotus to Bellarmine;" and immediately subjoins, "Tommy Potts, supposed by the same hand, by way of Supplement to the former."[84] With such acrimony do men of genius treat the productions of each other; and so certain it is, that, to enjoy permanent reputation, an author must chuse a theme of permanent interest.


THE
PREFACE.


The nation is in too high a ferment, for me to expect either fair war, or even so much as fair quarter, from a reader of the opposite party. All men are engaged either on this side or that; and though conscience is the common word which is given by both, yet if a writer fall among enemies, and cannot give the marks of their conscience, he is knocked down before the reasons of his own are heard. A preface, therefore, which is but a bespeaking of favour, is altogether useless. What I desire the reader should know concerning me, he will find in the body of the poem, if he have but the patience to peruse it. Only this advertisement let him take before-hand, which relates to the merits of the cause.

No general characters of parties (call them either sects or churches) can be so fully and exactly drawn, as to comprehend all the several members of them; at least all such as are received under that denomination. For example; there are some of the church by law established, who envy not liberty of conscience to dissenters; as being well satisfied that, according to their own principles, they ought not to persecute them. Yet these, by reason of their fewness, I could not distinguish from the numbers of the rest, with whom they are embodied in one common name. On the other side, there are many of our sects, and more indeed than I could reasonably have hoped, who have withdrawn themselves from the communion of the Panther, and embraced this gracious indulgence of his majesty in point of toleration. But neither to the one nor the other of these is this satire any way intended: it is aimed only at the refractory and disobedient on either side. For those, who are come over to the royal party, are consequently supposed to be out of gun-shot.[85] Our physicians have observed, that, in process of time, some diseases have abated of their virulence, and have in a manner worn out their malignity, so as to be no longer mortal; and why may not I suppose the same concerning some of those, who have formerly been enemies to kingly government, as well as Catholic religion? I hope they have now another notion of both, as having found, by comfortable experience, that the doctrine of persecution is far from being an article of our faith.[86]

It is not for any private man to censure the proceedings of a foreign prince:[87] but, without suspicion of flattery, I may praise our own, who has taken contrary measures, and those more suitable to the spirit of Christianity. Some of the dissenters, in their addresses to his majesty, have said, "That he has restored God to his empire over conscience."[88] I confess, I dare not stretch the figure to so great a boldness: but I may safely say, that conscience is the royalty and prerogative of every private man. He is absolute in his own breast, and accountable to no earthly power for that which passes only betwixt God and him. Those who are driven into the fold are, generally speaking, rather made hypocrites than converts.

This indulgence being granted to all the sects, it ought in reason to be expected, that they should both receive it, and receive it thankfully. For, at this time of day, to refuse the benefit, and adhere to those whom they have esteemed their persecutors, what is it else but publicly to own, that they suffered not before for conscience-sake, but only out of pride and obstinacy, to separate from a church for those impositions, which they now judge may be lawfully obeyed? After they have so long contended for their classical ordination (not to speak of rites and ceremonies) will they at length submit to an episcopal? If they can go so far, out of complaisance to their old enemies, methinks a little reason should persuade them to take another step, and see whither that will lead them.[89]

Of the receiving this toleration thankfully, I shall say no more, than that they ought, and I doubt not they will consider from what hand they received it. It is not from a Cyrus, a heathen prince, and a foreigner,[90] but from a christian king, their native sovereign; who expects a return in specie from them, that the kindness, which he has graciously shewn them, may be retaliated on those of his own persuasion.

As for the poem in general, I will only thus far satisfy the reader, that it was neither imposed on me, nor so much as the subject given me by any man. It was written during the last winter, and the beginning of this spring; though with long interruptions of ill health and other hindrances. About a fortnight before I had finished it, his majesty's Declaration for liberty of conscience came abroad; which, if I had so soon expected, I might have spared myself the labour of writing many things which are contained in the third part of it. But I was always in some hope, that the church of England might have been persuaded to have taken off the penal laws and the test, which was one design of the poem, when I proposed to myself the writing of it.

It is evident that some part of it was only occasional, and not first intended: I mean that defence of myself, to which every honest man is bound, when he is injuriously attacked in print; and I refer myself to the judgment of those, who have read the answer to the Defence of the late king's Papers, and that of the duchess, (in which last I was concerned) how charitably I have been represented there.[91] I am now informed both of the author and supervisors of this pamphlet, and will reply, when I think he can affront me: for I am of Socrates's opinion, that all creatures cannot. In the mean time let him consider whether he deserved not a more severe reprehension than I gave him formerly, for using so little respect to the memory of those, whom he pretended to answer; and, at his leisure, look out for some original treatise of humility, written by any Protestant in English; (I believe I may say in any other tongue:) for the magnified piece of Duncombe on that subject, which either he must mean, or none, and with which another of his fellows has upbraided me, was translated from the Spanish of Rodriguez; though with the omission of the seventeenth, the twenty-fourth, the twenty-fifth, and the last chapter, which will be found in comparing of the books.[92]

He would have insinuated to the world, that her late Highness died not a Roman Catholic. He declares himself to be now satisfied to the contrary, in which he has given up the cause: for matter of fact was the principal debate betwixt us. In the mean time, he would dispute the motives of her change; how preposterously, let all men judge, when he seemed to deny the subject of the controversy, the change itself.[93] And because I would not take up this ridiculous challenge, he tells the world I cannot argue: but he may as well infer, that a Catholic cannot fast, because he will not take up the cudgels against Mrs James,[94] to confute the Protestant religion.

I have but one word more to say concerning the poem as such, and abstracting from the matters, either religious or civil, which are handled in it. The First Part, consisting most in general characters and narration, I have endeavoured to raise, and give it the majestic turn of heroic poesy. The Second, being matter of dispute, and chiefly concerning church authority, I was obliged to make as plain and perspicuous as possibly I could; yet not wholly neglecting the numbers, though I had not frequent occasions for the magnificence of verse. The Third, which has more of the nature of domestic conversation, is, or ought to be, more free and familiar than the two former.

There are in it two episodes, or fables, which are interwoven with the main design; so that they are properly parts of it, though they are also distinct stories of themselves. In both of these I have made use of the common-places of satire, whether true or false, which are urged by the members of the one church against the other: at which I hope no reader of either party will be scandalized, because they are not of my invention, but as old, to my knowledge, as the times of Boccace and Chaucer on the one side, and as those of the Reformation on the other.


THE
HIND AND THE PANTHER.


A milk-white Hind,[95] immortal and unchanged,

Fed on the lawns, and in the forest ranged;

Without unspotted, innocent within,

She feared no danger, for she knew no sin.

Yet had she oft been chased with horns and hounds,

And Scythian shafts; and many winged wounds

Aimed at her heart; was often forced to fly,

And doomed to death, though fated not to die.[96]

Not so her young; for their unequal line

Was hero's make, half human, half divine.

Their earthly mould obnoxious was to fate,

The immortal part assumed immortal state.

Of these a slaughtered army lay in blood,[97]

Extended o'er the Caledonian wood,

Their native walk; whose vocal blood arose,

And cried for pardon on their perjured foes.

Their fate was fruitful, and the sanguine seed,

Endued with souls, increased the sacred breed.

So captive Israel multiplied in chains,

A numerous exile, and enjoyed her pains.

With grief and gladness mixed, the mother viewed

Her martyr'd offspring, and their race renewed;

Their corps to perish, but their kind to last,

So much the deathless plant the dying fruit surpassed.

Panting and pensive now she ranged alone,

And wandered in the kingdoms, once her own.

The common hunt, though from their rage restrained

By sovereign power, her company disdained,

Grinned as they passed, and with a glaring eye

Gave gloomy signs of secret enmity

'Tis true, she bounded by, and trip'd so light,

They had not time to take a steady sight;

For truth has such a face and such a mien,

As to be loved needs only to be seen.

The bloody Bear, an independent beast,

Unlicked to form, in groans her hate exprest.[98]

Among the timorous kind, the quaking Hare

Professed neutrality, but would not swear.[99]

Next her the buffoon Ape, as atheists use,

Mimicked all sects, and had his own to chuse;

Still when the Lion looked, his knees he bent,

And paid at church a courtier's compliment.[100]

The bristled baptist Boar, impure as he,[101]

But whitened with the foam of sanctity,

}

With fat pollutions filled the sacred place, }

And mountains levelled in his furious race; }

So first rebellion founded was in grace. }

But since the mighty ravage, which he made

In German forests, had his guilt betrayed,

With broken tusks, and with a borrowed name,

He shunned the vengeance, and concealed the shame;

So lurked in sects unseen. With greater guile

False Reynard fed on consecrated spoil;[102]

The graceless beast by Athanasius first

Was chased from Nice, then by Socinus nursed;

His impious race their blasphemy renewed,

And nature's king through nature's optics viewed.

Reversed, they viewed him lessened to their eye,

Nor in an infant could a God descry;

New swarming sects to this obliquely tend,

Hence they began, and here they all will end.

What weight of antient witness can prevail,

If private reason hold the public scale?

But, gracious God, how well dost thou provide

For erring judgments an unerring guide!

Thy throne is darkness in the abyss of light,

A blaze of glory that forbids the sight.

O teach me to believe thee, thus concealed,

And search no farther than thyself revealed;

But her alone for my director take,

Whom thou hast promised never to forsake!

My thoughtless youth was winged with vain desires;

My manhood, long misled by wandering fires,

Followed false lights; and, when their glimpse was gone,

My pride struck out new sparkles of her own.

Such was I, such by nature still I am;

Be thine the glory, and be mine the shame!

Good life be now my task; my doubts are done;[103]

What more could fright my faith, than three in one?

}

Can I believe eternal God could lie }

Disguised in mortal mould, and infancy? }

That the great Maker of the world could die? }

And after that trust my imperfect sense,

Which calls in question his omnipotence?

Can I my reason to my faith compel,

And shall my sight, and touch, and taste rebel?

Superior faculties are set aside;

Shall their subservient organs be my guide?

Then let the moon usurp the rule of day,

And winking tapers shew the sun his way;

For what my senses can themselves perceive,

I need no revelation to believe.

Can they, who say the host should be descried

By sense, define a body glorified?

Impassable, and penetrating parts?

Let them declare by what mysterious arts

}

He shot that body through the opposing might, }

Of bolts and bars impervious to the light, }

And stood before his train confessed in open sight.[104] }

For since thus wondrously he passed, 'tis plain,

One single place two bodies did contain;

And sure the same Omnipotence as well

Can make one body in more places dwell.

Let reason then at her own quarry fly,

But how can finite grasp infinity?

'Tis urged again, that faith did first commence

By miracles, which are appeals to sense,

And thence concluded, that our sense must be

The motive still of credibility;

For latter ages must on former wait,

And what began belief, must propagate.

But winnow well this thought, and you shall find

'Tis light as chaff that flies before the wind.

Were all those wonders wrought by power divine,

As means or ends of some more deep design?

Most sure as means, whose end was this alone,

To prove the Godhead of the Eternal Son.

God thus asserted, man is to believe

Beyond what sense and reason can conceive,

And, for mysterious things of faith, rely

On the proponent, heaven's authority.

If, then, our faith we for our guide admit,

Vain is the farther search of human wit;

As when the building gains a surer stay,

We take the unuseful scaffolding away.

Reason by sense no more can understand;

The game is played into another hand.

}

Why chuse we then like bilanders[105] to creep }

Along the coast, and land in view to keep, }

When safely we may launch into the deep? }

}

In the same vessel, which our Saviour bore, }

Himself the pilot, let us leave the shore, }

And with a better guide a better world explore. }

Could he his Godhead veil with flesh and blood,

And not veil these again to be our food?

His grace in both is equal in extent,

The first affords us life, the second nourishment.

}

And if he can, why all this frantic pain, }

To construe what his clearest words contain, }

And make a riddle what he made so plain? }

To take up half on trust, and half to try,

Name it not faith, but bungling bigotry;

}

Both knave and fool the merchant we may call, }

To pay great sums, and to compound the small; }

For who would break with heaven, and would not break for all? }

Rest then, my soul, from endless anguish freed;

Nor sciences thy guide, nor sense thy creed.

Faith is the best ensurer of thy bliss;

The bank above must fail, before the venture miss.

But heaven and heaven-born faith are far from thee,

Thou first apostate to divinity.

Unkennelled range in thy Polonian plains;

A fiercer foe the insatiate Wolf remains.

Too boastful Britain, please thyself no more,

That beasts of prey are banished from thy shore;

The bear, the boar, and every savage name,

Wild in effect, though in appearance tame,

Lay waste thy woods, destroy thy blissful bower,

And, muzzled though they seem, the mutes devour.

}

More haughty than the rest, the wolfish race }

Appears with belly gaunt, and famished face; }

Never was so deformed a beast of grace. }

}

His ragged tail betwixt his legs he wears, }

Close clap'd for shame; but his rough crest he rears, }

And pricks up his predestinating ears.[106] }

His wild disordered walk, his hagard eyes,

Did all the bestial citizens surprise.

Though feared and hated, yet he ruled a while,

As captain or companion of the spoil.

Full many a year his hateful head had been

For tribute paid, nor since in Cambria seen;

The last of all the litter 'scaped by chance,

And from Geneva first infested France.

Some authors thus his pedigree will trace,

But others write him of an upstart race;

Because of Wickliffe's brood no mark he brings,

But his innate antipathy to kings.

These last deduce him from the Helvetian kind,

Who near the Leman-lake his consort lined;

That fiery Zuinglius first the affection bred,

And meagre Calvin blest the nuptial bed.

In Israel some believe him whelped long since,

When the proud sanhedrim oppressed the prince;

Or, since he will be Jew, derive him higher,

When Corah with his brethren did conspire

From Moses' hand the sovereign sway to wrest,

And Aaron of his ephod to divest;

'Till opening earth made way for all to pass,

And could not bear the burden of a class.[107]

The Fox and he came shuffled in the dark,

If ever they were stowed in Noah's ark;

Perhaps not made; for all their barking train

The dog (a common species) will contain;

}

And some wild curs, who from their masters ran, }

Abhorring the supremacy of man, }

In woods and caves the rebel-race began. }

O happy pair, how well have you increased!

What ills in church and state have you redressed!

With teeth untried, and rudiments of claws,

Your first essay was on your native laws;

}

Those having torn with ease, and trampled down, }

Your fangs you fastened on the mitred crown, }

And freed from God and monarchy your town. }

What though your native kennel still be small,

Bounded betwixt a puddle and a wall;[108]

Yet your victorious colonies are sent

Where the north ocean girds the continent.

Quickened with fire below, your monsters breed

In fenny Holland, and in fruitful Tweed;

And, like the first, the last affects to be

Drawn to the dregs of a democracy.

As, where in fields the fairy rounds are seen,

A rank sour herbage rises on the green;

So, springing where those midnight elves advance,

Rebellion prints the footsteps of the dance.

}

Such are their doctrines, such contempt they show }

To heaven above, and to their prince below, }

As none but traitors and blasphemers know. }

God like the tyrant of the skies is placed,

And kings, like slaves, beneath the crowd debased.

So fulsome is their food, that flocks refuse

To bite, and only dogs for physic use.

As, where the lightning runs along the ground,

No husbandry can heal the blasting wound;

Nor bladed grass, nor bearded corn succeeds,

But scales of scurf and putrefaction breeds;

Such wars, such waste, such fiery tracks of dearth

Their zeal has left, and such a teemless earth.

But, as the poisons of the deadliest kind

Are to their own unhappy coasts confined;

As only Indian shades of sight deprive,

And magic plants will but in Colchos thrive;

So presbytery and pestilential zeal

Can only flourish in a commonweal.

From Celtic woods is chased the wolfish crew;[109]

But ah! some pity e'en to brutes is due;

Their native walks, methinks, they might enjoy,

Curbed of their native malice to destroy.

Of all the tyrannies on human-kind,

The worst is that which persecutes the mind.

Let us but weigh at what offence we strike;

'Tis but because we cannot think alike.

In punishing of this, we overthrow

The laws of nations and of nature too.

Beasts are the subjects of tyrannic sway,

Where still the stronger on the weaker prey;

Man only of a softer mould is made,

Not for his fellows' ruin, but their aid;

Created kind, beneficent and free,

The noble image of the Deity.

One portion of informing fire was given

To brutes, the inferior family of heaven.

The smith divine, as with a careless beat,

Struck out the mute creation at a heat;

But, when arrived at last to human race,

The Godhead took a deep considering space;

And, to distinguish man from all the rest,

Unlocked the sacred treasures of his breast;

And mercy mixt with reason did impart,

One to his head, the other to his heart;

Reason to rule, but mercy to forgive;

The first is law, the last prerogative.

}

And like his mind his outward form appeared, }

When, issuing naked to the wondering herd, }

He charmed their eyes; and, for they loved, they feared }

}

Not armed with horns of arbitrary might, }

Or claws to seize their furry spoils in fight, }

Or with increase of feet to o'ertake them in their flight; }

}

Of easy shape, and pliant every way, }

Confessing still the softness of his clay, }

And kind as kings upon their coronation day;[110] }

With open hands, and with extended space

Of arms, to satisfy a large embrace.

Thus kneaded up with milk, the new-made man

His kingdom o'er his kindred world began;

Till knowledge misapplied, misunderstood,

And pride of empire, soured his balmy blood.

Then, first rebelling, his own stamp he coins;

The murderer Cain was latent in his loins;

And blood began its first and loudest cry,

For differing worship of the Deity.

Thus persecution rose, and farther space

Produced the mighty hunter[111] of his race.

Not so the blessed Pan[112] his flock increased,

Content to fold them from the famished beast:

Mild were his laws; the sheep and harmless hind

Were never of the persecuting kind.

}

Such pity now the pious pastor shows, }

Such mercy from the British Lion flows,[113] }

That both provide protection from their foes. }

Oh happy regions, Italy and Spain,

Which never did those monsters entertain!

The Wolf, the Bear, the Boar, can there advance

No native claim of just inheritance;

And self-preserving laws, severe in show,

May guard their fences from the invading foe.

Where birth has placed them, let them safely share

The common benefit of vital air;

Themselves unharmful, let them live unharmed,

Their jaws disabled, and their claws disarmed;

Here, only in nocturnal howlings bold,

They dare not seize the Hind, nor leap the fold.

More powerful, and as vigilant as they,

The Lion awfully forbids the prey.

}

Their rage repressed, though pinched with famine sore, }

They stand aloof, and tremble at his roar; }

Much is their hunger, but their fear is more. }

These are the chief; to number o'er the rest,

And stand, like Adam, naming every beast,

Were weary work; nor will the muse describe

A slimy-born and sun-begotten tribe;

Who, far from steeples and their sacred sound,

In fields their sullen conventicles found.[114]

These gross, half-animated, lumps I leave;

Nor can I think what thoughts they can conceive.

But if they think at all, 'tis sure no higher

Than matter, put in motion, may aspire;

}

Souls that can scarce ferment their mass of clay; }

So drossy, so divisible are they, }

As would but serve pure bodies for allay; }

Such souls as shards produce, such beetle things

As only buz to heaven with evening wings;

Strike in the dark, offending but by chance,

Such are the blindfold blows of ignorance.

They know not beings, and but hate a name;

To them the Hind and Panther are the same.

The Panther, sure the noblest, next the Hind,

And fairest creature of the spotted kind;

Oh, could her in-born stains be washed away,

She were too good to be a beast of prey!

How can I praise, or blame, and not offend,

Or how divide the frailty from the friend?

Her faults and virtues lie so mixed, that she

Nor wholly stands condemned, nor wholly free.

Then, like her injured Lion, let me speak;

He cannot bend her, and he would not break.

Unkind already, and estranged in part,

The Wolf begins to share her wandering heart.

Though unpolluted yet with actual ill,

She half commits who sins but in her will.

If, as our dreaming platonists report,

There could be spirits of a middle sort,

Too black for heaven, and yet too white for hell,

Who just dropt half-way down, nor lower fell;[115]

So poised, so gently she descends from high,

It seems a soft dismission from the sky.

Her house not ancient, whatsoe'er pretence

Her clergy-heralds make in her defence;

A second century not half-way run,

Since the new honours of her blood begun.

A lion, old, obscene, and furious made

By lust, compressed her mother in a shade;

Then, by a left-hand marriage, weds the dame,

Covering adultery with a specious name;[116]

So schism begot; and sacrilege and she,

A well matched pair, got graceless heresy.

God's and kings' rebels have the same good cause,

To trample down divine and human laws;

Both would be called reformers, and their hate

Alike destructive both to church and state.

}

The fruit proclaims the plant; a lawless prince }

By luxury reformed incontinence; }

By ruins, charity; by riots, abstinence. }

}

Confessions, fasts, and penance set aside, }

Oh with what ease we follow such a guide, }

Where souls are starved, and senses gratified! }

}

Where marriage-pleasures midnight prayer supply, }

And mattin bells, a melancholy cry, }

Are tuned to merrier notes, Increase and multiply.[117] }

}

Religion shews a rosy-coloured face; }

Not hattered[118] out with drudging works of grace; }

A down-hill reformation rolls apace. }

}

What flesh and blood would crowd the narrow gate, }

Or, till they waste their pampered paunches, wait? }

All would be happy at the cheapest rate. }

Though our lean faith these rigid laws has given,

The full-fed Musselman goes fat to heaven;

For his Arabian prophet with delights

Of sense allured his eastern proselytes.

The jolly Luther, reading him, began

To interpret scriptures by his alcoran;

To grub the thorns beneath our tender feet,

And make the paths of paradise more sweet,

Bethought him of a wife, ere half way gone,

For 'twas uneasy travelling alone;

And, in this masquerade of mirth and love,

Mistook the bliss of heaven for Bacchanals above.

Sure he presumed of praise, who came to stock

The etherial pastures with so fair a flock,

Burnished, and battening on their food, to show

Their diligence of careful herds below.[119]

Our Panther, though like these she changed her head,

Yet, as the mistress of a monarch's bed,[120]

Her front erect with majesty she bore,

The crosier wielded, and the mitre wore.

Her upper part of decent discipline

Shewed affectation of an ancient line;

And fathers, councils, church and churches head,

Were on her reverend phylacteries[121] read.

But what disgraced and disavowed the rest,

Was Calvin's brand, that stigmatized the beast.

Thus, like a creature of a double kind,

In her own labyrinth she lives confined;

To foreign lands no sound of her is come,

Humbly content to be despised at home.

Such is her faith, where good cannot be had,

At least she leaves the refuse of the bad:

Nice in her choice of ill, though not of best,

And least deformed, because reformed the least.

In doubtful points betwixt her differing friends,

Where one for substance, one for sign contends,

Their contradicting terms she strives to join;[122]

Sign shall be substance, substance shall be sign.

}

A real presence all her sons allow, }

And yet 'tis flat idolatry to bow, }

Because the god-head's there they know not how. }

}

Her novices are taught, that bread and wine }

Are but the visible and outward sign, }

Received by those who in communion join; }

But the inward grace, or the thing signified,

His blood and body, who to save us died,[123]

The faithful this thing signified receive:

What is't those faithful then partake or leave?

For, what is signified and understood,

Is, by her own confession, flesh and blood.

Then, by the same acknowledgment, we know

They take the sign, and take the substance too.

The literal sense is hard to flesh and blood,

But nonsense never can be understood.

Her wild belief on every wave is tost;

But sure no church can better morals boast.

True to her king her principles are found;

Oh that her practice were but half so sound![124]

Stedfast in various turns of state she stood,

And sealed her vowed affection with her blood:[125]

}

Nor will I meanly tax her constancy, }

That interest or obligement made the tye, }

Bound to the fate of murdered monarchy. }

Before the sounding axe so falls the vine,

Whose tender branches round the poplar twine.

She chose her ruin, and resigned her life,

In death undaunted as an Indian wife:

A rare example! but some souls we see

Grow hard, and stiffen with adversity:

}

Yet these by fortune's favours are undone; }

Resolved,[126] into a baser form they run, }

And bore the wind, but cannot bear the sun. }

Let this be nature's frailty, or her fate,

Or Isgrim's counsel, her new-chosen mate,[127]

Still she's the fairest of the fallen crew;

No mother more indulgent, but the true.

Fierce to her foes, yet fears her force to try,

Because she wants innate authority;

For how can she constrain them to obey,

Who has herself cast off the lawful sway?

Rebellion equals all, and those, who toil

In common theft, will share the common spoil.

Let her produce the title and the right,

Against her old superiors first to fight;

If she reform by text, even that's as plain

For her own rebels to reform again.

As long as words a different sense will bear,

And each may be his own interpreter,

Our airy faith will no foundation find,

The word's a weathercock for every wind:

The bear, the fox, the wolf, by turns prevail;

The most in power supplies the present gale.

The wretched Panther cries aloud for aid

To church and councils, whom she first betrayed;

No help from fathers or tradition's train:

Those ancient guides she taught us to disdain,

And by that scripture, which she once abused

To reformation, stands herself accused.[128]

What bills for breach of laws can she prefer,

Expounding which she owns herself may err?

}

And, after all her winding ways are tried, }

If doubts arise, she slips herself aside, }

And leaves the private conscience for the guide. }

If, then, that conscience set the offender free,

It bars her claim to church authority.

How can she censure, or what crime pretend,

But scripture may be construed to defend?

Even those, whom for rebellion she transmits

To civil power, her doctrine first acquits;

Because no disobedience can ensue,

Where no submission to a judge is due;

Each judging for himself by her consent,

Whom, thus absolved, she sends to punishment.

Suppose the magistrate revenge her cause,

'Tis only for transgressing human laws.

How answering to its end a church is made,

Whose power is but to counsel and persuade?

O solid rock, on which secure she stands!

Eternal house, not built with mortal hands!

O sure defence against the infernal gate,

A patent during pleasure of the state!

Thus is the Panther neither loved nor feared,

A mere mock queen of a divided herd;

Whom soon by lawful power she might controul,

Herself a part submitted to the whole.

Then, as the moon who first receives the light

By which she makes our nether regions bright,

So might she shine, reflecting from afar

The rays she borrowed from a better star;

Big with the beams which from her mother flow,

And reigning o'er the rising tides below:[129]

Now, mixing with a savage crowd, she goes,

And meanly flatters her inveterate foes;

Ruled while she rules, and losing every hour

Her wretched remnants of precarious power.

One evening, while the cooler shade she sought,

Revolving many a melancholy thought,

Alone she walked, and looked around in vain,

With rueful visage, for her vanished train:

None of her sylvan subjects made their court;

Levées and couchées passed without resort.

So hardly can usurpers manage well

Those, whom they first instructed to rebel:

More liberty begets desire of more;

The hunger still increases with the store.

}

Without respect, they brushed along the wood, }

Each in his clan, and, filled with loathsome food, }

Asked no permission to the neighbouring flood. }

The Panther, full of inward discontent,

Since they would go, before them wisely went;

Supplying want of power by drinking first,

As if she gave them leave to quench their thirst.

Among the rest, the Hind, with fearful face,

Beheld from far the common watering place,

Nor durst approach; till with an awful roar

The sovereign Lion bade her fear no more.[130]

Encouraged thus, she brought her younglings nigh,

Watching the motions of her patron's eye,

And drank a sober draught; the rest, amazed,

Stood mutely still, and on the stranger gazed;

}

Surveyed her part by part, and sought to find }

The ten-horned monster in the harmless Hind, }

Such as the Wolf and Panther had designed.[131] }

They thought at first they dreamed; for 'twas offence

With them, to question certitude of sense,

}

Their guide in faith: but nearer when they drew, }

And had the faultless object full in view, }

Lord, how they all admired her heavenly hue! }

}

Some, who, before, her fellowship disdained, }

Scarce, and but scarce, from in-born rage restrained, }

Now frisked about her, and old kindred feigned. }

Whether for love or interest, every sect

Of all the savage nation shewed respect.

The viceroy Panther could not awe the herd;

The more the company, the less they feared.

}

The surly Wolf with secret envy burst, }

Yet could not howl; (the Hind had seen him first;)[132] }

But what he durst not speak, the Panther durst. }

For when the herd, sufficed, did late repair

To ferny heaths, and to their forest lair,

She made a mannerly excuse to stay,

Proffering the Hind to wait her half the way;

That, since the sky was clear, an hour of talk

Might help her to beguile the tedious walk.

With much good-will the motion was embraced,

To chat a while on their adventures passed;

Nor had the grateful Hind so soon forgot

Her friend and fellow-sufferer in the plot.[133]

Yet wondering how of late she grew estranged,

Her forehead cloudy, and her countenance changed,

She thought this hour the occasion would present,

To learn her secret cause of discontent;

}

Which well she hoped, might be with ease redressed, }

Considering her a well-bred civil beast, }

And more a gentlewoman than the rest. }

After some common talk what rumours ran,

The lady of the spotted muff began.


NOTES
ON
THE HIND AND THE PANTHER.
PART I.


[Note I.]

And doomed to death, though fated not to die.—P. [119].

The critics fastened on this line with great exultation, concluding, that doomed and fated mean precisely the same thing. "Faith, Mr Bayes," says one of these gentlemen, "if you were doomed to be hanged, whatever you were fated to 'twould give you but small comfort."[134] This criticism is quite erroneous; doom, in its general acceptation, meaning merely a sentence of any kind, the pronouncing which by no means necessarily implies its execution. In the criminal courts of Scotland, the sentence is always concluded with this formula, "and this I pronounce for doom." Till of late years, a special officer recited the sentence after the judge, and was thence called the doomster,[135] an office now performed by the clerk of court. The criticism is founded on the word doom having been often, and even generally, used as synonimous to the sentence of heaven, and therefore inevitable. But in the text, it is obvious that the doom, or sentence, of an earthly tribunal is placed in opposition to the decree of Providence.

[Note II.]

The bloody Bear, an independent beast,

Unlicked to forms, &c.—P. [120].

The sect of Independents arose to great eminence in the civil wars, when the enthusiastic spirits were deemed entitled to preferment upon earth, in proportion to the extravagance of their religious zeal. Hume has admirably described their leading tenets, or rather the scorn with which they discarded the principles of other religious sects; for their peculiarities consisted much more in their neglect and contempt of all forms, than in any rules or dogmata of their own.

"The Independents rejected all ecclesiastical establishments, and would admit of no spiritual courts, no government among pastors, no interposition of the magistrate in religious concerns, no fixed encouragement annexed to any system of doctrines or opinions. According to their principles, each congregation, united voluntarily and by spiritual ties, composed, within itself, a separate church, and exercised a jurisdiction, but one destitute of temporal sanctions, over its own pastor and its own members. The election alone of the congregation was sufficient to bestow the sacerdotal character; and, as all essential distinction was denied between the laity and the clergy, no ceremony, no institution, no vocation, no imposition of hands, was, as in all other churches, supposed requisite to convey a right to holy orders. The enthusiasm of the Presbyterians led them to reject the authority of prelates, to throw off the restraint of liturgies, to retrench ceremonies, to limit the riches and authority of the priestly office. The fanaticism of the Independents, exalted to a higher pitch, abolished ecclesiastical government, disdained creeds and systems, neglected every ceremony, and confounded all ranks and orders. The soldier, the merchant, the mechanic, indulging the fervours of zeal, and guided by the illapses of the spirit, resigned himself to an inward and superior direction, and was consecrated, in a manner, by an immediate intercourse and communication with heaven."

Butler thus describes the Independents:

The Independents, whose first station

Was in the rear of reformation:

A mongrel kind of church dragoons,

That served for horse and foot at once,

And in the saddle of one steed,

The Saracen and Christian rid,

Were free of every spiritual order,

To preach, and fight, and pray, and murder.

It is well known, that these sectaries obtained the final ascendancy in the civil wars. Cromwell, their chief, was highly gifted as a preacher as well as a warrior; witness his "learned, devout, and conscientious exercise, held at Sir Peter Temple's, in Lincoln's Inn Fields, upon Romans xiii. 1."

[Note III.]

Among the timorous kind, the quaking Hare

Professed neutrality, but would not swear.—P. [120].

As Mr Hume's account of the rise of this sect (the quakers) is uncommonly lively, I take the liberty to insert it at length; though, perhaps, the passage does not call for so prolonged a quotation. After describing the ascetic solitude of George Fox, their founder, he proceeds:

"When he had been sufficiently consecrated, in his own imagination, he felt that the fumes of self-applause soon dissipate, if not continually supplied by the admiration of others; and he began to seek proselytes. Proselytes were easily gained, at a time when all men's affections were turned towards religion, and when extravagant modes of it were sure to be most popular. All the forms of ceremony, invented by pride and ostentation, Fox and his disciples, from a superior pride and ostentation, carefully rejected: Even the ordinary rites of civility were shunned, as the nourishment of carnal vanity and self-conceit. They would bestow no titles of distinction: The name of friend was the only salutation with which they indiscriminately accosted every one. To no person would they make a bow, or move their hat, or give any signs of reverence. Instead of that affected adulation introduced into modern tongues, of speaking to individuals as if they were a multitude, they returned to the simplicity of ancient languages; and thou and thee were the only expressions which, on any consideration, they would be brought to employ.

"Dress too, a material circumstance, distinguished the members of this sect. Every superfluity and ornament was carefully retrenched: No plaits to their coat, no buttons to their sleeves: No lace, no ruffles, no embroidery. Even a button to the hat, though sometimes useful, yet not being always so, was universally rejected by them with horror and detestation.

"The violent enthusiasm of this sect, like all high passions, being too strong for the weak nerves to sustain, threw the preachers into convulsions, and shakings, and distortions in their limbs; and they thence received the appellation of Quakers. Amidst the great toleration which was then granted to all sects, and even encouragement given to all innovations, this sect alone suffered persecution. From the fervour of their zeal, the quakers broke into churches, disturbed public worship, and harrassed the minister and audience with railing and reproaches. When carried before a magistrate, they refused him all reverence, and treated him with the same familiarity as if he had been their equal. Sometimes they were thrown into mad-houses, sometimes into prisons: Sometimes whipped, sometimes pilloried. The patience and fortitude with which they suffered, begat compassion, admiration, esteem. A supernatural spirit was believed to support them under those sufferings, which the ordinary state of humanity, freed from the illusions of passion, is unable to sustain.

"The quakers creep'd into the army: But, as they preached universal peace, they seduced the military zealots from their profession, and would soon, had they been suffered, have put an end, without any defeat or calamity, to the dominion of the saints. These attempts became a fresh ground for persecution, and a new reason for their progress among the people.

"Morals, with this sect, were carried, or affected to be carried, to the same degree of extravagance as religion. Give a quaker a blow on one cheek, he held up the other: Ask his cloke, he gave you his coat also. The greatest interest could not engage him in any court of judicature, to swear even to the truth. He never asked more for his wares than the precise sum which he was determined to accept. This last maxim is laudable, and continues still to be religiously observed by that sect.

"No fanatics ever carried farther the hatred to ceremonies, forms, orders, rites, and positive institutions. Even baptism and the Lord's supper, by all other sects believed to be interwoven with the very vitals of Christianity, were disdainfully rejected by them. The very Sabbath they profaned. The holiness of churches they derided; and they would give to these sacred edifices no other appellation than that of shops, or steeple-houses. No priests were admitted in their sects: Every one had received, from immediate illumination, a character much superior to the sacerdotal. When they met for divine worship, each rose up in his place, and delivered the extemporary inspirations of the Holy Ghost: Women were also admitted to teach the brethren, and were considered as proper vehicles to convey the dictates of the spirit. Sometimes a great many preachers were moved to speak at once: Sometimes a total silence prevailed in their congregation.

"Some quakers attempted to fast forty days in imitation of Christ; and one of them bravely perished in the experiment. A female quaker came naked into the church where the protector sat; being moved by the spirit, as she said, to appear as a sign to the people. A number of them fancied, that the renovation of all things had commenced, and that clothes were to be rejected, together with other superfluities.—The sufferings which followed the practice of this doctrine, were a species of persecution not well calculated for promoting it."

The quakers were particularly favoured by James II., owing to the interest which Penn, the settler of Pennsylvania, had with that monarch. That person took a lead in the controversy concerning the Indulgence, by publishing a pamphlet, entitled, "Good Advice to the Church of England."

[Note IV.]

Next her, the buffoon Ape, as atheists use,

Mimicked all sects, and had his own to chuse;

Still, when the Lion looked, his knees he bent,

And paid at church a courtier's compliment.—P. [120].

The sect of free-thinkers, who professed a disbelief in revealed religion, was to be found even among the fanatical ranks of the Long Parliament. Harvey, Martin, Sidney, and others, were considered as the chiefs of this little party. After the restoration of Charles II., these loose principles became prevalent among his gay courtiers, and were supposed to have been privately adopted by the king himself, who was educated by the sceptic Hobbes. As the free-thinkers taught a total disbelief of revelation, and indifference for religious forms, they left their disciples at liberty occasionally to conform to whatever creed, or form of worship, might appear most conducive to their temporal interests. Sunderland was supposed to belong to this sect, for he made his change to Popery, without even the form of previous instruction or conference; evincing to the whole world, that, being totally indifferent about all religions, he was ready to embrace any that would best serve his immediate views. This statesman's character, as a latitudinarian in religion, is mentioned with great bitterness by the Princess Anne, afterwards queen, in her private correspondence with her sister, the Princess of Orange.—See Dalrymple's Memoirs, Vol. II. p. 169. 8vo. edit. Dryden probably intended a sarcasm at Sunderland, or some such time-serving courtier, for his occasional conformity with the royal faith, of which there were several instances at the time. These persons, as they attended James to mass, were compared to Naaman, who, on adopting the Jewish religion, craved an indulgence for waiting upon his master to the house of the idol Rimmon. It is hinted in "The Hind and Panther Transversed," that Dryden's satire is personal; for he is made to quote the lines, and to add, by way of commentary, "That galls somewhere! Egad, I cannot leave it off, though I were cudgelled every day for it."

The church party, among other pamphlets intended to ridicule the Declaration of Indulgence, and as a parody of the addresses of the dissenters on that occasion, published, "To the King's Most Excellent Majesty, the Humble Address of the Atheists, or the Sect of Epicureans." After congratulating the king on having freed his subjects from the solemn superstition of oaths, they proceed: "Your majesty was pleased to wish, that all your subjects were of your own religion; and perhaps every division wishes you were of theirs; but, for our parts, we freely declare, that if ever we should be obliged to profess any religion, we would prefer the Church of Rome, which does not much trouble the world with the affairs of invisible beings, and is very civil and indulgent to the failings of human nature. That church can ease us from the grave fatigues of religion, and, for our monies, allow us proxies, both for piety and penances: We can easily swallow and digest a wafer deity, and will never cavil at the mass in an unknown tongue, when the sacrifice itself is so unintelligible. We shall never scruple the adoration of an image, when the chiefest religion is but imagination; and we are willing to allow the Pope an absolute power to dispense with all penal laws, in this world and in another. But before we return to Rome, the greatest origin of atheism, we wish the Pope, and all his vassal princes, would free the world from the fear of hell and devils, the inquisition and dragoons, and that he would take off the chimney-money of purgatory, and custom and excise of pardons and indulgencies, which are so much inconsistent with the flourishing trade and grandeur of the nation. As for the engagements of lives and fortunes, the common compliment of addressers, we confess we have a more peculiar tenderness for those most sacred concernments; but yet we will hazard them in defence of your majesty, with as much constancy and resolution as your majesty will defend your indulgence; that is, so far as the adventure will serve our designs and interest.

}

From the Devil-Tavern, the 5th of }

November, 1688. Presented by }

Justice Baldock, and was graciously }

received." }

[Note V.]

The bristled baptist Boar, impure as he,

But whitened with the foam of sanctity,

With fat pollutions filled the sacred place,

And mountains levelled in his furious race;

So first rebellion founded was in grace.

But since the mighty ravage, which he made

In German forests, had his guilt betrayed,

With broken tusks, and with a borrowed name,

He shunned the vengeance, and concealed the shame. P. [120.]

The sect of Anabaptists, whose principal tenet is the disallowing of infant baptism, arose in Germany and the Low Countries about the year 1521. This new light, for such it was esteemed, happened unfortunately to appear to some of the most ignorant and ferocious of the Low German burghers and boors. Thomas Muncer, by birth a Saxon, was the principal apostle of this sect. He preached both against the Papists and Luther, recommending the eschewing of open crimes, the chastening of the body by severities of abstinence, and the wearing a long beard. With these tenets, he combined that of an immediate intercourse with God, by demanding of him signs and tokens, which would be infallibly granted, and that of an universal community of goods. These two last doctrines, concerning spiritual and temporal matters, were admirably calculated to turn the heads of his followers. Being banished from Saxony, he seized upon the monastery of Muhlhans, from which he expelled the monks; and afterwards made a convert of one Pfeifer, a daring enthusiast, who, because in a dream he had put to flight an innumerable number of mice, made no doubt he was destined to vanquish all principalities and powers. Muncer easily prevailed on this visionary conqueror to head the miners of the country of Mansfeldt, in some ferocious inroads into Saxony. The Dukes of Saxony and Brunswick, the Landgrave of Hesse, and other German princes, marched against these madmen, whom Muncer stimulated to resistance, by assuring them, that a rainbow, which happened then to be visible, was an indubitable sign of victory. The poor deluded wretches accordingly suffered themselves to be quietly cut to pieces, with their eyes fixed on the heavenly sign, in expectation of divine assistance. Muncer was made prisoner, and recanted before his death, only blaming the princes for their cruelty and oppression to their vassals, which drove them to desperation;—so, if he lived a false prophet, he died a true preacher. His death, and that of Pfeifer, with the slaughter made among their followers, did not extirpate the heresy; and the most dreadful consequences attended, for some time, the progress of these enthusiastic opinions. A tailor, called Bockholdt, better known by the name of John of Leyden, with his associates, Rotman, Matthews, and Cnipperdoling, in 1535, actually possessed themselves of the city of Munster, expelled the bishop, and commenced the reign of the saints. Their leader, under the strange and horrible delusion that he was inspired by the Holy Ghost, played the most outrageous pranks of lust and cruelty that ever madness dictated: Yet, amidst their frenzy, the Anabaptists had valour and conduct sufficient to defend the city for a length of time against the bishop and his allies; and while the unfortunate inhabitants were in the utmost misery, the enthusiasts themselves revelled in the indulgence of every licentious appetite. At length the city was taken, and a cruel, though deserved punishment, inflicted upon those who had been the leaders in this holy warfare. John of Leyden himself was torn to pieces with hot pincers. After this memorable event, those who retained the principles of this sect were not desirous of being distinguished by a name which the excesses of these fanatics had rendered an abomination to all the Christian world. They were generally confounded with the Independents, with whom they hold many principles in common, particularly, I believe, the disavowal of any clerical order. Yet if, for a time, they "lurked in sects unseen," as Dryden assures us, the sunshine of general toleration soon brought them out under their own proper appellation. We have, among the addresses of various classes of dissenters upon the Declaration of Indulgence, that of the Anabaptists in and about the city of London, who, indeed, were the very first in expressing their thanks and loyalty. The Anabaptists of Leicestershire, the Independents and Baptists of Gloucester, the Anabaptists of Cheshire, Shropshire, and Staffordshire, &c. &c. &c. all came forward with loyal acclamations on the same occasion.

[Note VI.]

——With greater guile

False Reynard fed on consecrated spoil;

The graceless beast by Athanasius first

Was chased from Nice, then by Socinus nursed.—P. [121.]

Arius, the propagator of a great heresy in the Christian church, denied that God the Son was equal to God the Father, or that he was co-existent with him. See page 16. This doctrine he maintained in the council at Nice against Athanasius, the champion of orthodoxy; and although his doctrines were condemned by the general council, and he himself banished, yet his party was so powerful as to accomplish his restoration, and the banishment of Athanasius, who fled into the Thebais, or deserts of Upper Egypt. The schism thus occasioned, continued long to divide the Christian church. Lelius Socinus, a nobleman of Sienna, revived and enlarged the doctrine of Arius, about the latter end of the sixteenth century. His nephew Faustus collected, arranged, and published his opinions, which have since had many followers. The Socinians teach the worship of one God, without distinction of persons; affirming, that the Holy Ghost is but another expression for the power of God; and that Jesus Christ is only the Son of God by adoption. As they deny our Saviour's divinity, they disavow, of course, the doctrine of redemption, and consider him only as a prophet, gifted with a more than usual share of inspiration, and sealing his mission by his blood. This heresy has, at different times, and under various disguises and modifications, insinuated itself into the Christian church, forming, as it were, a resting place, though but a tottering one, between natural and revealed religion. Here, I fear, the author's lines apply:

To take up half on trust, and half to try,

Name it not faith, but bungling bigotry;

Both knave and fool the merchant we may call,

To pay great sums, and to compound the small;

For who would break with heaven, and would not break for all?

This heretical belief was adopted by the Protestants of Poland and of Hungary, especially those who were about this time in arms under Count Teckeli against the emperor. Hence Dryden bids the Fox,

Unkennelled, range in thy Polonian plains.

[Note VII.]

Let them declare by what mysterious arts

He shot that body through the opposing might,

Of bolts and bars, impervious to the light,

And stood before his train confessed in open sight.—P. [122].

"Then the same day, at evening, being the first day of the week, when the doors were shut, where the disciples were assembled for fear of the Jews, came Jesus, and stood in the midst, and saith unto them, Peace be unto you."

Again, "And after eight days, again his disciples were within, and Thomas with them; then came Jesus, the doors being shut, and stood in the midst, and said, Peace be unto you."—The Gospel of St John, chap. xx. verses 19. 26.

From these passages of Scripture, Dryden endeavours to confute the objection to transubstantiation, founded on the host being consecrated in various places at the same time, in each of which, however, the body of Christ becomes present, according to the Papist doctrine. This being predicated of the real body of our Saviour, the Protestants allege is impossible, as matter can only be in one place at the same time. Dryden, in answer, assumes, that Christ entered into the meeting of the disciples, by actually passing through the closed doors of the apartment; and as, at the moment of such passage, two bodies must have been in the same place at the same instant, the body of Jesus namely, and the substance through which he passed, the poet founds on it as an instance of a transgression of a natural law, proved from Scripture, as violent as that of one body being in several different places at once. But the text does not prove the major part of Dryden's proposition; it is not stated positively by the evangelist, that our Saviour passed through the doors which were shut, but merely that he came and stood among his disciples without the doors being opened; which miraculous appearance might take place many ways besides that on which Dryden has fixed for the foundation of his argument.

[Note VIII.]

}

More haughty than the rest, the Wolfish race }

Appears with belly gaunt, and famished face; }

Never was so deformed a beast of grace. }

His ragged tail betwixt his legs he wears,

Close clapped for shame; but his rough crest he rears,

And pricks up his predestinating ears.—P. [124.]

The personal appearance of the Presbyterian clergy was suited by an affectation of extreme plainness and rigour of appearance. A Geneva cloak and band, with the hair close cropped, and covered with a sort of black scull-cap, was the discriminating attire of their teachers. This last article of dress occasioned an unseemly projection of their ears, and procured those who affected it the nick-name of prick-eared fanatics, and the still better known appellation of Round-heads. Our author proceeds, with great bitterness, to investigate the origin of Calvinism. His account of the rise and destruction of a sect of heretics in Cambria may be understood to refer to the ancient British church, which disowned the supremacy of the see of Rome, refused to adopt her ritual, and opposed St Augustin's claims to be metropolitan of Britain, in virtue of Pope Gregory's appointment. They held two conferences with Augustin; at one of which he pretended to work a miracle by the cure of a blind man; at the second, seven British bishops, and a numerous deputation from the monastery of Bangor, disputed with Augustin, who denounced vengeance against them by the sword of the Saxons, in case they refused to submit to the see of Rome. His prophecy, which had as little effect upon the Welch clergy as his miracle, was shortly afterwards accomplished: For Ethelfred, the Saxon king of Northumberland, having defeated the British under the walls of Chester, cut to pieces no fewer than twelve hundred of the monks of Bangor, who had come to assist their countrymen with their prayers. Our author alludes to this extermination of the British recusant clergy, by comparing it to the census, or tribute of wolves-heads, imposed on the Cambrian kings. It has been surmised by some authors, that Augustin himself instigated this massacre, and thereby contributed to the accomplishment of his own prophecy. Other authorities say, that he died in 604, and that the monks of Bangor were slain in 613. Perhaps, however, our author did not mean to carry the rise of Presbytery so far back, but only referred to the doctrines of Wiccliff, who, in the reign of Edward III., and his successor Richard II., taught publicly at Oxford several doctrines inconsistent with the supremacy of the Pope, and otherwise repugnant to the doctrines of the Roman church. He was protected during his lifetime by John of Gaunt; but, forty years after his death, his bones were dug up and burned for heresy. His followers were called Lollards, and were persecuted with great severity in the reign of Henry V., Lord Cobham and many others being burned to death. Thinking, perhaps, either of these too honourable and ancient a descent for the English Presbyterians, our author next refers to Heylin, who brings them from Geneva,[136] where the reformed doctrine was taught by the well known Zuinglius, and the still more famous Calvin. The former began to preach the Reformation at Zurich about 1518, and disputed publicly with one Sampson, a friar, whom the Pope had sent thither to distribute indulgences. Zuinglius was persecuted by the bishop of Constance; but, being protected by the magistrates of Zurich, he set him at defiance, and in 1523 held an open disputation before the senate, with such success, that they commanded the traditions of the church to be thrown aside, and the gospel to be taught through all their canton. Zuinglius, in some respects, merited the epithet of fiery, which Dryden has given him; he was an ardent lover of liberty, and dissuaded his countrymen from a league with the French, by which it must have been endangered; he vindicated, from Scripture, the doctrine of resisting oppressors and asserting liberty, of which he said God was the author, and would be the defender;[137] and, finally, he was killed in battle between the inhabitants of Zurich and those of the five small cantons. The conquerors, being Catholics, treated his dead body with the most shameless indignity.

The history of Calvin is too well known to need recital in this place. He was expelled from France, his native country, on account of his having adopted the doctrines of the reformers, and, taking refuge in Geneva, was appointed professor of divinity there in 1536. But being afterwards obliged to retire from thence, on account of a quarrel about the administration of the communion to certain individuals, Calvin taught a French congregation at Strasburgh. He may be considered as the founder of the Presbyterian doctrine, differing from that of Luther in denying consubstantiation, and affirming, in a large extent, the doctrine of predestination, founded upon election to grace. The poet proceeds to describe the progress of this sect:

With teeth untried, and rudiments of claws,

Your first essay was on your native laws;

}

Those having torn with ease, and trampled down, }

Your fangs you fastened on the mitred crown, }

And freed from God and monarchy your town. }

What though your native kennel still be small,

Bounded betwixt a puddle and a wall;

Yet your victorious colonies are sent

Where the north ocean girds the continent.

Quickened with fire below, your monsters breed

In fenny Holland, and in fruitful Tweed;

And like the first the last affects to be,

Drawn to the dregs of a democracy.

The citizens of Geneva, before they adopted the reformed religion, were under the temporal, as well as the ecclesiastical, authority of a bishop. But, in 1528, when they followed the example of the city of Berne, in destroying images, and abolishing the Roman ceremonies, the bishop and his clergy were expelled from the city, which from that time was considered as the cradle of Presbytery. As they had made choice of a republican form of government for their little state, our author infers, that democracy is most congenial to their new form of religion. It is no doubt true, that the Presbyterian church government is most purely democratical; which perhaps recommended it in Holland. It is also true, that the Presbyterian divines have always preached, and their followers practised, the doctrine of resistance to oppression, whether affecting civil or religious liberty. But if Dryden had looked to his own times, he would have seen, that the Scottish Presbyterians made a very decided stand for monarchy after the death of Charles I.; and even such as were engaged in the conspiracy of Baillie of Jerviswood, which was in some respects the counter-part of the Ryehouse-plot, refused to take arms, because they suspected that the intentions of Sidney, and others of the party in England, were to establish a commonwealth. I may add, that, in latter times, no body of men have shewn themselves more attached to the king and constitution than the Presbyterian clergy of Scotland.

There is room for criticism also in the poetry of these lines. I question whether fenny Holland and fruitful Tweed, in other words, a marsh and a river, could form a favourable medium for communicating the influence of the quickening fire below.

[Note IX.]

From Celtic woods is chased the wolfish crew;

But ah! some pity e'en to brutes is due;

Their native walks, methinks, they might enjoy,

Curbed of their native malice to destroy.—P. [126.]

It is remarkable how readily sentiments of toleration occur, even to the professors of the most intolerant religion, when their minds have fair play to attend to them. The edict of Nantes, by which Henry IV. secured to his Huguenot subjects the undisturbed exercise of their religion, was the recompense of the great obligations he owed to them, and a sort of compensation for his having preferred power to conscience; an edict, declared unalterable, and which had even been sanctioned by Louis XIV. himself, so late as 1680, was, in 1685, finally abrogated. The violence with which the persecution of the Protestants was then pushed on, almost exceeds belief. The principal and least violent mode of conversion, adopted by the king and his minister Louvois, was by quartering upon those of the reformed religion large parties of soldiers, who were licenced to commit every outrage in their habitations short of rape and murder. When, by this species of persecution, a Huguenot had been once compelled to hear mass, he was afterwards treated as a relapsed heretic, if he shewed the slightest disposition to resume the religion in which he had been brought up. James II., in two letters to the Prince of Orange, beseeching toleration for the regular priests in Holland, fails not to condemn the conduct of Louis towards his Protestant subjects; yet, with gross inconsistency, or the deepest dissimulation, he was at the same time congratulating Barillon on his Most Christian Majesty's care for the conversion of his subjects, and hoping God would grant him the favour of completing so great a work.[138] And just so our author, after blaming the persecution of the Huguenots, congratulates Italy and Spain upon possessing such just and excellent laws, as the rules of the inquisitorial church courts.

[Note X.]

A slimy-born and sun-begotten tribe,

Who far from steeples, and their sacred sound,

In fields their sullen conventicles found.—P. [129.]

The dregs of the fanaticism of the last age fermented, during that of Charles II., into various sects of sullen enthusiasts, who distinguished themselves by the different names of Brownists, Families of Love, &c. &c. In many cases they rejected all the usual aids of devotion, and, holding their meetings in the open air, and in solitary spots, nursed their fanaticism by separating themselves from the more rational part of mankind. Dryden has elsewhere described them with equal severity;

A numerous host of dreaming saints succeed,

Of the true old enthusiastic breed;

'Gainst form and order they their powers employ,

Nothing to build, and all things to destroy.

In Scotland, large conventicles were held in the mountains and morasses by the fiercest of the Covenanters, whom persecution had driven frantic. These men, known now by the name of Cameronians, considered popery and prelacy as synonymous terms; and even stigmatized, as Erastians and self-seekers, the more moderate Presbyterians, who were contented to exercise their religion as tolerated by the government.

[Note XI.]

Her novices are taught, that bread and wine

Are but the visible and outward sign,

Received by those who in communion join;

But the inward grace, or the thing signified,

His blood and body, who to save us died, &c.—P. [133.]

The poet alludes to the doctrine of the church of England concerning the eucharist, thus expressed in the twenty-eighth article of faith:

"The Supper of the Lord is not only a sign of the love that Christians ought to have among themselves one to another, but rather it is a sacrament of our redemption by Christ's death; insomuch, that to such as rightly, worthily, and with faith receive the same, the bread which we break is a partaking of the body of Christ, and likewise the cup of blessing is a partaking of the blood of Christ.

"Transubstantiation, or the change of the substance of bread and wine, in the Supper of the Lord, cannot be proved by holy writ; but it is repugnant to the plain words of Scripture, overthroweth the nature of a sacrament, and hath given occasion to many superstitions.

"The body of Christ is given, taken, and eaten in the supper only, after an heavenly and spiritual manner. And the mean, whereby the body of Christ is received and eaten in the supper, is faith."

Dryden insists upon a supposed inconsistency in this doctrine; but his argument recoils upon the creed of his own church. The words of our Saviour are to be interpreted as they must have been meant when spoken; a circumstance which excludes the literal interpretation contended for by the Romanists: For, by the words "Hoc est corpus meum," our Saviour cannot be then supposed to have meant, that the morsel which he gave to his disciples was transformed into his body, which then stood before their eyes, and which all but heretics allow to have been a real, natural, human body, incapable, of course, of being multiplied into as many bodies as there were persons to partake of the communion, and of retaining its original and identical form at the same time. But unless such a multiplied transformation actually took place, our Saviour's words to his apostles must have been emblematical only. Queen Elizabeth's homely lines are, after all, an excellent comment on this point of divinity:

His was the word that spake it;

He took the bread and brake it;

And what that word did make it,

That I believe, and take it.

[Note XII.]

True to her king her principles are found;

Oh that her practice were but half so sound!—P. [133.]

The pretensions of the church of England to loyalty were carried to a degree of extravagance, which her divines were finally unable to support, unless they had meant to sign the destruction of their religion. This was owing to the recollection of the momentous period which had lately elapsed. The interest of the church had been deeply interwoven with that of the crown; their struggle, sufferings, and fall, during the civil wars, had been in common, as well as their triumphant restoration: the maxim of "no king no bishop," was indelibly imprinted on the hearts of the clergy; in fine, it seemed impossible that any thing should cut asunder the ties which combined them. In sanctioning, therefore, the doctrines of the most passive loyalty, the English divines probably thought that they were only paying a tribute to the throne, which was to be returned by the streams of royal bounty and grace towards the church. Even the religion of James did not, before his accession, shake their confidence, or excite their apprehensions. They were far more afraid of the fanatics, under whose iron yoke they had so lately groaned, than of the Roman Catholics, who, for three generations, had been a depressed, and therefore a tractable body, whose ceremonies and church government resembled, in some respects, their own, and who had sided with them during the civil wars against the Protestant sectaries. But when the members of the established church perceived, that the rapid steps which James adopted would soon place the Catholics in a condition to rival, and perhaps to overpower her, they were obliged to retract and explain away many of their former hasty expressions of absolute and unconditional devotion to the royal pleasure. The king, and his Catholic counsellors, saw with astonishment and indignation, that professions of the most ample subjection were now to be understood as limited and restricted by the interests of the church. In the height of their resentment, even the church of England's pretensions to a peculiar degree of loyalty were unthankfully turned into ridicule, in such bitter and sarcastic terms as the following, which occur in a pamphlet published expressly "with allowance," i. e. by royal permission.

"I have often considered, but could never yet find a convincing reason, why that part of the nation, (which is commonly called the church of England) should dare appropriate to themselves alone the principles of true loyalty; and that no other church or communion on earth can be consistent with monarchy, or, indeed, with any government.

"This is a presumption of so high a nature, that it renders the church of England a despicable enemy to the rest of mankind: For, what can be more ridiculous than to say, that a congregation of people, calling themselves a church, which cannot pretend to an infallibility even in matters of faith, having, since their first institution, made several fundamental changes of religious worship, should, however, assume to themselves an inerribility in point of civil obedience to the temporal magistrate? Or, what can be more injurious than to aver, that no other sect or community on earth, from the rising to the setting sun, can be capable of this singular gift of loyalty? So that the church of England alone, (if you have faith enough to believe her own testimony,) is that beautiful spouse of Christ, holy in her doctrine, and infallible in her duty to the supreme magistrate, whom (by a revelation peculiar to herself) she owns both for her temporal and spiritual head. But I doubt much, whether her ipsa dixit alone will pass current with all the nations of the universe, without making further search into the veracity of this bold assertion."

A New Test of the Church of England's Loyalty.

[Note XIII.]

Or Isgrim's counsel.—P. [134.]

This name for the Wolf is taken from an ancient political satire, called "Reynard the Fox;" in which an account is given of the intrigues at the court of the Lion; the impeachment of the Fox; his various wiles and escapes; finally, his conquering his accuser in single combat. This ancient apologue was translated from the German by the venerable Caxton, and published the 6th day of June, 1481. It became very popular in England; and we derive from it all the names commonly applied to animals in fable, as Reynard the fox, Tybert the cat, Bruin the bear, Isgrim the wolf, &c. The original of this piece is still so highly esteemed in Germany, that it was lately modernized by Goethé, and is published among his "Neüe Schriften." It is probable that this ancient satire might be the original of "Mother Hubbard's Tale," and that Dryden himself may have had something of its plan in his eye, when writing "The Hind and Panther." As it had become merely a popular story-book, some of his critics did not fail to make merry with his adopting any thing from such a source. "Smith. I have heard you quote Reynard the fox.—Bayes. Why, there's it now; take it from me, Mr Smith, there is as good morality, and as sound precepts, in The Delectable History of Reynard the Fox, as in any book I know, except Seneca. Pray, tell me, where, in any other author, could I have found so pretty a name for a wolf as Isgrim?"[139]

[Note XIV.]

The wretched Panther cries aloud for aid

To church and councils, whom she first betrayed;

No help from fathers or tradition's train,

Those ancient guides she taught us to disdain,

And by that Scripture, which she once abused

To reformation, stands herself accused.—P. [135.]

The author here prefers an argument much urged by the Catholic divines against those of the church of England, and which he afterwards resumes in the Second Part. The English divines, say they, halt between two opinions; they will not allow the weight of tradition when they dispute with the church of Rome, but refer to the scripture, interpreted by each man's private opinion, as the sole rule of faith; while, on the other hand, they are obliged to have recourse to tradition in their disputes with the Presbyterians and dissenters, because, without its aid, they could not vindicate from scripture alone their hierarchy and church-government. To this it was answered, by the disputants on the church of England's side, that they owned no such inconsistent opinion as was imputed to them; but that they acknowledged, for their rule of faith, the word of God in general; that by this they understood the written word, or scripture, in contradistinction to the Roman rule of scripture and traditions; and as distinguished, both from the church of Rome, and from heretics and sectaries, they understood by it more particularly the written word or scripture, delivering a sense, owned and declared by the primitive church of Christ in the three creeds, four first general councils, and harmony of the fathers.

Dryden's argument, however, had been, by the Catholics, thought so sound, that it is much dwelt upon in a tract, called, "A Remonstrance, by way of Address to both Houses of Parliament, from the Church of England," the object of which is to recommend an union between the churches of England and of Rome. The former is there represented as holding the following language:

"You cannot be ignorant, that ever since my separation from the church of Rome, I have been attacked by all sorts of dissenters: So that my fate, in this encounter, may be compared to that of a city, besieged by different armies, who fight both against it and one another; where, if the garrison make a sally to damage one, another presently takes an advantage to make an attack. Thus, whilst I set myself vigorously to suppress the papist, the puritan seeks to undermine me; and, whilst I am busied to oppose the puritan, the papist gains ground upon me. If I tell the church of Rome, I did not forsake her, but her errors, which I reformed; my rebellious subjects tell me the same, and that they must make a thorough reformation; and, let me bring what arguments I please, to justify my dissent, they still produce the same against me. If, on the other hand, I plead against the puritan dissenter, and show, that he ought to stand to church-authority, where he is not infallibly certain it commands a sin; the papist presently catches at it, and tells me, I destroy my own grounds of reformation, unless I will pretend to that infallibility which I condemn in them.

"Matters standing thus betwixt me and them, why would it not be a point of prudence in me, (as I doubt not but you would esteem it in a governor of that city I lately mentioned,) to make peace with one of my adversaries, to the end I may with more ease resist the onsets of the other?"


THE
HIND AND THE PANTHER,
A POEM.


PART II.


THE
HIND AND PANTHER.
PART SECOND.


Dame, said the Panther, times are mended well,

Since late among the Philistines you fell.[140]

The toils were pitched, a spacious tract of ground

With expert huntsmen was encompassed round;

The inclosure narrowed; the sagacious power

Of hounds and death drew nearer every hour.

'Tis true, the younger lion[141] 'scaped the snare,

But all your priestly calves lay struggling there,

}

As sacrifices on their altars laid;[142] }

While you, their careful mother, wisely fled, }

Not trusting destiny to save your head. }

}

For, whate'er promises you have applied }

To your unfailing church, the surer side }

Is four fair legs in danger to provide; }

}

And whate'er tales of Peter's chair you tell, }

Yet, saving reverence of the miracle, }

The better luck was yours to 'scape so well.— }

As I remember, said the sober Hind,

Those toils were for your own dear self designed,

As well as me; and with the self-same throw,

To catch the quarry[143] and the vermin too,—

Forgive the slanderous tongues that called you so.

Howe'er you take it now, the common cry

Then ran you down for your rank loyalty,[144]

Besides, in popery they thought you nurst,

As evil tongues will ever speak the worst,

Because some forms, and ceremonies some

You kept, and stood in the main question dumb.

Dumb you were born indeed; but, thinking long,

The test, it seems, at last has loosed your tongue:[145]

And to explain what your forefathers meant,

By real presence in the sacrament,

}

After long fencing pushed against a wall, }

Your salvo comes, that he's not there at all: }

There changed your faith, and what may change may fall. }

Who can believe what varies every day,

Nor ever was, nor will be at a stay?—

Tortures may force the tongue untruths to tell,

And I ne'er owned myself infallible,

Replied the Panther: grant such presence were,

Yet in your sense I never owned it there.

A real virtue we by faith receive,

And that we in the sacrament believe.—

Then, said the Hind, as you the matter state,

Not only Jesuits can equivocate;

For real, as you now the word expound,

From solid substance dwindles to a sound.

Methinks, an Æsop's fable you repeat;

You know who took the shadow for the meat:

Your church's substance thus you change at will,

And yet retain your former figure still.

I freely grant you spoke to save your life;

For then you lay beneath the butcher's knife.

Long time you fought, redoubled battery bore,

But, after all, against yourself you swore,

Your former self; for every hour your form

Is chopped and changed, like winds before a storm.

Thus fear and interest will prevail with some;

For all have not the gift of martyrdom.—

The Panther grinned at this, and thus replied:

That men may err was never yet denied;

But, if that common principle be true,

The canon, dame, is levelled full at you.

But, shunning long disputes, I fain would see

That wonderous wight, Infallibility.

Is he from heaven, this mighty champion, come?

Or lodged below in subterranean Rome?

First, seat him somewhere, and derive his race,

Or else conclude that nothing has no place.—

Suppose, though I disown it, said the Hind,

The certain mansion were not yet assigned;

The doubtful residence no proof can bring

Against the plain existence of the thing.

}

Because philosophers may disagree, }

If sight by emission, or reception be, }

Shall it be thence inferred, I do not see?[146] }

}

But you require an answer positive, }

Which yet, when I demand, you dare not give; }

For fallacies in universals live.[147] }

I then affirm, that this unfailing guide

In pope and general councils must reside;

}

Both lawful, both combined; what one decrees }

By numerous votes, the other ratifies: }

On this undoubted sense the church relies.[148] }

'Tis true, some doctors in a scantier space,

I mean, in each apart, contract the place.

Some, who to greater length extend the line,

The church's after-acceptation join.

This last circumference appears too wide;

The church diffused is by the council tied,

As members by their representatives

Obliged to laws, which prince and senate gives.

}

Thus, some contract, and some enlarge the space; }

In pope and council, who denies the place, }

Assisted from above with God's unfailing grace? }

Those canons all the needful points contain;

Their sense so obvious, and their words so plain,

That no disputes about the doubtful text

Have hitherto the labouring world perplexed.

If any should in after-times appear,

New councils must be called, to make the meaning clear;

Because in them the power supreme resides,

And all the promises are to the guides.[149]

This may be taught with sound and safe defence;

But mark how sandy is your own pretence,

Who, setting councils, pope, and church aside,

Are every man his own presuming guide.[150]

The sacred books, you say, are full and plain,

And every needful point of truth contain;

All who can read interpreters may be.

Thus, though your churches disagree,

Yet every saint has to himself alone

The secret of this philosophic stone.

These principles your jarring sects unite,

When differing doctors and disciples fight.

Though Luther, Zuinglius, Calvin, holy chiefs,

Have made a battle-royal of beliefs;

Or, like wild horses, several ways have whirled

The tortured text about the Christian world;

Each Jehu lashing on with furious force,

That Turk or Jew could not have used it worse;

No matter what dissension leaders make,

Where every private man may save a stake:

Ruled by the scripture and his own advice,

Each has a blind bye-path to Paradise;

Where, driving in a circle slow or fast,

Opposing sects are sure to meet at last.

}

A wonderous charity you have in store }

For all reformed to pass the narrow door; }

So much, that Mahomet had scarcely more. }

For he, kind prophet, was for damning none;

But Christ and Moses were to save their own:

Himself was to secure his chosen race,

Though reason good for Turks to take the place,

And he allowed to be the better man,

In virtue of his holier Alcoran.

True, said the Panther, I shall ne'er deny

My brethren may be saved as well as I:

Though Huguenots condemn our ordination,

Succession, ministerial vocation;

And Luther, more mistaking what he read,

Misjoins the sacred body with the bread:[151]

Yet, lady, still remember I maintain,

The word in needful points is only plain.—

Needless, or needful, I not now contend,

For still you have a loop-hole for a friend,

}

Rejoined the matron; but the rule you lay }

Has led whole flocks, and leads them still astray, }

In weighty points, and full damnation's way. }

For, did not Arius first, Socinus now,

The Son's eternal Godhead disavow?

And did not these by gospel texts alone

Condemn our doctrine, and maintain their own?

Have not all heretics the same pretence

To plead the scriptures in their own defence?

How did the Nicene council then decide

That strong debate? was it by scripture tried?

No, sure; to that the rebel would not yield;

Squadrons of texts he marshalled in the field:

That was but civil war, an equal set,

Where piles with piles, and eagles eagles met.[152]

With texts point-blank and plain he faced the foe,

And did not Satan tempt our Saviour so?

The good old bishops took a simpler way;

Each asked but what he heard his father say,

Or how he was instructed in his youth,

And by tradition's force upheld the truth.[153]

The Panther smiled at this;—And when, said she,

Were those first councils disallowed by me?

Or where did I at sure tradition strike,

Provided still it were apostolic?[154]

Friend, said the Hind, you quit your former ground,

Where all your faith you did on scripture found:

Now 'tis tradition joined with holy writ;

But thus your memory betrays your wit.

No, said the Panther; for in that I view,

When your tradition's forged, and when 'tis true.

}

I set them by the rule, and, as they square, }

Or deviate from undoubted doctrine there, }

This oral fiction, that old faith declare.— }

Hind. The council steered, it seems, a different course;

They tried the scripture by tradition's force:

}

But you tradition by the scripture try; }

Pursued by sects, from this to that you fly, }

Nor dare on one foundation to rely. }

The word is then deposed, and in this view,

You rule the scripture, not the scripture you.

Thus said the dame, and, smiling, thus pursued:

I see, tradition then is disallowed,

When not evinced by scripture to be true,

And scripture, as interpreted by you.

But here you tread upon unfaithful ground,

Unless you could infallibly expound;

Which you reject as odious popery,

And throw that doctrine back with scorn on me.

Suppose we on things traditive divide,

And both appeal to scripture to decide;

By various texts we both uphold our claim,

Nay, often, ground our titles on the same:

After long labour lost, and time's expence,

Both grant the words, and quarrel for the sense.

Thus all disputes for ever must depend;

For no dumb rule can controversies end.

Thus, when you said,—Tradition must be tried

By sacred writ, whose sense yourselves decide,

You said no more, but that yourselves must be

The judges of the scripture sense, not we.

Against our church-tradition you declare,

And yet your clerks would sit in Moses' chair;

At least 'tis proved against your argument,

The rule is far from plain, where all dissent.—

If not by scriptures, how can we be sure,

Replied the Panther, what tradition's pure?

For you may palm upon us new for old;

All, as they say, that glitters, is not gold.

How but by following her, replied the dame,

To whom derived from sire to son they came;

Where every age does on another move,

And trusts no farther than the next above;

Where all the rounds like Jacob's ladder rise,

The lowest hid in earth, the topmost in the skies?

Sternly the savage did her answer mark,

Her glowing eye-balls glittering in the dark,

And said but this:—Since lucre was your trade,

Succeeding times such dreadful gaps have made,

'Tis dangerous climbing: To your sons and you

I leave the ladder, and its omen too.[155]

Hind. The Panther's breath was ever famed for sweet;

But from the Wolf such wishes oft I meet.

You learned this language from the Blatant Beast,[156]

Or rather did not speak, but were possessed.

As for your answer, 'tis but barely urged:

You must evince tradition to be forged;

Produce plain proofs; unblemished authors use

As ancient as those ages they accuse;

Till when, 'tis not sufficient to defame;

An old possession stands, till elder quits the claim.

Then for our interest, which is named alone

To load with envy, we retort your own;

For, when traditions in your faces fly,

Resolving not to yield, you must decry.

As when the cause goes hard, the guilty man

Excepts, and thins his jury all he can;

So when you stand of other aid bereft,

You to the twelve apostles would be left.

Your friend the Wolf did with more craft provide

To set those toys, traditions, quite aside;[157]

And fathers too, unless when, reason spent,

He cites them but sometimes for ornament.

But, madam Panther, you, though more sincere,

Are not so wise as your adulterer;

The private spirit is a better blind,

Than all the dodging tricks your authors find.

}

For they, who left the scripture to the crowd, }

Each for his own peculiar judge allowed; }

The way to please them was to make them proud. }

Thus with full sails they ran upon the shelf;

Who could suspect a cozenage from himself?

On his own reason safer 'tis to stand,

Than be deceived and damned at second-hand.

But you, who fathers and traditions take,

And garble some, and some you quite forsake,

Pretending church-authority to fix,

And yet some grains of private spirit mix,

Are, like a mule, made up of different seed,

And that's the reason why you never breed;

At least, not propagate your kind abroad,

For home dissenters are by statutes awed.

}

And yet they grow upon you every day, }

While you, to speak the best, are at a stay, }

For sects, that are extremes, abhor a middle way: }

}

Like tricks of state, to stop a raging flood, }

Or mollify a mad-brained senate's mood; }

Of all expedients never one was good. }

Well may they argue, nor can you deny,

If we must fix on church authority,

Best on the best, the fountain, not the flood;

That must be better still, if this be good.

Shall she command, who has herself rebelled?

Is antichrist by antichrist expelled?

Did we a lawful tyranny displace,

To set aloft a bastard of the race?

}

Why all these wars to win the book, if we }

Must not interpret for ourselves, but she? }

Either be wholly slaves, or wholly free. }

For purging fires traditions must not fight;

But they must prove episcopacy's right.[158]

Thus, those led horses are from service freed;

You never mount them but in time of need.

Like mercenaries, hired for home defence,

They will not serve against their native prince.

Against domestic foes of hierarchy

These are drawn forth, to make fanatics fly;

}

But, when they see their countrymen at hand, }

Marching against them under church-command, }

Straight they forsake their colours, and disband.— }

Thus she; nor could the Panther well enlarge

With weak defence against so strong a charge;

But said:—For what did Christ his word provide,

If still his church must want a living guide?

And if all-saving doctrines are not there,

Or sacred penmen could not make them clear,

From after-ages we should hope in vain

For truths which men inspired could not explain.—

Before the word was written, said the Hind,

Our Saviour preached his faith to human kind:

From his apostles the first age received

Eternal truth, and what they taught believed.

Thus, by tradition faith was planted first,

Succeeding flocks succeeding pastors nursed.

}

This was the way our wise Redeemer chose, }

Who sure could all things for the best dispose, }

To fence his fold from their encroaching foes. }

He could have writ himself, but well foresaw

The event would be like that of Moses' law;

Some difference would arise, some doubts remain,

Like those which yet the jarring Jews maintain.

No written laws can be so plain, so pure,

But wit may gloss, and malice may obscure;

Not those indited by his first command,

A prophet graved the text, an angel held his hand.

Thus faith was ere the written word appeared,

And men believed not what they read, but heard.

But since the apostles could not be confined

To these, or those, but severally designed

Their large commission round the world to blow,

To spread their faith, they spread their labours too.

Yet still their absent flock their pains did share;

They hearkened still, for love produces care.

And as mistakes arose, or discords fell,

Or bold seducers taught them to rebel,

As charity grew cold, or faction hot,

Or long neglect their lessons had forgot,

For all their wants they wisely did provide,

And preaching by epistles was supplied;

So, great physicians cannot all attend,

But some they visit, and to some they send.

Yet all those letters were not writ to all;

Nor first intended but occasional,

Their absent sermons; nor, if they contain

All needful doctrines, are those doctrines plain.

Clearness by frequent preaching must be wrought

They writ but seldom, but they daily taught;

And what one saint has said of holy Paul,

"He darkly writ," is true applied to all.

}

For this obscurity could heaven provide }

More prudently than by a living guide, }

As doubts arose, the difference to decide? }

A guide was therefore needful, therefore made;

And, if appointed, sure to be obeyed.

Thus, with due reverence to the apostles' writ,

By which my sons are taught, to which submit,

I think, those truths, their sacred works contain,

The church alone can certainly explain;

That following ages, leaning on the past,

May rest upon the primitive at last.

Nor would I thence the word no rule infer,

But none without the church-interpreter;

Because, as I have urged before, 'tis mute,

And is itself the subject of dispute.

}

But what the apostles their successors taught, }

They to the next, from them to us is brought, }

The undoubted sense which is in scripture sought. }

}

From hence the church is armed, when errors rise, }

To stop their entrance, and prevent surprise; }

And, safe entrenched within, her foes without defies. }

}

By these all festering sores her councils heal, }

Which time or has disclosed, or shall reveal; }

For discord cannot end without a last appeal. }

}

Nor can a council national decide, }

But with subordination to her guide: }

(I wish the cause were on that issue tried.) }

Much less the scripture; for suppose debate

Betwixt pretenders to a fair estate,

Bequeathed by some legator's last intent;[159]

(Such is our dying Saviour's testament:)

The will is proved, is opened, and is read,

The doubtful heirs their differing titles plead;

All vouch the words their interest to maintain,

And each pretends by those his cause is plain.

Shall then the testament award the right?

No, that's the Hungary for which they fight;

The field of battle, subject of debate;

The thing contended for, the fair estate.

The sense is intricate, 'tis only clear

What vowels and what consonants are there.

Therefore 'tis plain, its meaning must be tried

Before some judge appointed to decide.—

Suppose, the fair apostate said, I grant,

The faithful flock some living guide should want,

}

Your arguments an endless chace pursue: }

Produce this vaunted leader to our view, }

This mighty Moses of the chosen crew.— }

The dame, who saw her fainting foe retired,

With force renewed, to victory aspired;

}

And, looking upward to her kindred sky, }

As once our Saviour owned his Deity, }

Pronounced his words—"She whom ye seek am I."[160] }

Nor less amazed this voice the Panther heard,

Than were those Jews to hear a God declared.

Then thus the matron modestly renewed:

Let all your prophets and their sects be viewed,

And see to which of them yourselves think fit

The conduct of your conscience to submit;

Each proselyte would vote his doctor best,

With absolute exclusion to the rest:

Thus would your Polish diet disagree,

And end, as it began, in anarchy;

Yourself the fairest for election stand,

Because you seem crown-general of the land;

But soon against your superstitious lawn

Some presbyterian sabre would be drawn;[161]

}

In your established laws of sovereignty }

The rest some fundamental flaw would see, }

And call rebellion gospel-liberty. }

To church-decrees your articles require

Submission mollified, if not entire.[162]

Homage denied, to censures you proceed;

But when Curtana[163] will not do the deed,

You lay that pointless clergy-weapon by,

And to the laws, your sword of justice, fly.

Now this your sects the more unkindly take,

(Those prying varlets hit the blots you make,)

Because some ancient friends of yours declare,

Your only rule of faith the scriptures are,

Interpreted by men of judgment sound,

Which every sect will for themselves expound;

Nor think less reverence to their doctors due

For sound interpretation, than to you.

If then, by able heads, are understood

Your brother prophets, who reformed abroad;

Those able heads expound a wiser way,

That their own sheep their shepherd should obey.

}

But if you mean yourselves are only sound, }

That doctrine turns the reformation round, }

And all the rest are false reformers found; }

}

Because in sundry points you stand alone, }

Not in communion joined with any one; }

And therefore must be all the church, or none. }

Then, till you have agreed whose judge is best,

Against this forced submission they protest;

While sound and sound a different sense explains,

Both play at hardhead till they break their brains;

And from their chairs each other's force defy,

While unregarded thunders vainly fly.

I pass the rest, because your church alone

Of all usurpers best could fill the throne.

}

But neither you, nor any sect beside, }

For this high office can be qualified, }

With necessary gifts required in such a guide. }

}

For that, which must direct the whole, must be }

Bound in one bond of faith and unity; }

But all your several churches disagree. }

The consubstantiating church[164] and priest

Refuse communion to the Calvinist;

}

The French reformed from preaching you restrain, }

Because you judge their ordination vain;[165] }

And so they judge of yours, but donors must ordain. }

In short, in doctrine, or in discipline,

Not one reformed can with another join;

But all from each, as from damnation, fly:

No union they pretend, but in non-popery.

Nor, should their members in a synod meet,

Could any church presume to mount the seat,

Above the rest, their discords to decide;

None would obey, but each would be the guide;

And face to face dissensions would increase,

For only distance now preserves the peace.

All in their turns accusers, and accused;

Babel was never half so much confused;

}

What one can plead, the rest can plead as well; }

For amongst equals lies no last appeal, }

And all confess themselves are fallible. }

Now, since you grant some necessary guide,

All who can err are justly laid aside;

}

Because a trust so sacred to confer }

Shows want of such a sure interpreter; }

And how can he be needful who can err? }

Then, granting that unerring guide we want,

That such there is you stand obliged to grant;

Our Saviour else were wanting to supply

Our needs, and obviate that necessity.

It then remains, that church can only be

The guide, which owns unfailing certainty;

Or else you slip your hold, and change your side,

Relapsing from a necessary guide.

}

But this annexed condition of the crown, }

Immunity from errors, you disown; }

Here then you shrink, and lay your weak pretensions down.[166] }

}

For petty royalties you raise debate; }

But this unfailing universal state }

You shun; nor dare succeed to such a glorious weight; }

And for that cause those promises detest,

With which our Saviour did his church invest;

But strive to evade, and fear to find them true,

As conscious they were never meant to you;

All which the mother-church asserts her own,

And with unrivalled claim ascends the throne.

So, when of old the Almighty Father sate

In council, to redeem our ruined state,

}

Millions of millions, at a distance round, }

Silent the sacred consistory crowned, }

To hear what mercy, mixt with justice, could propound; }

All prompt, with eager pity, to fulfil

The full extent of their Creator's will:

But when the stern conditions were declared,

A mournful whisper through the host was heard,

And the whole hierarchy, with heads hung down,

Submissively declined the ponderous proffer'd crown.

Then, not till then, the Eternal Son from high

Rose in the strength of all the Deity;

}

Stood forth to accept the terms, and underwent }

A weight which all the frame of heaven had bent, }

Nor he himself could bear, but as Omnipotent. }

Now, to remove the least remaining doubt,

That even the blear-eyed sects may find her out,

}

Behold what heavenly rays adorn her brows, }

What from his wardrobe her beloved allows, }

To deck the wedding-day of his unspotted spouse![167] }

Behold what marks of majesty she brings,

Richer than ancient heirs of eastern kings!

Her right hand holds the sceptre and the keys,

To show whom she commands, and who obeys;

With these to bind, or set the sinner free,

With that to assert spiritual royalty.

One in herself, not rent by schism, but sound,

Entire, one solid shining diamond;

Not sparkles shattered into sects like you:

One is the church, and must be to be true;

}

One central principle of unity; }

As undivided, so from errors free; }

As one in faith, so one in sanctity. }

Thus she, and none but she, the insulting rage

Of heretics opposed from age to age;

}

Still when the giant-brood invades her throne, }

She stoops from heaven, and meets them half way down, }

And with paternal thunder vindicates her crown. }

}

But like Egyptian sorcerers you stand, }

And vainly lift aloft your magic wand, }

To sweep away the swarms of vermin from the land; }

You could, like them, with like infernal force,

Produce the plague, but not arrest the course.

But when the boils and blotches, with disgrace

And public scandal, sat upon the face,

}

Themselves attacked, the Magi strove no more, }

They saw God's finger, and their fate deplore; }

Themselves they could not cure of the dishonest sore.[168] }

Thus one, thus pure, behold her largely spread,

Like the fair ocean from her mother-bed;

From east to west triumphantly she rides,

All shores are watered by her wealthy tides.

The gospel-sound, diffused from pole to pole,

Where winds can carry, and where waves can roll,

The self-same doctrine of the sacred page

Conveyed to every clime, in every age.

Here let my sorrow give my satire place,

To raise new blushes on my British race.

}

Our sailing ships like common-sewers we use, }

And through our distant colonies diffuse }

The draught of dungeons, and the stench of stews; }

Whom, when their home-bred honesty is lost,

We disembogue on some far Indian coast,

Thieves, pandars, palliards,[169] sins of every sort;

Those are the manufactures we export,

}

And these the missioners our zeal has made; }

For, with my country's pardon, be it said, }

Religion is the least of all our trade. }

}

Yet some improve their traffic more than we; }

For they on gain, their only god, rely, }

And set a public price on piety. }

ndustrious of the needle and the chart,

They run full sail to their Japonian mart;

}

Preventing fear, and, prodigal of fame, }

Sell all of Christian to the very name,[170] }

Nor leave enough of that to hide their naked shame. }

Thus, of three marks, which in the creed we view,

Not one of all can be applied to you;

Much less the fourth. In vain, alas! you seek

The ambitious title of apostolic:[171]

God-like descent! 'tis well your blood can be

Proved noble in the third or fourth degree;

}

For all of ancient that you had before, }

I mean what is not borrowed from our store, }

Was error fulminated o'er and o'er; }

Old heresies condemned in ages past,

By care and time recovered from the blast.[172]

'Tis said with ease, but never can be proved,

The church her old foundations has removed,

And built new doctrines on unstable sands:

Judge that, ye winds and rains! you proved her, yet she stands.

Those ancient doctrines charged on her for new,

Show, when, and how, and from what hands they grew.

We claim no power, when heresies grow bold,

To coin new faith, but still declare the old.

How else could that obscene disease be purged,

When controverted texts are vainly urged?

To prove tradition new, there's somewhat more

Required, than saying, 'twas not used before.

Those monumental arms are never stirred,

Till schism or heresy call down Goliah's sword.

Thus, what you call corruptions, are, in truth,

The first plantations of the gospel's youth;

}

Old standard faith; but cast your eyes again, }

And view those errors which new sects maintain, }

Or which of old disturbed the church's peaceful reign; }

And we can point each period of the time,

When they began, and who begot the crime;

Can calculate how long the eclipse endured,

Who interposed, what digits were obscured:

Of all which are already passed away,

We know the rise, the progress, and decay.

Despair at our foundations then to strike,

Till you can prove your faith apostolic;

A limpid stream drawn from the native source;

Succession lawful in a lineal course.

Prove any church, opposed to this our head,

So one, so pure, so unconfinedly spread,

Under one chief of the spiritual state,

The members all combined, and all subordinate;

Show such a seamless coat, from schism so free,

In no communion joined with heresy;—

}

If such a one you find, let truth prevail; }

Till when, your weights will in the balance fail; }

A church unprincipled kicks up the scale. }

But if you cannot think, (nor sure you can

Suppose in God what were unjust in man,)

}

That He, the fountain of eternal grace, }

Should suffer falsehood for so long a space }

To banish truth, and to usurp her place; }

That seven successive ages should be lost,

And preach damnation at their proper cost;[173]

That all your erring ancestors should die,

Drowned in the abyss of deep idolatry;

If piety forbid such thoughts to rise,

Awake, and open your unwilling eyes:

}

God hath left nothing for each age undone, }

From this to that wherein he sent his Son; }

Then think but well of him, and half your work is done. }

}

See how his church, adorned with every grace, }

With open arms, a kind forgiving face, }

Stands ready to prevent her long-lost son's embrace! }

Not more did Joseph o'er his brethren weep,

Nor less himself could from discovery keep,

When in the crowd of suppliants they were seen,

And in their crew his best-loved Benjamin.

}

That pious Joseph in the church behold, }

To feed your famine, and refuse your gold; }

The Joseph you exiled, the Joseph whom you sold.[174] }

Thus, while with heavenly charity she spoke,

A streaming blaze the silent shadows broke;

}

Shot from the skies a cheerful azure light; }

The birds obscene to forests winged their flight, }

And gaping graves received the wandering guilty sprite. }

Such were the pleasing triumphs of the sky,

For James his late nocturnal victory;

The pledge of his almighty Patron's love,

The fireworks which his angels made above.[175]

I saw myself the lambent easy light[176]

Gild the brown horror, and dispel the night;

}

The messenger with speed the tidings bore; }

News, which three labouring nations did restore; }

But heaven's own Nuntius was arrived before. }

By this, the Hind had reached her lonely cell,

And vapours rose, and dews unwholesome fell;

}

When she, by frequent observation wise, }

As one who long on heaven had fixed her eyes, }

Discerned a change of weather in the skies. }

The western borders were with crimson spread,

The moon descending looked all flaming red;

She thought good manners bound her to invite

The stranger dame to be her guest that night.

}

'Tis true, coarse diet, and a short repast, }

She said, were weak inducements to the taste }

Of one so nicely bred, and so unused to fast; }

But what plain fare her cottage could afford,

A hearty welcome at a homely board,

Was freely hers; and, to supply the rest,

An honest meaning, and an open breast;

Last, with content of mind, the poor man's wealth,

A grace-cup to their common patron's[177] health.

This she desired her to accept, and stay,

For fear she might be wildered in her way,

Because she wanted an unerring guide,

And then the dew-drops on her silken hide

}

Her tender constitution did declare, }

Too lady-like a long fatigue to bear, }

And rough inclemencies of raw nocturnal air.[178] }

}

But most she feared, that, travelling so late, }

Some evil-minded beasts might lie in wait, }

And without witness wreak their hidden hate. }

The Panther, though she lent a listening ear,

Had more of lion in her than to fear;

Yet wisely weighing, since she had to deal

With many foes their numbers might prevail,

Returned her all the thanks she could afford,

And took her friendly hostess at her word;

}

Who, entering first her lowly roof, a shed }

With hoary moss and winding ivy spread, }

Honest enough to hide an humble hermit's head, }

}

Thus graciously bespoke her welcome guest: }

So might these walls, with your fair presence blest, }

Become your dwelling-place of everlasting rest; }

Not for a night, or quick revolving year,

Welcome an owner, not a sojourner.

This peaceful seat my poverty secures;

War seldom enters but where wealth allures:

Nor yet despise it; for this poor abode,

Has oft received, and yet receives a God;

A God, victorious of a Stygian race,

Here laid his sacred limbs, and sanctified the place.

}

This mean retreat did mighty Pan[179] contain; }

Be emulous of him, and pomp disdain, }

And dare not to debase your soul to gain.[180] }

The silent stranger stood amazed to see

Contempt of wealth, and wilful poverty;

And, though ill habits are not soon controuled,

Awhile suspended her desire of gold.

}

But civilly drew in her sharpened paws, }

Not violating hospitable laws, }

And pacified her tail, and licked her frothy jaws. }

The Hind did first her country cates provide;

Then couched herself securely by her side.


NOTES
ON
THE HIND AND THE PANTHER.
PART II.


[Note I.]

Dame, said the Panther, times are mended well,

Since late among the Philistines you fell.

The toils were pitched, a spacious tract of ground,

With expert huntsmen, was encompassed round;

The enclosure narrowed; the sagacious power

Of hounds and death drew nearer every hour.—P. [161].

In these spirited lines, Dryden describes the dangers in which the English Catholics were involved by the Popish Plot, which rendered them so obnoxious for two years, that even Charles himself, much as he was inclined to favour them, durst not attempt to prevent the most severe measures from being adopted towards them. It is somewhat curious, that the very same metaphor of hounds and huntsmen is employed by one of the most warm advocates for the plot. "Had this plot been a forged contrivance of their own, (i.e. the Papists,) they would at the very first discovery of it have had half a dozen, or half a score, crafty fellows, ready to have attested all the same things; whereas, on the contrary, notwithstanding we are now on a burning scent, we were fain till here of late to pick out, by little and little, all upon a cold scent, and that stained too by the tricks and malice of our enemies. So that had we not had some such good huntsmen as the Right Noble Earl of Shaftesbury, to manage the chase for us, our hounds must needs have been baffled, and the game lost."—Appeal from the Country to the City. State Tracts, p. 407.

[Note II.]

As I remember, said the sober Hind,

Those toils were for your own dear self designed,

}

As well as me; and with the self-same throw, }

To catch the quarry and the vermin too, }

(Forgive the slanderous tongues that called you so.) }

Howe'er you take it now, the common cry

Then ran you down for your rank loyalty.—P. [162].

The country party, during the 1679, and the succeeding years, were as much incensed against the divines of the high church of England as against the Papists. The furious pamphlet, quoted in the last note, divides the enemies of this country into four classes; officers, courtiers, over-hot churchmen, and papists. "Over-hot churchmen," it continues, "are bribed to wish well to popery, by the hopes, if not of a cardinal's cap, yet at least by a command over some abbey, priory, or other ecclesiastical preferment whereof the Romish church hath so great plenty. These are the men, who exclaim against our parliament's proceedings, in relation to the plot, as too violent, calling these times by no other name than that of forty or forty-one;[181] when, to amuse as well his sacred majesty as his good people, they again threaten us with another forty-eight; and all this is done to vindicate underhand the Catholic party, by throwing a suspicion on the fanatics. These are the gentlemen who so magnify the principles of Bishop Laud, and so much extol the writings of that same late spirited prelate Dr Heylin, who hath made more Papists, by his books than Christians by his sermons. These are those episcopal Tantivies, who can make even the very scriptures pimp for the court, who out of Urim and Thummim can extort a sermon, to prove the not paying of tithes and taxes to be the sin against the Holy Ghost; and had rather see the kingdom run down with blood, than part with the least hem of a sanctified frock, which they themselves made holy."—Appeal, &c. State Tracts, p. 403. In a very violent tract, written expressly against the influence of the clergy,[182] they are charged with being the principal instruments of the court in corrupting elections. "I find," says the author, when talking of the approaching general election, "all persons very forward to countenance this public work, except the high-flown ritualists and ceremony-mongers of the clergy, who, being in the conspiracy against the people, lay themselves out to accommodate their masters with the veriest villains that can be picked up in all the country, that so we may fall into the hands again of as treacherous and lewd a parliament, as the wisdom of God and folly of man has most miraculously dissolved. To which end they traduce all worthy men for fanatics, schismatics, or favourers of them. Nay, do but pitch upon a gentleman, who believes it his duty to serve his God, his king, and country, faithfully, they cry him down as a person dangerous and disaffected to the government; thinking thereby to scare the people from the freedom of their choice, and then impose their hair-brained journeymen and half-witted fops upon them." In Shadwell's Whig play, called "The Lancashire Witches," he has introduced an high-flying chaplain, as the expression then run, and an Irish priest, who are described as very ready to accommodate each other in all religious tenets, since they agree in disbelieving the popish plot, and in believing that ascribed to the fanatics. These, out of a thousand instances, may serve to show, how closely the country party in the time of Charles II. were disposed to identify the interests of Rome, and of the high church of England. Dryden is therefore well authorised to say, that both communions were aimed at by that cabal, which pushed on the investigation of the supposed plot.

[Note III.]

The test, it seems, at last has loosed your tongue.—P. [162].

If there was any ambiguity in the church of England's doctrine concerning the eucharist, it was fully explained by the memorable Test Act, passed in 1678, during the heat of the Popish Plot, by which all persons holding public offices were required, under pain of disqualification, to disown the doctrine of transubstantiation, in the most explicit terms, as also that of image worship. This bill was pressed forwards with great violence by the country party. "I would not," said one of their orators, "have a popishman, or a popish woman, remain here; not a popish dog, or a popish bitch; not so much as a popish cat, to pur and mew about the king." Many of the church of England party opposed this test, from an idea that it was prejudicial to the interests of the crown.

[Note IV.]

I then affirm, that this unfailing guide

In pope and general councils must reside;

Both lawful, both combined; what one decrees

By numerous votes, the other ratifies;

On this undoubted sense the church relies.—P. [164].

Dryden does not plead the cause of infallibility so high as to declare it lodged in the pope alone; but inclines to the milder and more moderate opinion, which vests it in the church and pope jointly. This was the shape in which the doctrine was stated in the pamphlets generally dispersed from the king's printing-press about this time; whether because James really held the opinion of the Ultramontane, or Gallican church, in this point, or that he thought the more moderate statement was most likely to be acceptable to new converts. In a dialogue betwixt a Missioner and a Plain Man, printed along with the Rosary, in a very small form, and apparently designed for very extensive circulation, the question is thus stated:

"Plain Man. How shall I know what the church teaches, and by what means may I come to know her infallible doctrine?

"Missioner. In those cases, she speaks to us by her supreme courts of judicature, her general councils, which, being the legal representatives of her whole body, she is secured from erring in them as to all things which appertain to faith."

[Note V.]

But mark how sandy is your own pretence,

Who, setting councils, pope, and church aside,

Are every man his own presuming guide

The sacred books, you say, are full and plain,

And every needful point of truth contain;

All who can read interpreters may be.—P. [165].

This ultimate appeal to the scriptures against the authority of the church, as it is what the church of Rome has most to dread, is most combated by her followers. Dryden, like a good courtier, adopts here, as well as elsewhere, the arguments which converted his master, Charles II. "We declare," says the king in his first paper, "to believe one Catholic and apostolic church; and it is not left to every phantastical man's head to believe as he pleases, but to the church, to whom Christ left the power upon earth, to govern us in matters of faith, who made these creeds for our directions. It were a very irrational thing to make laws for a country, and leave it to the inhabitants to be interpreters and judges of those laws: For then every man will be his own judge; and, by consequence, no such thing as either right or wrong. Can we therefore suppose, that God Almighty would leave us at those uncertainties, as to give us a rule to go by, and leave every man to be his own judge? I do ask any ingenuous man, Whether it be not the same thing to follow our own phancy, or to interpret the scripture by it? I would have any man shew me, where the power of deciding matters of faith is given to every particular man. Christ left his power to his church, even to forgive sins in heaven; and left his Spirit with them, which they exercised after his resurrection; first by his apostles in their creed, and many years after by the council at Nice, where that creed was made that is called by that name; and by the power which they had received from Christ, they were the judges even of the scripture itself many years after the apostles, which books were canonical, and which were not." Papers found in King Charles's strong box.

[Note VI.]

The good old bishops took a simpler way;

Each asked but what he heard his father say,

Or how he was instructed in his youth,

And by tradition's force upheld the truth.—P. [167].

Dryden had previously attacked the rule of faith, by private judgment of the Holy Scriptures. His assumption is, that the scriptures having been often misunderstood and abused by heretics of various descriptions, there must be some more infallible guide left us by God as the rule of faith. Instead of trusting, therefore, to individual judgment founded on the scripture, he urges, that the infallibility of faith depends upon oral tradition, handed down, as his communion pretends, by father to son, from the times of the primitive church till this very day. It is upon this foundation that the church of Rome rests her claim to infallibility, as the immediate representative of the apostles and primitive church.

[Note VII.]

For purging fires traditions must not fight;

But they must prove episcopacy's right.—P. [170].

The doctrine of purgatory, and prayers for the dead, is founded on a passage in the book of Tobit. The Apocrypha not being absolutely rejected by the church of England, but admitted for "example of life and instruction of manners," though not of canonical authority, part of this curious and romantic history is read in the course of the calendar. The domestic circumstance of the dog gave unreasonable scandal to the Puritans, from which the following is a good-humoured vindication. "Give me leave for once to intercede for that poor dog, because he is a dog of good example, for he was faithful, and loved his master; besides, that he never troubles the church on Sundays, when people have their best clothes on; only on a week-day, when scrupulous brethren are always absent, the poor cur makes bold to follow his master." But although the church of England did not receive the traditive belief, founded upon the aforesaid passage concerning prayer for the dead, the dissenters accused her of liberal reference to tradition in the disputes concerning the office of bishop, the nature of which is in the New Testament left somewhat dubious.

[Note VIII.]

But this annexed condition of the crown,

Immunity from errors, you disown;

Here then you shrink, and lay your weak pretensions down. P. [176].

Much of the preceding argument, and this conclusion, is founded upon the following passage in the second paper found in King Charles's strong box. "It is a sad thing to consider what a world of heresies are crept into this nation. Every man thinks himself as competent a judge of the scriptures as the very apostles themselves; and 'tis no wonder that it should be so, since that part of the nation which looks most like a church, dares not bring the true arguments against the other sects, for fear they should be turned against themselves, and confuted by their own arguments. The church of England, as 'tis called, would fain have it thought, that they are the judges in matters spiritual, and yet dare not positively say, that there is no appeal from them; for either they must say, that they are infallible, which they cannot pretend to, or confess, that what they decide in matters of conscience is no further to be followed, than as it agrees with every man's private judgment."

To this the divines of England answered, that they indeed asserted church authority, but without pretending to infallibility; and that while the church decided upon points of faith, she was to be directed and guided by the scriptures, just as the judges of a temporal tribunal are to frame their decisions, not from any innate or infallible authority of their own, but in conformity with the laws of the realm.

[Note IX.]

Behold, what heavenly rays adorn her brows,

What from his wardrobe her beloved allows,

To deck the wedding-day of his unspotted spouse!—P. [177].

In this and the following lines Dryden sets forth his adopted mother-church in all the glowing attributes of majesty and authority. The lines are extremely beautiful, and their policy is obvious, from the following passage in a pretended letter from Father Petre to Father La Chaise. The letter bears every mark indeed of forgery; but it is equally an illustration of Dryden, whether the policy contained in it was attributed by the Protestants to the Catholics as part of their scheme, or was really avowed as such by themselves. "Many English heretics resort often to our sermons; and I have often recommended to our fathers to preach now in the beginning as little as they can of the controversy, because that provokes; but to represent to them the beauty and antiquity of the Catholic religion, that they may be convinced that all that has been said and preached to them, and their own reflections concerning it, have been all scandal."—Somers' Tracts, p. 253. The unity of the Catholic church was also chiefly insisted on during the controversy:

One in herself, not rent by schism, but sound,

Entire; one solid, shining diamond,

Not sparkles shattered into sects like you;

One is the church, and must be to be true.

It seems to have escaped Dryden, that all the various sects which have existed, and do now exist, in the Christian world, may, in some measure, be said to be sparkles shattered from his "solid diamond;" since at one time all Christendom belonged to the Roman church. Thus the disunion of the various sects of Protestants is no more an argument against the church of England than it is against the church of Rome, or the Christian faith in general. All communions insist on the same privilege; and when the church of Rome denounced the Protestants as heretics, like Coriolanus going into exile, they returned the sentence against her who gave it. If it is urged, that, notwithstanding these various defections, the Roman church retained the most extended communion, this plea would place the truth of religious opinions upon the hazardous basis of numbers, which Mahometans might plead more successfully than any Christian church, in proportion as their faith is more widely extended. These arguments of the unity and extent of the church are thus expressed in a missionary tract already quoted, where the Plain Man thus addresses his English parson: "Either shew me, by more plain and positive texts of scripture than what the Missioner has here brought, that God Almighty has promised to preserve his church from essential errors, such as are idolatry, superstition, &c.; or else shew me a church visible in all ages spread over the face of the whole world, secured from such errors, and at unity in itself. A church, that has had all along kings for nursing fathers, and queens for nursing mothers; a church, to which all nations have flowed, and which is authorised to teach them infallibly all those truths which were delivered to the saints without mixtures of error, which destroy sanctity; I say, either shew me, from plain texts of scripture, that Christ's church was not to be my infallible guide; or shew me such a church of Christ as these promises require, distinct from that of the Roman, and from which she has either separated, or been cut off."

[Note X.]

Industrious of the needle and the chart,

They run full sail to their Japonian mart;

Preventing fear, and prodigal of fame,

Sell all of Christian to the very name.—P. [179].

The author has, a little above, used an argument, much to the honour of the Catholic church—her unceasing diligence in labouring for the conversion of the heathen; a task, in which her missionaries have laboured with unwearied assiduity, encountering fatigue, danger, and martyrdom itself, in winning souls to the faith. It has been justly objected, that the spiritual instruction of their converts is but slight and superficial; yet still their missionary zeal forms a strong contrast to the indifference of the reformed churches in this duty. Nothing of the kind has ever been attempted on a great or national scale by the church of England, which gives Catholics room to upbraid her clergy with their unambitious sloth in declining the dignity of becoming bishops in partibus infidelium. The poet goes on to state the scandalous materials with which it has been the universal custom of Britain to supply the population of her colonies; the very dregs and outcasts of humanity being the only recruits whom she destines to establish the future marts for her commodities. The success of such missionaries among the savage tribes, who have the misfortune to be placed in their vicinity, may be easily guessed:

Deliberate and undeceived,

The wild men's vices they received,

And gave them back their own. Wordsworth.

On the other hand, the care of the Catholic missionaries was by no means limited to the spiritual concerns of those heathen among whom they laboured: they extended them to their temporal concerns, and sometimes unfortunately occasioned grievous civil dissensions, and much bloodshed. Something of this kind took place in Japan; where the Christians, having raised a rebellion against the heathens, (for the beaten party, as Dryden says, are always rebels to the victors,) were exterminated, root and branch. This excited such an utter hatred of Catholic priests, and their religion, that they were prohibited, under the deepest denunciations of death and confiscation, from landing in Japan. Nevertheless, the severity of this law did not prevent the Hollanders from sharing in the gainful traffic of the island, which they gained permission to do, by declaring, that they were not Christians, (only meaning, we hope, that they were not Catholics,) but Dutchmen; and it was currently believed, that, in corroboration of their assertion, they were required to trample upon the crucifix, the object of adoration to those whom the Japanese had formerly known under the name of Christians.

[Note XI.]

Thus of three marks which in the creed we view,

Not one of all can be applied to you,

Much less the fourth; in vain, alas! you seek

The ambitious title of apostolic.—P. [179].

The poet is enumerating the marks of the Catholic church, according to the Nicene creed, which he makes out to be Unity, Truth, Sanctity, and Apostolic Derivation, all of which he denies to the church of England. The qualities of truth and sanctity are implied under the word Catholic.

[Note XII.]

That pious Joseph in the church behold,

To feed your famine, and refuse your gold;

The Joseph you exiled, the Joseph whom you sold.—P. [182].

The English Benedictine monks executed a renunciation of the abbey lands, belonging to the order before the Reformation, in order to satisfy the minds of the possessors, and reconcile them to the re-establishment of the ancient religion, by guaranteeing the stability of their property. There appeared, however, to the proprietors of these lands, little generosity in this renunciation, in case the monks were to remain in a condition of inability to support their pretended claim; and, on the other hand, some reason to suspect its validity, should they ever be strong enough to plead their title. The king's declaration of indulgence contained a promise upon this head, which appeared equally ominous: He declared, that he would maintain his loving subjects in their properties and possessions, "as well of church and abbey lands as of any other." The only effect of this clause was to make men enquire, whether popery was so near being established as to make such a promise necessary; and if so, how far the promise itself was to be relied upon, in opposition to the doctrine of resumption, which had always been enforced by the Roman see, even when these church lands fell into the hands of persons of their own persuasion, unless they were dedicated to pious uses. Nor were there wanting persons to remind the proprietors of such lands, that the canons declared that even the pope had no authority to confirm the alienation of the property of the church; that the general council of Trent had solemnly anathematized all who detained church lands; that the Monasticon Anglicanum was carefully preserved in the Vatican as a rule for the intended resumption; and that the reigning pope had obstinately refused to confirm any such alienations by his bulls, though the doing so at this crisis might have removed a great obstacle to the growth of Popery in England.—See, in the State Tracts, a piece called "Abbey Lands not assured to Roman Catholics," Vol. 1. p. 326; and more especially a tract, by some ascribed to Burnet, and by others to Sir William Coventry, entitled, "A Letter written to Dr Burnet, giving some account of Cardinal Pole's secret powers; from which it appears, that it never was intended to confirm the Alienation that was made of the Abbey Lands. To which are added, Two Breves that Cardinal Pole brought over, and some other of his Letters that were never before printed, 1685."

[Note XIII.]

Such were the pleasing triumphs of the sky,

For James his late nocturnal victory;

The pledge of his almighty Patron's love,

The fireworks which his angels made above.—P. [182].

The aurora borealis was an uncommon spectacle in England during the 17th century. Its occasional appearance, however, gave foundation to those tales of armies fighting in the air, and similar phenomena with which the credulity of the vulgar was amused. The author seems to allude to some extraordinary display of the aurora borealis on the evening of the battle of Sedgemuir, which was chiefly fought by night. I do not find the circumstance noticed elsewhere. Dryden attests it by his personal evidence.

[Note XIV.]

And then the dew-drops on her silken hide

Her tender constitution did declare,

Too lady-like a long fatigue to bear,

And rough inclemencies of raw nocturnal air.—P. [183].

This seems to be a sarcasm of the same kind with the following: "But," says the zealous Protestant of the mother church, "if you repeal the test, you take away the bulwark that defends the church; for if that were once demolished, the enemy would rush in and possess all; and it is a delicate innocent church that cannot be safe but in a fortified place."—"I must confess, it is a great argument of her modesty to own herself weak and unable to subsist without the support of parliamentary laws, to hang, draw, or quarter her opposers, and without a coercive power in herself to fine and excommunicate all recusants and nonconformists."[183] One would wish to ask this Catholic advocate for universal toleration, if he had ever heard of a court in Popish countries for the prevention of heresy, generally called the Inquisition?


THE
HIND AND THE PANTHER.
A POEM.


PART THIRD.


THE
HIND AND THE PANTHER.
PART THIRD.


Much malice, mingled with a little wit,

Perhaps may censure this mysterious writ;

}

Because the muse has peopled Caledon }

With panthers, bears, and wolves, and beasts unknown, }

As if we were not stocked with monsters of our own. }

Let Æsop answer, who has set to view

Such kinds as Greece and Phrygia never knew;

And mother Hubbard, in her homely dress,

Has sharply blamed a British lioness;

That queen, whose feast the factious rabble keep,

Exposed obscenely naked, and asleep.[184]

Led by those great examples, may not I

The wonted organs of their words supply?

If men transact like brutes, 'tis equal then

For brutes to claim the privilege of men.

Others our Hind of folly will indite,

To entertain a dangerous guest by night.

Let those remember, that she cannot die,

Till rolling time is lost in round eternity;

Nor need she fear the Panther, though untamed,

Because the Lion's peace was now proclaimed;[185]

The wary savage would not give offence,

To forfeit the protection of her prince;

But watched the time her vengeance to complete,

When all her furry sons in frequent senate met;[186]

Meanwhile she quenched her fury at the flood,

And with a lenten sallad cooled her blood.

Their commons, though but coarse, were nothing scant,

Nor did their minds an equal banquet want.

For now the Hind, whose noble nature strove

To express her plain simplicity of love,

Did all the honours of her house so well,

No sharp debates disturbed the friendly meal.

She turned the talk, avoiding that extreme,

To common dangers past, a sadly-pleasing theme;

}

Remembering every storm which tossed the state, }

When both were objects of the public hate, }

And dropt a tear betwixt for her own childrens' fate. }

Nor failed she then a full review to make

Of what the Panther suffered for her sake;

Her lost esteem, her truth, her loyal care,

Her faith unshaken to an exiled heir,

Her strength to endure, her courage to defy,

Her choice of honourable infamy.[187]

On these, prolixly thankful, she enlarged;

Then with acknowledgment herself she charged;

For friendship, of itself an holy tie,

Is made more sacred by adversity.

Now should they part, malicious tongues would say,

They met like chance companions on the way,

Whom mutual fear of robbers had possessed;

While danger lasted, kindness was professed;

But, that once o'er, the short-lived union ends,

The road divides, and there divide the friends.

The Panther nodded, when her speech was done,

And thanked her coldly in a hollow tone;

But said, her gratitude had gone too far

For common offices of Christian care.

If to the lawful heir she had been true,

She paid but Cæsar what was Cæsar's due.

I might, she added, with like praise describe

Your suffering sons, and so return your bribe:

But incense from my hands is poorly prized;

For gifts are scorned where givers are despised.

}

I served a turn, and then was cast away; }

You, like the gaudy fly, your wings display, }

And sip the sweets, and bask in your great patron's day.—[188] }

This heard, the matron was not slow to find

What sort of malady had seized her mind;

Disdain, with gnawing envy, fell despite,

And cankered malice, stood in open sight;

Ambition, interest, pride without controul,

And jealousy, the jaundice of the soul;

Revenge, the bloody minister of ill,

With all the lean tormentors of the will.

'Twas easy now to guess from whence arose

Her new-made union with her ancient foes;

Her forced civilities, her faint embrace,

Affected kindness, with an altered face;

Yet durst she not too deeply probe the wound,

As hoping still the nobler parts were sound;

But strove with anodynes to assuage the smart,

And mildly thus her medicine did impart.

Complaints of lovers help to ease their pain;

It shows a rest of kindness to complain;

A friendship loth to quit its former hold,

And conscious merit, may be justly bold;

But much more just your jealousy would shew,

If others' good were injury to you:

Witness, ye heavens, how I rejoice to see

Rewarded worth and rising loyalty!

Your warrior offspring, that upheld the crown,

The scarlet honour of your peaceful gown,

Are the most pleasing objects I can find,

Charms to my sight, and cordials to my mind:

When virtue spooms[189] before a prosperous gale,

My heaving wishes help to fill the sail;

And if my prayers for all the brave were heard,

Cæsar should still have such, and such should still reward.

The laboured earth your pains have sowed and tilled,

'Tis just you reap the product of the field:

Yours be the harvest; 'tis the beggar's gain,

To glean the fallings of the loaded wain.

}

Such scattered ears as are not worth your care, }

Your charity, for alms, may safely spare, }

For alms are but the vehicles of prayer. }

My daily bread is literally implored;

I have no barns nor granaries to hoard.

}

If Cæsar to his own his hand extends, }

Say which of yours his charity offends; }

You know, he largely gives to more than are his friends. }

Are you defrauded, when he feeds the poor?

Our mite decreases nothing of your store.

I am but few, and by your fare you see

My crying sins are not of luxury.

}

Some juster motive sure your mind withdraws, }

And makes you break our friendship's holy laws; }

For barefaced envy is too base a cause. }

Show more occasion for your discontent;

Your love, the Wolf, would help you to invent:

Some German quarrel, or, as times go now,

Some French,[190] where force is uppermost, will do.

When at the fountain's head, as merit ought

To claim the place, you take a swilling draught,

How easy 'tis an envious eye to throw,

And tax the sheep for troubling streams below;

Or call her, when no farther cause you find,

An enemy professed of all your kind!

But, then, perhaps, the wicked world would think,

The Wolf designed to eat as well as drink.—

This last allusion galled the Panther more,

Because, indeed, it rubbed upon the sore;

Yet seemed she not to wince, though shrewdly pained,

But thus her passive character maintained.

I never grudged, whate'er my foes report,

Your flaunting fortune in the Lion's court.

You have your day, or you are much belied,

But I am always on the suffering side;

You know my doctrine, and I need not say,

I will not, but I cannot disobey.

Their malice too a sore suspicion brings,

For, though they dare not bark, they snarl at kings.

}

On this firm principle I ever stood; }

He of my sons who fails to make it good, }

By one rebellious act renounces to my blood.[191] }

Ah, said the Hind, how many sons have you,

Who call you mother, whom you never knew!

But most of them, who that relation plead,

Are such ungracious youths as wish you dead.

They gape at rich revenues which you hold,

And fain would nibble at your grandame gold;

Enquire into your years, and laugh to find

Your crazy temper shows you much declined.

}

Were you not dim and doated, you might see }

A pack of cheats that claim a pedigree, }

No more of kin to you, than you to me. }

Do you not know, that, for a little coin,

Heralds can foist a name into the line?

}

They ask you blessing but for what you have, }

But, once possessed of what with care you save, }

The wanton boys would piss upon your grave. }

}

Your sons of latitude, that court your grace, }

Though most resembling you in form and face, }

Are far the worst of your pretended race; }

And, but I blush your honesty to blot,

Pray God you prove them lawfully begot!

For, in some Popish libels I have read,

The Wolf has been too busy in your bed;[192]

At least their hinder parts, the belly-piece,

The paunch, and all that Scorpio claims,[193] are his.

Nor blame them for intruding in your line;

Fat bishoprics are still of right divine.

Think you, your new French proselytes are come,

To starve abroad, because they starved at home?

Your benefices twinkled from afar,

They found the new Messiah by the star;

Those Swisses fight on any side for pay,

And 'tis the living that conforms, not they.

}

Mark with what management their tribes divide; }

Some stick to you, and some to t'other side, }

That many churches may for many mouths provide.[194] }

More vacant pulpits would more converts make;

All would have latitude enough to take:

}

The rest unbeneficed your sects maintain; }

For ordinations, without cures, are vain, }

And chamber practice is a silent gain. }

Your sons of breadth at home are much like these;

Their soft and yielding metals run with ease;

They melt, and take the figure of the mould,

But harden and preserve it best in gold.—

Your Delphic sword, the Panther then replied,

Is double-edged, and cuts on either side.

Some sons of mine, who bear upon their shield

Three steeples argent in a sable field,

Have sharply taxed your converts, who, unfed,

Have followed you for miracles of bread;[195]

Such, who themselves of no religion are,

Allured with gain, for any will declare.

Bare lies, with bold assertions, they can face;

But dint of argument is out of place.

The grim logician puts them in a fright;

'Tis easier far to flourish than to fight.[196]

}

Thus, our eighth Henry's marriage they defame; }

They say, the schism of beds began the game, }

Divorcing from the church to wed the dame; }

Though largely proved, and by himself professed,

That conscience, conscience would not let him rest,—[197]

I mean, not till possessed of her he loved,

And old, uncharming Catherine was removed.

For sundry years before he did complain,

And told his ghostly confessor his pain.

}

With the same impudence, without a ground, }

They say, that, look the reformation round, }

No treatise of humility is found.[198] }

}

But if none were, the gospel does not want; }

Our Saviour preached it, and I hope you grant, }

The sermon on the mount was protestant.— }

}

No doubt, replied the Hind, as sure as all }

The writings of Saint Peter and Saint Paul; }

On that decision let it stand, or fall. }

Now for my converts, who, you say, unfed,

Have followed me for miracles of bread.

Judge not by hearsay, but observe at least,

If since their change their loaves have been increased.

The Lion buys no converts; if he did,

Beasts would be sold as fast as he could bid.

Tax those of interest, who conform for gain,

Or stay the market of another reign:

Your broad-way sons[199] would never be too nice

To close with Calvin, if he paid their price;

But, raised three steeples higher, would change their note,

And quit the cassock for the canting-coat.

Now, if you damn this censure, as too bold,

Judge by yourselves, and think not others sold.

Meantime, my sons accused, by fame's report,

Pay small attendance at the Lion's court,

Nor rise with early crowds, nor flatter late;

For silently they beg, who daily wait.

Preferment is bestowed, that comes unsought;

Attendance is a bribe, and then 'tis bought.

How they should speed, their fortune is untried;

For not to ask, is not to be denied.

For what they have, their God and king they bless,

And hope they should not murmur, had they less.

But if reduced subsistence to implore,

In common prudence they would pass your door;

Unpitied Hudibras, your champion friend,[200]

Has shown how far your charities extend.

This lasting verse shall on his tomb be read,

"He shamed you living, and upbraids you dead."

}

With odious atheist names you load your foes; }

Your liberal clergy why did I expose? }

It never fails in charities like those.[201] }

In climes where true religion is professed,

That imputation were no laughing jest;

But imprimatur, with a chaplain's name,

Is here sufficient licence to defame.[202]

}

What wonder is't that black detraction thrives? }

The homicide of names is less than lives; }

And yet the perjured murderer survives.— }

This said, she paused a little, and suppressed

The boiling indignation of her breast.

She knew the virtue of her blade, nor would

Pollute her satire with ignoble blood;

Her panting foe she saw before her eye,

And back she drew the shining weapon dry.

So when the generous Lion has in sight

His equal match, he rouses for the fight;

But when his foe lies prostrate on the plain,

He sheaths his paws, uncurls his angry mane,

And, pleased with bloodless honours of the day,

Walks over, and disdains the inglorious prey.

So James, if great with less we may compare,

Arrests his rolling thunder-bolts in air;

And grants ungrateful friends a lengthened space,

To implore the remnants of long-suffering grace.

This breathing-time the matron took; and then

Resumed the thread of her discourse again.—

Be vengeance wholly left to powers divine,

And let heaven judge betwixt your sons and mine:

If joys hereafter must be purchased here

With loss of all that mortals hold so dear,

Then welcome infamy and public shame,

And last, a long farewell to worldly fame![203]

}

'Tis said with ease, but, oh, how hardly tried }

By haughty souls to human honour tied! }

O sharp convulsive pangs of agonizing pride! }

}

Down then, thou rebel, never more to rise! }

And what thou didst, and dost, so dearly prize, }

That fame, that darling fame, make that thy sacrifice. }

'Tis nothing thou hast given; then add thy tears

For a long race of unrepenting years:

'Tis nothing yet, yet all thou hast to give:

Then add those may-be years thou hast to live:

}

Yet nothing still: then poor and naked come, }

Thy father will receive his unthrift home, }

And thy blest Saviour's blood discharge the mighty sum. }

Thus, she pursued, I discipline a son,

Whose unchecked fury to revenge would run;

He champs the bit, impatient of his loss,

And starts aside, and flounders at the cross.

Instruct him better, gracious God, to know,

As thine is vengeance, so forgiveness too;

That, suffering from ill tongues, he bears no more

Than what his sovereign bears, and what his Saviour bore.

It now remains for you to school your child,[204]

And ask why God's anointed he reviled;

A king and princess dead! did Shimei worse?

The curser's punishment should fright the curse;

Your son was warned, and wisely gave it o'er,

But he, who counselled him, has paid the score;[205]

The heavy malice could no higher tend,

But woe to him on whom the weights descend.

So to permitted ills the demon flies;

His rage is aimed at him who rules the skies:

Constrained to quit his cause, no succour found,

The foe discharges every tire around,

In clouds of smoke abandoning the fight,

But his own thundering peals proclaim his flight.

}

In Henry's change his charge as ill succeeds; }

To that long story little answer needs; }

Confront but Henry's words with Henry's deeds. }

Were space allowed, with ease it might be proved,

What springs his blessed reformation moved.

}

The dire effects appeared in open sight, }

Which from the cause he calls a distant flight, }

And yet no larger leap than from the sun to light. }

Now last your sons a double pæan sound,

A treatise of humility is found.

'Tis found, but better it had ne'er been sought,

Than thus in Protestant procession brought.

}

The famed original through Spain is known, }

Rodriguez' work, my celebrated son, }

Which yours, by ill-translating, made his own;[206] }

Concealed its author, and usurped the name,

The basest and ignoblest theft of fame.

My altars kindled first that living coal;

Restore, or practise better what you stole;

That virtue could this humble verse inspire,

'Tis all the restitution I require.—

Glad was the Panther that the charge was closed,

And none of all her favourite sons exposed;

for laws of arms permit each injured man,

To make himself a saver where he can.

Perhaps the plundered merchant cannot tell

The names of pirates in whose hands he fell;

But at the den of thieves he justly flies,

And every Algerine is lawful prize;

No private person in the foe's estate

Can plead exemption from the public fate.

Yet Christian laws allow not such redress;

Then let the greater supersede the less.

But let the abettors of the Panther's crime

Learn to make fairer wars another time.

}

Some characters may sure be found to write }

Among her sons; for 'tis no common sight, }

A spotted dam, and all her offspring white. }

The savage, though she saw her plea controuled,

Yet would not wholly seem to quit her hold,

But offered fairly to compound the strife,

And judge conversion by the convert's life.

'Tis true, she said, I think it somewhat strange,

So few should follow profitable change;

For present joys are more to flesh and blood,

Than a dull prospect of a distant good.

'Twas well alluded by a son of mine,

(I hope to quote him is not to purloin,)

Two magnets, heaven and earth, allure to bliss;

The larger loadstone that, the nearer this:

The weak attraction of the greater fails;

We nod a while, but neighbourhood prevails;

But when the greater proves the nearer too,

I wonder more your converts come so slow.

Methinks in those who firm with me remain,

It shows a nobler principle than gain.—

Your inference would be strong, the Hind replied,

If yours were in effect the suffering side;

Your clergy's sons their own in peace possess,

Nor are their prospects in reversion less.

My proselytes are struck with awful dread,

Your bloody comet-laws hang blazing o'er their head;

The respite they enjoy but only lent,

The best they have to hope, protracted punishment.[207]

Be judge yourself, if interest may prevail,

Which motives, yours or mine, will turn the scale.

}

While pride and pomp allure, and plenteous ease, }

That is, till man's predominant passions cease, }

Admire no longer at my slow increase. }

By education most have been misled;

So they believe, because they so were bred.

The priest continues what the nurse began,

And thus the child imposes on the man.

The rest I named before, nor need repeat;

But interest is the most prevailing cheat,

The sly seducer both of age and youth;

They study that, and think they study truth.

}

When interest fortifies an argument, }

Weak reason serves to gain the will's assent; }

For souls, already warped, receive an easy bent. }

Add long prescription of established laws,

And pique of honour to maintain a cause,

And shame of change, and fear of future ill,

And zeal, the blind conductor of the will;

}

And chief, among the still-mistaking crowd, }

The fame of teachers obstinate and proud, }

And, more than all, the private judge allowed; }

}

Disdain of fathers which the dance began, }

And last, uncertain whose the narrower span, }

The clown unread, and half-read gentleman.— }

To this the Panther, with a scornful smile;—

Yet still you travel with unwearied toil,

}

And range around the realm without controul, }

Among my sons for proselytes to prowl; }

And here and there you snap some silly soul. }

You hinted fears of future change in state;

Pray heaven you did not prophesy your fate!

}

Perhaps, you think your time of triumph near, }

But may mistake the season of the year; }

The Swallow's fortune gives you cause to fear.—[208] }

For charity, replied the matron, tell

What sad mischance those pretty birds befel.—

}

Nay, no mischance, the savage dame replied, }

But want of wit in their unerring guide, }

And eager haste, and gaudy hopes, and giddy pride. }

Yet, wishing timely warning may prevail,

Make you the moral, and I'll tell the tale.

The Swallow, privileged above the rest

Of all the birds, as man's familiar guest,

Pursues the sun, in summer brisk and bold,

But wisely shuns the persecuting cold;

Is well to chancels and to chimnies known,

Though 'tis not thought she feeds on smoke alone.

From hence she has been held of heavenly line,

Endued with particles of soul divine.

This merry chorister had long possessed

Her summer-seat, and feathered well her nest;

Till frowning skies began to change their cheer,

And time turned up the wrong side of the year;

The shading trees began the ground to strow

With yellow leaves, and bitter blasts to blow.

Sad auguries of winter thence she drew,

Which by instinct, or prophecy, she knew;

When prudence warned her to remove betimes,

And seek a better heaven, and warmer climes.

Her sons were summoned on a steeple's height,

And, called in common council, vote a flight.

}

The day was named, the next that should be fair; }

All to the general rendezvous repair, }

They try their fluttering wings, and trust themselves in air. }

}

But whether upward to the moon they go, }

Or dream the winter out in caves below, }

Or hawk at flies elsewhere, concerns us not to know. }

}

Southwards you may be sure they bent their flight, }

And harboured in a hollow rock at night; }

Next morn they rose, and set up every sail;

The wind was fair, but blew a mackrel gale;

The sickly young sat shivering on the shore,

Abhorred salt-water never seen before.

And prayed their tender mothers to delay

The passage, and expect a fairer day.

With these the Martin readily concurred,

A church bigot, and church-believing bird;

}

Of little body, but of lofty mind, }

Round bellied, for a dignity designed, }

And much a dunce, as Martins are by kind; }

}

Yet often quoted canon-laws, and code, }

And fathers which he never understood; }

But little learning needs in noble blood. }

For, sooth to say, the Swallow brought him in,

Her household chaplain, and her next of kin;

In superstition silly to excess,

And casting schemes by planetary guess;

In fine, short-winged, unfit himself to fly,

His fear foretold foul weather in the sky.

Besides, a Raven from a withered oak,[209]

Left of their lodging, was observed to croak.

}

That omen liked him not; so his advice }

Was present safety, bought at any price; }

A seeming pious care, that covered cowardice. }

To strengthen this, he told a boding dream,

Of rising waters, and a troubled stream,

Sure signs of anguish, dangers, and distress,

With something more, not lawful to express:

By which he slily seemed to intimate

Some secret revelation of their fate.

For he concluded, once upon a time,

He found a leaf inscribed with sacred rhyme,

Whose antique characters did well denote

The Sibyl's hand of the Cumæan grot;

The mad divineress had plainly writ,

A time should come, but many ages yet,

}

In which, sinister destinies ordain, }

A dame should drown with all her feathered train, }

And seas from thence be called the Chelidonian main.[210] }

At this, some shook for fear; the more devout

Arose, and blessed themselves from head to foot.

'Tis true, some stagers of the wiser sort

Made all these idle wonderments their sport;

}

They said, their only danger was delay, }

And he, who heard what every fool could say, }

Would never fix his thought, but trim his time away. }

}

The passage yet was good; the wind, 'tis true, }

Was somewhat high, but that was nothing new, }

No more than usual equinoxes blew. }

}

The sun, already from the Scales declined, }

Gave little hopes of better days behind, }

But change from bad to worse, of weather and of wind. }

}

Nor need they fear the dampness of the sky }

Should flag their wings, and hinder them to fly, }

'Twas only water thrown on sails too dry. }

But, least of all, philosophy presumes

Of truth in dreams, from melancholy fumes;

Perhaps the Martin, housed in holy ground,

Might think of ghosts, that walk their midnight round,

Till grosser atoms, tumbling in the stream

Of fancy, madly met, and clubbed into a dream:

As little weight his vain presages bear,

Of ill effect to such alone who fear;

Most prophecies are of a piece with these,

Each Nostradamus can foretel with ease:

Not naming persons, and confounding times,

One casual truth supports a thousand lying rhymes.

The advice was true; but fear had seized the most,

And all good counsel is on cowards lost.

The question crudely put to shun delay,

'Twas carried by the major part to stay.

His point thus gained, Sir Martin dated thence

His power, and from a priest became a prince.

}

He ordered all things with a busy care, }

And cells and refectories did prepare, }

And large provisions laid of winter fare; }

}

But, now and then, let fall a word or two, }

Of hope, that heaven some miracle might show, }

And for their sakes, the sun should backward go; }

Against the laws of nature upward climb,

And, mounted on the Ram, renew the prime;

For which two proofs in sacred story lay,

Of Ahaz' dial, and of Joshua's day.

In expectation of such times as these,

A chapel housed them, truly called of ease;

For Martin much devotion did not ask;

They prayed sometimes, and that was all their task.

It happened, as beyond the reach of wit

Blind prophecies may have a lucky hit,

That this accomplished, or at least in part,

Gave great repute to their new Merlin's art.

}

Some Swifts,[211] the giants of the Swallow kind, }

Large limbed, stout-hearted, but of stupid mind, }

(For Swisses, or for Gibeonites designed, }

These lubbers, peeping through a broken pane,

To suck fresh air, surveyed the neighbouring plain,

And saw, but scarcely could believe their eyes,

New blossoms flourish, and new flowers arise;

As God had been abroad, and, walking there,

Had left his footsteps, and reformed the year.

}

The sunny hills from far were seen to glow }

With glittering beams, and in the meads below }

The burnished brooks appeared with liquid gold to flow. }

At last they heard the foolish Cuckow sing,

Whose note proclaimed the holiday of spring.

No longer doubting, all prepare to fly,

And repossess their patrimonial sky.

}

The priest before them did his wings display; }

And that good omens might attend their way, }

As luck would have it, 'twas St Martin's day. }

Who but the Swallow now triumphs alone?

The canopy of heaven is all her own;

Her youthful offspring to their haunts repair,

And glide along in glades, and skim in air,

And dip for insects in the purling springs,

And stoop on rivers to refresh their wings.

Their mothers think a fair provision made,

That every son can live upon his trade,

And, now the careful charge is off their hands,

Look out for husbands, and new nuptial bands.

}

The youthful widow longs to be supplied; }

But first the lover is by lawyers tied, }

To settle jointure-chimnies on the bride. }

So thick they couple in so short a space,

That Martin's marriage-offerings rise apace.

Their ancient houses, running to decay,

Are furbished up, and cemented with clay:

They teem already; store of eggs are laid,

And brooding mothers call Lucina's aid.

}

Fame spreads the news, and foreign fowls appear, }

In flocks, to greet the new returning year, }

To bless the founder, and partake the cheer. }

And now 'twas time, so fast their numbers rise,

To plant abroad and people colonies.

The youth drawn forth, as Martin had desired,

(For so their cruel destiny required,)

Were sent far off on an ill-fated day;

The rest would needs conduct them on their way,

And Martin went, because he feared alone to stay.

So long they flew with inconsiderate haste,

That now their afternoon began to waste;

And, what was ominous, that very morn

The sun was entered into Capricorn;

Which, by their bad astronomer's account,

That week the Virgin balance should remount.

An infant moon eclipsed him in his way,

And hid the small remainders of his day.

The crowd, amazed, pursued no certain mark,

But birds met birds, and jostled in the dark.[212]

Few mind the public, in a panic fright,

And fear increased the horror of the night.

Night came, but unattended with repose;

Alone she came, no sleep their eyes to close;

Alone, and black she came; no friendly stars arose.

What should they do, beset with dangers round,

No neighbouring dorp,[213] no lodging to be found,

But bleaky plains, and bare, unhospitable ground?

The latter brood, who just began to fly,

Sick-feathered, and unpractised in the sky,

For succour to their helpless mother call:

She spread her wings; some few beneath them crawl;

She spread them wider yet, but could not cover all.

To augment their woes, the winds began to move,

Debate in air for empty fields above,

Till Boreas got the skies, and poured amain

His rattling hailstones, mixed with snow and rain.

}

The joyless morning late arose, and found }

A dreadful desolation reign around, }

Some buried in the snow, some frozen to the ground. }

The rest were struggling still with death, and lay

The Crows and Ravens rights an undefended prey:

Excepting Martin's race; for they and he

Had gained the shelter of a hollow tree;

}

But, soon discovered by a sturdy clown, }

He headed all the rabble of a town, }

And finished them with bats, or polled them down. }

}

Martin himself was caught alive, and tried }

For treasonous crimes, because the laws provide }

No Martin there in winter shall abide. }

High on an oak, which never leaf shall bear,

He breathed his last, exposed to open air;

And there his corpse unblessed is hanging still,

To show the change of winds with his prophetic bill.—[214]

The patience of the Hind did almost fail,

For well she marked the malice of the tale;

}

Which ribbald art their church to Luther owes; }

In malice it began, by malice grows; }

He sowed the serpent's teeth, an iron harvest rose. }

But most in Martin's character and fate,

She saw her slandered sons, the Panther's hate,

The people's rage, the persecuting state:[215]

Then said, I take the advice in friendly part;

You clear your conscience, or at least your heart.

Perhaps you failed in your foreseeing skill,

For Swallows are unlucky birds to kill:

As for my sons, the family is blessed,

Whose every child is equal to the rest;

No church reformed can boast a blameless line,

Such Martins build in yours, and more than mine;

Or else an old fanatic author lies,

Who summed their scandals up by centuries.[216]

But through your parable I plainly see

The bloody laws, the crowd's barbarity;

The sunshine, that offends the purblind sight,

Had some their wishes, it would soon be night.[217]

Mistake me not; the charge concerns not you;

Your sons are malecontents, but yet are true,

As far as non-resistance makes them so;

But that's a word of neutral sense, you know,

A passive term, which no relief will bring,

But trims betwixt a rebel and a king.—

}

Rest well assured, the Pardelis replied, }

My sons would all support the regal side, }

Though heaven forbid the cause by battle should be tried.— }

The matron answered with a loud Amen,

And thus pursued her arguments again:—

}

If, as you say, and as I hope no less, }

Your sons will practise what yourselves profess, }

What angry power prevents our present peace? }

The Lion, studious of our common good,

Desires (and kings' desires are ill withstood)

}

To join our nations in a lasting love; }

The bars betwixt are easy to remove, }

For sanguinary laws were never made above.[217a] }

If you condemn that prince of tyranny,

Whose mandate forced your Gallic friends to fly,[218]

}

Make not a worse example of your own, }

Or cease to rail at causeless rigour shown, }

And let the guiltless person throw the stone. }

His blunted sword your suffering brotherhood

Have seldom felt; he stops it short of blood:

But you have ground the persecuting knife,

And set it to a razor-edge on life.

}

Cursed be the wit, which cruelty refines, }

Or to his father's rod the scorpion joins! }

Your finger is more gross than the great monarch's loins. }

But you, perhaps, remove that bloody note,

And stick it on the first reformers' coat.

Oh let their crime in long oblivion sleep;

'Twas theirs indeed to make, 'tis yours to keep!

Unjust, or just, is all the question now;

'Tis plain, that, not repealing, you allow.

To name the Test would put you in a rage;

You charge not that on any former age,

But smile to think how innocent you stand,

Armed by a weapon put into your hand.

Yet still remember, that you wield a sword,

Forged by your foes against your sovereign lord;

Designed to hew the imperial cedar down,

Defraud succession, and dis-heir the crown.[219]

To abhor the makers, and their laws approve,

Is to hate traitors, and the treason love.

What means it else, which now your children say,

We made it not, nor will we take away?

}

Suppose some great oppressor had, by slight }

Of law, disseised your brother of his right, }

Your common sire surrendering in a fright; }

Would you to that unrighteous title stand,

Left by the villain's will to heir the land?

}

More just was Judas, who his Saviour sold; }

The sacrilegious bribe he could not hold, }

Nor hang in peace, before he rendered back the gold. }

What more could you have done, than now you do,

Had Oates and Bedlow and their plot been true?

}

Some specious reasons for those wrongs were found; }

The dire magicians threw their mists around, }

And wise men walked as on enchanted ground. }

}

But now when time has made the imposture plain, }

(Late though he followed truth, and limping held her train, }

What new delusion charms your cheated eyes again? }

The painted harlot might a while bewitch,

But why the hag uncased, and all obscene with itch?[220]

The first reformers were a modest race;

Our peers possessed in peace their native place,

And when rebellious arms o'erturned the state,

They suffered only in the common fate;

But now the sovereign mounts the regal chair,

And mitred seats are full, yet David's bench is bare.[221]

Your answer is, they were not dispossest;

They need but rub their mettle on the Test

To prove their ore;—'twere well if gold alone

Were touched and tried on your discerning stone;

But that unfaithful test unfound will pass

The dross of Atheists, and sectarian brass;

As if the experiment were made to hold

For base production, and reject the gold.

Thus men ungodded may to places rise,

And sects may be preferred without disguise;

No danger to the church or state from these,

The Papist only has his writ of ease.

No gainful office gives him the pretence

To grind the subject, or defraud the prince.

Wrong conscience, or no conscience, may deserve

To thrive, but ours alone is privileged to starve.

Still thank yourselves, you cry; your noble race

We banish not, but they forsake the place;

Our doors are open:—true, but ere they come,

You toss your 'censing test, and fume the room;

As if 'twere Toby's rival to expel,

And fright the fiend who could not bear the smell.[222]

}

To this the Panther sharply had replied, }

But having gained a verdict on her side, }

She wisely gave the loser leave to chide; }

}

Well satisfied to have the but and peace,[223] }

And for the plaintiff's cause she cared the less, }

Because she sued in forma pauperis; }

Yet thought it decent something should be said,

For secret guilt by silence is betrayed;

So neither granted all, nor much denied,

But answered with a yawning kind of pride:

Methinks such terms of proffered peace you bring,

As once Æneas to the Italian king:[224]

}

By long possession all the land is mine; }

You strangers come with your intruding line, }

To share my sceptre, which you call to join. }

You plead like him an ancient pedigree,

And claim a peaceful seat by fate's decree.

In ready pomp your sacrificer stands,

To unite the Trojan and the Latin bands;

And, that the league more firmly may be tied,

Demand the fair Lavinia for your bride.

Thus plausibly you veil the intended wrong,

But still you bring your exiled gods along;

And will endeavour, in succeeding space,

Those household puppets on our hearths to place.

Perhaps some barbarous laws have been preferred;

I spake against the Test, but was not heard.

}

These to rescind, and peerage to restore, }

My gracious sovereign would my vote implore; }

I owe him much, but owe my conscience more.— }

Conscience is then your plea, replied the dame,

Which, well-informed, will ever be the same.

But yours is much of the camelion hue,

To change the dye with every distant view.

When first the Lion sat with awful sway,

Your conscience taught your duty to obey:[225]

He might have had your statutes and your Test;

No conscience but of subjects was professed.

He found your temper, and no farther tried,

But on that broken reed, your church, relied.

}

In vain the sects essayed their utmost art, }

With offered treasure to espouse their part; }

Their treasures were a bribe too mean to move his heart. }

But when, by long experience, you had proved,

How far he could forgive, how well he loved;

(A goodness that excelled his godlike race,

And only short of heaven's unbounded grace;

A flood of mercy that o'erflowed our isle,

Calm in the rise, and fruitful as the Nile,)

Forgetting whence your Egypt was supplied,

You thought your sovereign bound to send the tide;

Nor upward looked on that immortal spring,

But vainly deemed, he durst not be a king.

Then Conscience, unrestrained by fear, began

To stretch her limits, and extend the span;

Did his indulgence as her gift dispose,

And made a wise alliance with her foes.[226]

}

Can Conscience own the associating name, }

And raise no blushes to conceal her shame? }

For sure she has been thought a bashful dame. }

}

But if the cause by battle should be tried, }

You grant she must espouse the regal side; }

O Proteus conscience, never to be tied! }

What Phœbus from the Tripod shall disclose,

Which are, in last resort, your friends or foes?

Homer, who learned the language of the sky,

The seeming Gordian knot would soon untie;

Immortal powers the term of Conscience know,[227]

But Interest is her name with men below.—

Conscience or Interest be't, or both in one,

(The Panther answered in a surly tone;)

The first commands me to maintain the crown,

The last forbids to throw my barriers down.

Our penal laws no sons of yours admit,

Our Test excludes your tribe from benefit.

These are my banks your ocean to withstand,

Which, proudly rising, overlooks the land,

And, once let in, with unresisted sway,

Would sweep the pastors and their flocks away.

Think not my judgment leads me to comply

With laws unjust, but hard necessity:

Imperious need, which cannot be withstood,

Makes ill authentic, for a greater good.

Possess your soul with patience, and attend;

A more auspicious planet may ascend;[228]

Good fortune may present some happier time,

With means to cancel my unwilling crime;

(Unwilling, witness all ye powers above!)

To mend my errors, and redeem your love:

That little space you safely may allow;

Your all-dispensing power protects you now.[229]

Hold, said the Hind, 'tis needless to explain;

You would postpone me to another reign;

Till when, you are content to be unjust:

Your part is to possess, and mine to trust;

A fair exchange proposed, of future chance

For present profit and inheritance.

Few words will serve to finish our dispute;

Who will not now repeal, would persecute.

To ripen green revenge your hopes attend,

Wishing that happier planet would ascend.[230]

}

For shame, let Conscience be your plea no more; }

To will hereafter, proves she might before; }

But she's a bawd to gain, and holds the door. }

Your care about your banks infers a fear[231]

Of threatening floods and inundations near;

If so, a just reprise would only be

Of what the land usurped upon the sea;

And all your jealousies but serve to show,

Your ground is, like your neighbour-nation, low.

To intrench in what you grant unrighteous laws,

Is to distrust the justice of your cause;

And argues, that the true religion lies

In those weak adversaries you despise.

Tyrannic force is that which least you fear;

The sound is frightful in a Christian's ear:

Avert it, heaven! nor let that plague be sent

To us from the dispeopled continent.

But piety commands me to refrain;

Those prayers are needless in this monarch's reign.

}

Behold how he protects your friends oppressed, }

Receives the banished, succours the distressed![232] }

Behold, for you may read an honest open breast. }

}

He stands in day-light, and disdains to hide }

An act, to which by honour he is tied, }

A generous, laudable, and kingly pride. }

Your Test he would repeal, his peers restore;

This when he says he means, he means no more.

}

Well, said the Panther, I believe him just, }

And yet—— }

—And yet, 'tis but because you must; }

You would be trusted, but you would not trust.—

The Hind thus briefly; and disdained to enlarge

On power of kings, and their superior charge,

}

As heaven's trustees before the people's choice; }

Though sure the Panther did not much rejoice }

To hear those echoes given of her once loyal voice. }

The matron wooed her kindness to the last,

But could not win; her hour of grace was past.

Whom, thus persisting, when she could not bring

To leave the Wolf, and to believe her king,

She gave her up, and fairly wished her joy

Of her late treaty with her new ally:

Which well she hoped would more successful prove,

Than was the Pigeon's and the Buzzard's love.

The Panther asked, what concord there could be

Betwixt two kinds whose natures disagree?

The dame replied: 'Tis sung in every street,

The common chat of gossips when they meet;

But, since unheard by you, 'tis worth your while

To take a wholesome tale, though told in homely style.

A plain good man, whose name is understood,[233]

(So few deserve the name of plain and good,)

Of three fair lineal lordships stood possessed,

And lived, as reason was, upon the best.

Inured to hardships from his early youth,

Much had he done and suffered for his truth:

}

At land and sea, in many a doubtful fight, }

Was never known a more adventurous knight, }

Who oftener drew his sword, and always for the right. }

As fortune would, (his fortune came, though late,)

He took possession of his just estate;

Nor racked his tenants with increase of rent,

Nor lived too sparing, nor too largely spent,

But overlooked his hinds; their pay was just,

And ready, for he scorned to go on trust:

Slow to resolve, but in performance quick;

So true, that he was awkward at a trick.

}

For little souls on little shifts rely, }

And cowards arts of mean expedients try; }

The noble mind will dare do any thing but lie. }

False friends, his deadliest foes, could find no way,

But shows of honest bluntness, to betray;

That unsuspected plainness he believed;

He looked into himself, and was deceived.

Some lucky planet sure attends his birth,

Or heaven would make a miracle on earth;

For prosperous honesty is seldom seen

To bear so dead a weight, and yet to win.

It looks as fate with nature's law would strive,

To show plain-dealing once an age may thrive;

And, when so tough a frame she could not bend,

Exceeded her commission, to befriend.

This grateful man, as heaven increased his store,

Gave God again, and daily fed his poor.

His house with all convenience was purveyed;

The rest he found, but raised the fabric where he prayed;[234]

And in that sacred place his beauteous wife

Employed her happiest hours of holy life.

Nor did their alms extend to those alone,

Whom common faith more strictly made their own;

A sort of Doves[235] were housed too near their hall,

Who cross the proverb, and abound with gall.

Though some, 'tis true, are passively inclined,

The greater part degenerate from their kind;

Voracious birds, that hotly bill and breed,

And largely drink, because on salt they feed.

}

Small gain from them their bounteous owner draws; }

Yet, bound by promise, he supports their cause, }

As corporations privileged by laws. }

That house, which harbour to their kind affords,

Was built long since, God knows, for better birds;

}

But fluttering there, they nestle near the throne, }

And lodge in habitations not their own, }

By their high crops and corny gizzards known. }

Like Harpies, they could scent a plenteous board,

Then to be sure they never failed their lord:

The rest was form, and bare attendance paid;

They drunk, and eat, and grudgingly obeyed.

The more they fed, they ravened still the more;

They drained from Dan, and left Beersheba poor.

All this they had by law, and none repined;

The preference was but due to Levi's kind:

But when some lay-preferment fell by chance,

The Gourmands made it their inheritance.

When once possessed, they never quit their claim,

For then 'tis sanctified to heaven's high name;

And hallowed thus, they cannot give consent,

The gift should be profaned by worldly management.

Their flesh was never to the table served,

Though 'tis not thence inferred the birds were starved;

But that their master did not like the food,

As rank, and breeding melancholy blood.

Nor did it with his gracious nature suit,

E'en though they were not doves, to persecute:

Yet he refused, (nor could they take offence,)

Their glutton kind should teach him abstinence.

Nor consecrated grain their wheat he thought,

Which, new from treading, in their bills they brought;

But left his hinds each in his private power,

That those who like the bran might leave the flower.

He for himself, and not for others, chose,

Nor would he be imposed on, nor impose;

}

But in their faces his devotion paid, }

And sacrifice with solemn rites was made, }

And sacred incense on his altars laid. }

Besides these jolly birds, whose corpse impure

Repaid their commons with their salt manure,

Another farm he had behind his house,

Not overstocked, but barely for his use;

Wherein his poor domestic poultry fed,

And from his pious hands received their bread.[236]

Our pampered Pigeons, with malignant eyes,

Beheld these inmates, and their nurseries;

Though hard their fare, at evening, and at morn,

(A cruise of water and an ear of corn,)

Yet still they grudged that modicum, and thought

A sheaf in every single grain was brought.

Fain would they filch that little food away,

While unrestrained those happy gluttons prey;

And much they grieved to see so nigh their hall,

The bird that warned St Peter of his fall;[237]

That he should raise his mitred crest on high,

And clap his wings, and call his family

To sacred rites; and vex the Ethereal powers

With midnight mattins at uncivil hours;

Nay more, his quiet neighbours should molest,

Just in the sweetness of their morning rest.

Beast of a bird, supinely when he might

Lie snug and sleep, to rise before the light!

What if his dull forefathers used that cry,

Could he not let a bad example die?

The world was fallen into an easier way;

This age knew better than to fast and pray.

Good sense in sacred worship would appear,

So to begin, as they might end the year.

Such feats in former times had wrought the falls

Of crowing chanticleers in cloistered walls.

}

Expelled for this, and for their lands, they fled; }

And sister Partlet, with her hooded head,[238] }

Was hooted hence, because she would not pray a-bed. }

The way to win the restiff world to God,

Was to lay by the disciplining rod,

Unnatural fasts, and foreign forms of prayer;

Religion frights us with a mein severe.

'Tis prudence to reform her into ease,

And put her in undress, to make her please;

A lively faith will bear aloft the mind,

And leave the luggage of good works behind.

Such doctrines in the Pigeon-house were taught;

You need not ask how wondrously they wrought;

But sure the common cry was all for these,

Whose life and precepts both encouraged ease.

Yet fearing those alluring baits might fail,

And holy deeds o'er all their arts prevail,

(For vice, though frontless, and of hardened face,

Is daunted at the sight of awful grace,)

}

An hideous figure of their foes they drew, }

Nor lines, nor looks, nor shades, nor colours true; }

And this grotesque design exposed to public view.[239] }

}

One would have thought it some Egyptian piece, }

With garden-gods, and barking deities, }

More thick than Ptolemy has stuck the skies. }

All so perverse a draught, so far unlike,

It was no libel where it meant to strike.

Yet still the daubing pleased, and great and small,

To view the monster, crowded Pigeon-hall.

There Chanticleer was drawn upon his knees,

Adorning shrines, and stocks of sainted trees;[240]

And by him, a mishapen, ugly race,

The curse of God was seen on every face:

No Holland emblem could that malice mend,[241]

But still the worse the look, the fitter for a fiend.

The master of the farm, displeased to find

So much of rancour in so mild a kind,

Enquired into the cause, and came to know,

The passive church had struck the foremost blow;

}

With groundless fears, and jealousies possest, }

As if this troublesome intruding guest }

Would drive the birds of Venus[242] from their nest. }

A deed his inborn equity abhorred;

But interest will not trust, though God should plight his word.

A law, the source of many future harms,

Had banished all the poultry from the farms;

With loss of life, if any should be found

To crow or peck on this forbidden ground.

That bloody statute chiefly was designed

For Chanticleer the white, of clergy kind;[243]

But after-malice did not long forget

The lay that wore the robe and coronet.[244]

For them, for their inferiors and allies,

Their foes a deadly Shibboleth devise;

}

By which unrighteously it was decreed, }

That none to trust, or profit, should succeed, }

Who would not swallow first a poisonous wicked weed; }

Or that, to which old Socrates was cursed,[245]

Or henbane juice to swell them till they burst.

}

The patron, as in reason, thought it hard }

To see this inquisition in his yard, }

By which the sovereign was of subjects' use debarred. }

All gentle means he tried, which might withdraw

The effects of so unnatural a law;

But still the dove-house obstinately stood

Deaf to their own, and to their neighbours' good;

And which was worse, if any worse could be,

Repented of their boasted loyalty;

Now made the champions of a cruel cause,

And drunk with fumes of popular applause:

For those whom God to ruin has designed,

He fits for fate, and first destroys their mind.[246]

New doubts indeed they daily strove to raise,

Suggested dangers, interposed delays,

And emissary Pigeons had in store,

Such as the Meccan prophet used of yore,[247]

To whisper counsels in their patron's ear,

And veiled their false advice with zealous fear.

The master smiled to see them work in vain,

To wear him out, and make an idle reign:

He saw, but suffered their protractive arts,

And strove by mildness to reduce their hearts;

}

But they abused that grace to make allies, }

And fondly closed with former enemies; }

For fools are doubly fools, endeavouring to be wise. }

After a grave consult what course were best,

One, more mature in folly than the rest,

Stood up, and told them, with his head aside,

That desperate cures must be to desperate ills applied:

And therefore, since their main impending fear

Was from the increasing race of Chanticleer,

Some potent bird of prey they ought to find,

A foe professed to him, and all his kind:

Some hagard Hawk, who had her eyry nigh,

Well pounced to fasten, and well winged to fly;

One they might trust, their common wrongs to wreak.

The Musquet and the Coystrel were too weak,

Too fierce the Falcon; but, above the rest,

The noble Buzzard[248] ever pleased me best:

Of small renown, 'tis true; for, not to lie,

We call him but a Hawk by courtesy.

I know he hates the Pigeon-house and Farm,

And more, in time of war, has done us harm:

But all his hate on trivial points depends;

Give up our forms, and we shall soon be friends.

For Pigeons' flesh he seems not much to care;

Cram'd Chickens are a more delicious fare.

On this high potentate, without delay,

I wish you would confer the sovereign sway;

Petition him to accept the government,

And let a splendid embassy be sent.

This pithy speech prevailed, and all agreed,

Old enmities forgot, the Buzzard should succeed.

}

Their welcome suit was granted, soon as heard, }

His lodgings furnished, and a train prepared, }

With B's upon their breast, appointed for his guard. }

He came, and, crowned with great solemnity,

God save king Buzzard! was the general cry.

A portly prince, and goodly to the sight,

He seemed a son of Anach for his height:

Like those whom stature did to crowns prefer,

Black-browed, and bluff, like Homer's Jupiter;

Broad-backed, and brawny-built for love's delight,

A prophet formed to make a female proselyte;[249]

A theologue more by need than genial bent,

By breeding sharp, by nature confident.

Interest in all his actions was discerned;

More learned than honest, more a wit than learned;

Or forced by fear, or by his profit led,

Or both conjoined, his native clime he fled;

But brought the virtues of his heaven along,

A fair behaviour, and a fluent tongue.

And yet with all his arts he could not thrive,

The most unlucky parasite alive;

Loud praises to prepare his paths he sent,

And then himself pursued his compliment;

But by reverse of fortune chased away,

His gifts no longer than their author stay;

He shakes the dust against the ungrateful race,

And leaves the stench of ordures in the place.

Oft has he flattered and blasphemed the same;

For in his rage he spares no sovereign's name:

The hero and the tyrant change their style,

By the same measure that they frown or smile.[250]

When well received by hospitable foes,

The kindness he returns, is to expose;

}

For courtesies, though undeserved and great, }

No gratitude in felon-minds beget; }

As tribute to his wit, the churl receives the treat. }

}

His praise of foes is venomously nice; }

So touched, it turns a virtue to a vice;[251] }

"A Greek, and bountiful, forewarns us twice."[252] }

Seven sacraments he wisely does disown,

Because he knows confession stands for one;

Where sins to sacred silence are conveyed,

And not for fear, or love, to be betrayed:

But he, uncalled, his patron to controul,

Divulged the secret whispers of his soul;

Stood forth the accusing Satan of his crimes,

And offered to the Moloch of the times.[253]

Prompt to assail, and careless of defence,

Invulnerable in his impudence,

He dares the world; and, eager of a name,

He thrusts about, and jostles into fame.

Frontless, and satire-proof, he scowers the streets,

And runs an Indian-muck at all he meets.[254]

}

So fond of loud report, that, not to miss }

Of being known, (his last and utmost bliss,) }

He rather would be known for what he is. }

}

Such was, and is, the Captain of the Test,[255] }

Though half his virtues are not here expressed; }

The modesty of fame conceals the rest. }

The spleenful Pigeons never could create

A prince more proper to revenge their hate;

Indeed, more proper to revenge, than save;

A king, whom in his wrath the Almighty gave:

}

For all the grace the landlord had allowed, }

But made the Buzzard and the Pigeons proud; }

Gave time to fix their friends, and to seduce the crowd. }

}

They long their fellow-subjects to inthral, }

Their patron's promise into question call,[256] }

And vainly think he meant to make them lords of all. }

False fears their leaders failed not to suggest,

As if the Doves were to be dispossessed;

Nor sighs, nor groans, nor goggling eyes did want,

For now the Pigeons too had learned to cant.

The house of prayer is stocked with large increase;

Nor doors, nor windows, can contain the press,

For birds of every feather fill the abode;

E'en atheists out of envy own a God,

And, reeking from the stews, adulterers come,

Like Goths and Vandals to demolish Rome.

That conscience, which to all their crimes was mute,

Now calls aloud, and cries to persecute:

No rigour of the laws to be released,

And much the less, because it was their Lord's request;

They thought it great their sovereign to controul,

And named their pride, nobility of soul.

'Tis true, the Pigeons, and their prince elect,

Were short of power, their purpose to effect;

But with their quills did all the hurt they could,

And cuff'd the tender Chickens from their food:

}

And much the Buzzard in their cause did stir, }

Though naming not the patron, to infer, }

With all respect, he was a gross idolater.[257] }

But when the imperial owner did espy,

That thus they turned his grace to villainy,

}

Not suffering wrath to discompose his mind, }

He strove a temper for the extremes to find, }

So to be just, as he might still be kind; }

Then, all maturely weighed, pronounced a doom

Of sacred strength for every age to come.[258]

By this the Doves their wealth and state possess,

No rights infringed, but license to oppress:

Such power have they as factious lawyers long

To crowns ascribed, that kings can do no wrong.

But since his own domestic birds have tried

The dire effects of their destructive pride,

}

He deems that proof a measure to the rest, }

Concluding well within his kingly breast, }

His fowls of nature too unjustly were opprest.[259] }

}

He therefore makes all birds of every sect }

Free of his farm, with promise to respect }

Their several kinds alike, and equally protect. }

}

His gracious edict the same franchise yields }

To all the wild increase of woods and fields, }

And who in rocks aloof, and who in steeples builds: }

To Crows the like impartial grace affords,

And Choughs and Daws, and such republic birds;

Secured with ample privilege to feed,

Each has his district, and his bounds decreed;

Combined in common interest with his own,

But not to pass the Pigeons' Rubicon.

}

Here ends the reign of this pretended Dove; }

All prophecies accomplished from above, }

For Shiloh comes the sceptre to remove. }

Reduced from her imperial high abode,

Like Dionysius to a private rod,[260]

}

The passive church, that with pretended grace }

Did her distinctive mark in duty place, }

Now touched, reviles her Maker to his face. }

}

What after happened is not hard to guess; }

The small beginnings had a large increase, }

And arts and wealth succeed the secret spoils of peace. }

'Tis said, the Doves repented, though too late,

Become the smiths of their own foolish fate:[261]

Nor did their owner hasten their ill hour,

But, sunk in credit, they decreased in power;

Like snows in warmth that mildly pass away,

Dissolving in the silence of decay.[262]

The Buzzard, not content with equal place,

Invites the feathered Nimrods of his race,

To hide the thinness of their flock from sight,

And all together make a seeming goodly flight:

But each have separate interests of their own;

Two Czars are one too many for a throne.

Nor can the usurper long abstain from food;

Already he has tasted Pigeon's blood,

And may be tempted to his former fare,[263]

When this indulgent lord shall late to heaven repair.

Bare benting times, and moulting months may come,

When, lagging late, they cannot reach their home;

Or rent in schism, (for so their fate decrees,)

Like the tumultuous college of the bees,

They fight their quarrel, by themselves opprest,

The tyrant smiles below, and waits the falling feast.—

Thus did the gentle Hind her fable end,

Nor would the Panther blame it, nor commend;

But, with affected yawnings at the close,

Seemed to require her natural repose;

For now the streaky light began to peep,

And setting stars admonished both to sleep.

The Dame withdrew, and, wishing to her guest

The peace of heaven, betook herself to rest:

Ten thousand angels on her slumbers wait,

With glorious visions of her future state.


NOTES
ON
THE HIND AND THE PANTHER.
PART III.


[Note I.]

And mother Hubbard, in her homely dress,

Has sharply blamed a British Lioness;

That queen, whose feast the factious rabble keep,

Exposed obscenely naked, and asleep.—P. [197].

The poet, in the beginning of this canto, anticipates the censure of those who might blame him for introducing into his fables animals not natives of Britain, where the scene was laid. He vindicates himself by the example of Æsop and Spenser. The latter, in "Mother Hubbard's Tale," exhibits at length the various arts by which, in his time, obscure and infamous characters rose to eminence in church and state. This is illustrated by the parable of an Ape and a Fox, who insinuate themselves into various situations, and play the knaves in all. At length,

Lo, where they spied, how, in a gloomy glade,

The Lion, sleeping, lay in secret shade;

His crown and sceptre lying him beside,

And having doft for heat his dreadful hide.

The adventurers possess themselves of the royal spoils, with which the Ape is arrayed; who forthwith takes upon himself the dignity of the monarch of the beasts, and, by the counsels of the Fox, commits every species of oppression, until Jove, incensed at the disorders which his tyranny had introduced, sends Mercury to awaken the Lion from his slumber:

Arise! said Mercury, thou sluggish beast,

That here liest senseless, like the corpse deceast;

The whilst thy kingdom from thy head is rent,

And thy throne royal with dishonour blent.

The Lion rouses himself, hastens to court, and avenges himself of the usurpers.—There is no doubt, that, under this allegory, Spenser meant to represent the exorbitant power of Lord Burleigh; and he afterwards complains, that his verse occasioned his falling into a "mighty peer's displeasure." The Lion, therefore, whose negligence is upbraided by Mercury, was Queen Elizabeth. Dryden calls her,

The queen, whose feast the factious rabble keep;

because the tumultuous pope-burnings of 1680 and 1681 were solemnized on Queen Elizabeth's night. The poet had probably, since his change of religion, laid aside much of the hereditary respect with which most Englishmen regard Queen Bess; for, in the pamphlets of the Romanists, she is branded as "a known bastard, who raised this prelatic protestancy, called the church of England, as a prop to supply the weakness of her title."[264]

Spenser's authority is only appealed to by Dryden as justifying the introduction of lions and other foreign animals into a British fable. But I observed in the introduction, that it also furnishes authority, at least example, for those aberrations from the character and attributes of his brute actors, with which the critics taxed Dryden; for nothing in "The Hind and the Panther" can be more inconsistent with the natural quality of such animals, than the circumstance of a lion, or any other creature, going to sleep without his skin, on account of the sultry weather.

[Note II.]

You know my doctrine, and I need not say

I will not, but I cannot, disobey.

On this firm principle I ever stood;

He of my sons, who fails to make it good,

By one rebellious act renounces to my blood.—P. [202].

The memorable judgment and decree of the university of Oxford, passed in the Convocation 21st July, 1683, condemns, as heretical, all works which teach or infer the lawfulness of resistance to lawful governors, even when they become tyrants, or in case of persecution for religion, or infringement on the laws of the country, or, in short, in any case whatever; and after the various authorities for these and other tenets have been given and denounced as false, seditious, heretical, and impious, the decree concludes with the following injunctions:

"Lastly, we command and strictly enjoin all and singular readers, tutors, catechists, and others, to whom the care and trust of institution of youth is committed, that they diligently instruct and ground their scholars in that most necessary doctrine, which in a manner is the badge and character of the church of England, of submitting to every ordinance of man for the Lord's sake, whether it be to the king as supreme, or unto governors, as unto them that are sent by him, for the punishment of evil doers, and for the praise of them that do well: Teaching, that this submission and obedience is to be clear, absolute, and without exception of any state or order of men."

[Note III.]

}

Your sons of latitude, that court your grace, }

Though most resembling you in form and face, }

Are far the worst of your pretended race. }

And, but I blush your honesty to blot,

Pray God you prove them lawfully begot!

For in some Popish libels I have read,

The Wolf has been too busy in your bed.—P. [202].

During the latter years of the reign of Charles the Second, the dissensions of the state began to creep into the church. By far the greater part of the clergy, influenced by the ancient union of church and king, were steady in their adherence to the court interest. But a party began to appear, who were distinguished from their brethren by the name of Moderate Divines, which they assumed to themselves, and by that of Latitudinarians, which the high churchmen conferred upon them. The chief amongst these were Tillotson, Stillingfleet, and Burnet. They distinguished themselves by a less violent ardour for the ceremonies, and even the government, of the church; for all those particulars, in short, by which she is distinguished from other Protestant congregations. Stillingfleet carried these condescensions so far, as to admit in his tract, called Irenicum, that, although the original church was settled in a constitution of bishops, priests, and deacons, yet as the apostles made no positive law upon this subject, it remained free to every Christian congregation to alter or to retain that form of church government. In conformity with this opinion, he, in conjunction with Tillotson and others, laid a plan for an accommodation with the Presbyterians, in 1668; and, in order to this comprehension, he was willing to have made such sacrifices in the point of ordination, &c. that the House of Commons took the alarm, and passed a vote, prohibiting even the introduction of a bill for such a purpose. As, on the one hand, the tenets of the moderate clergy approximated those of the Calvinists; so, on the other, their antipathy and opposition to the church of Rome was more deeply rooted, in proportion to the slighter value which they attached to the particulars in which that of England resembled her. It flowed naturally from this indulgence to the Dissenters, and detestation of the Romanists, that several of the moderate clergy participated deeply in the terrors excited by the Roman Catholic plot, and looked with a favourable eye on the bill which proposed to exclude the Duke of York from the throne as a professor of that obnoxious religion. Being thus, as it were, an opposition party, it cannot be supposed that the low church divines united cordially with their high-flying brethren in renouncing the right of resisting oppression, or in professing passive obedience to the royal will. They were of opinion, that there was a mutual compact between the king and subject, and that acts of tyranny, on the part of the former, absolved the latter from his allegiance. This was particularly inculcated by the reverend Samuel Johnson (See Vol. IX. p. 369.) in "Julian the Apostate," and other writings which were condemned by the Oxford decree. As the dangers attending the church, from the measures of King James, became more obvious, and the alternative of resistance or destruction became an approaching crisis, the low church party acquired numbers and strength from those who thought it better at once to hold and assert the lawfulness of opposition to tyranny, than to make professions of obedience beyond the power of human endurance to make good.

This party was of course deeply hated by the Catholics, and hence the severity with which they are treated by Dryden, who objects to them as the illegitimate offspring of the Panther by the Wolf, and traces to their Presbyterian origin their indifference to the fasts and ascetic observances of the more rigid high-churchmen, and their covert disposition to resist regal domination. Their adherence to the English communion he ascribes only to the lucre of gain, and endeavours, if possible, to draw an odious distinction between them and the rest of the church. Stillingfleet, whom this motive could not escape, had already complained of Dryden's designing any particular class of the clergy by a party name. "From the common people, we come to churchmen, to see how he uses them. And he hath soon found out a faction among them, whom he charges with juggling designs: but romantic heroes must be allowed to make armies of a field of thistles, and to encounter windmills for giants. He would fain be the instrument to divide our clergy, and to fill them with suspicions of one another. And to this end he talks of men of latitudinarian stamp: for it goes a great way towards the making divisions, to be able to fasten a name of distinction among brethren; this being to create jealousies of each other. But there is nothing should make them more careful to avoid such names of distinction, than to observe how ready their common enemies are to make use of them, to create animosities by them; which hath made this worthy gentleman to start this different character of churchmen among us; as though there were any who were not true to the principles of the church of England, as by law established: If he knows them, he is better acquainted with them than the answerer is; for he professes to know none such. But who then are these men of the latitudinarian stamp? To speak in his own language, they are a sort of ergoteerers, who are for a concedo rather than a nego. And now, I hope, they are all well explained; or, in other words of his, they are, saith he, for drawing the nonconformists to their party, i.e. they are for having no nonconformists. And is this their crime? But they would take the headship of the church out of the king's hands: How is that possible? They would (by his own description) be glad to see differences lessened, and all that agree in the same doctrine to be one entire body. But this is that which their enemies fear, and this politician hath too much discovered; for then such a party would be wanting, which might be played upon the church of England, or be brought to join with others against it. But how this should touch the king's supremacy, I cannot imagine. As for his desiring loyal subjects to consider this matter, I hope they will, and the more for his desiring it; and assure themselves, that they have no cause to apprehend any juggling designs of their brethren; who, I hope, will always show themselves to be loyal subjects, and dutiful sons of the church of England."—Vindication of the Answer to some late Papers, p. 104.

[Note IV.]

Think you, your new French proselytes are come

To starve abroad, because they starved at home?

—— —— —— —— ——

Mark with what management their tribes divide,

Some stick to you, and some to t'other side,

That many churches may for many mouths provide. P. [203].

The Huguenot clergy, who took refuge in England after the recal of the edict of Nantes, did not all adhere to the same Protestant communion. There had been long in London what was called the Walloon church, exclusively dedicated to this sort of worship. Many conformed to the church of England; and, having submitted to new ordination, some of them obtained benefices: others joined in communion with the Presbyterians, and dissenters of various kinds. Dryden insinuates, that had the church of England presented vacancies sufficient for the provision of these foreign divines, she would probably have had the honour of attracting them all within her pale. The reformed clergy of France were far from being at any time an united body. "It might have been expected," says Burnet, "that those unhappy contests between Lutherans, Calvinists, Arminians, and Anti-Arminians, with some minuter disputes that have enflamed Geneva and Switzerland, should have been at least suspended while they had a common enemy to deal with, against whom their whole force united was scarce able to stand. But these things were carried on rather with more eagerness and sharpness than ever." History of his Own Times, Book IV.

[Note V.]

Some sons of mine, who bear upon their shield

Three steeples argent, in a sable field,

Have sharply taxed your converts, who, unfed,

Have followed you for miracles of bread. P. [203].

The three steeples argent obviously alludes to the pluralities enjoyed, perhaps by Stillingfleet, and certainly by some of the divines of the established church, who were not on that account less eager in opposing the intrusion of the Roman clergy, and stigmatising those who, at this crisis, thought proper to conform to the royal faith. These converts were neither numerous nor respectable; and, whatever the Hind is pleased to allege in the text, posterity cannot but suspect the disinterestedness of their motives. Obadiah Walker, and a very few of the university of Oxford, embraced the Catholic faith, conforming at the same time to the forms of the church of England, as if they wished to fulfil the old saying, of having two strings to one bow.—The Earls of Perth and Melfort, with one or two other Scottish nobles, took the same step. Of the first, who must otherwise have failed in a contest which he had with the Duke of Queensberry, it was wittily said by Halifax, that "his faith had made him whole." And, in general, as my countrymen are not usually credited by their brethren of England for an extreme disregard to their own interest, the Scottish converts were supposed to be peculiarly attracted to Rome by the miracle of the loaves and fishes.[265] But it may be said for these unfortunate peers, that if they were dazzled by the momentary sunshine which gleamed on the Catholic church, they scorned to desert her in the tempest which speedily succeeded. Whereas, we shall do a kindness to Lord Sunderland, if we suppose that he became a convert to Popery, merely from views of immediate interest, and not with the premeditated intention of blinding and betraying the monarch, who trusted him. Dryden must be supposed, however, chiefly interested in the vindication of his own motives for a change of religion.

[Note VI.]

Such who themselves of no religion are,

Allured with gain, for any will declare;

Bare lies with bold assertions they can face,

But dint of argument is out of place;

The grim logician puts them in a fright,

'Tis easier far to flourish than to fight. P. [203].

Dryden here puts into the mouth of the Panther some of the severe language which Stillingfleet had held towards him in the ardour of controversy. He had, in direct allusion to our author, (for he quotes his poetry,) expressed himself thus harshly:

"If I thought there were no such thing in the world as true religion, and that the priests of all religions are alike,[266] I might have been as nimble a convert, and as early a defender of the royal papers, as any one of these champions. For why should not one who believes no religion, declare for any? But since I do verily believe, that not only there is such a thing as true religion, but that it is only to be found in the books of the Holy Scripture, I have reason to inquire after the best means of understanding such books, and thereby, if it may be, to put an end to the controversies of Christendom."[267]

"But our grim logician proceeds from immediate and original to concomitant causes, which he saith were revenge, ambition, and covetousness. But the skill of logicians used to lie in proving; but this is not our author's talent, for not a word is produced to that purpose. If bold sayings, and confident declarations, will do the business, he is never unprovided; but if you expect any reason from him, he begs your pardon. He finds how ill the character of a grim logician suits with his inclination."[268] Again, "But if I will not allow his affirmations for proofs for his part, he will act the grim logician; no, and in truth it becomes him so ill, that he doth well to give it over."[269] And in the beginning of his "Vindication," alluding to a term used by the defender of the king's papers, Stillingfleet says: "But lest I be again thought to have a mind to flourish before I offer to pass, as the champion speaks in his proper language, I shall apply myself to the matter before us."[270]

[Note VII.]

Thus our eighth Henry's marriage they defame;

Divorcing from the church to wed the dame:

Though largely proved, and by himself professed,

That conscience, conscience would not let him rest.

—— —— —— —— ——

For sundry years before he did complain,

And told his ghostly confessor his pain. P. [204].

This is a continuation of the allusion to Stillingfleet's "Vindication," who had attempted to place Henry VIII.'s divorce from Catherine of Arragon to the account of his majesty's tender conscience. A herculean task! but the readers may take it in the words of the Dean of St Paul's:

"And now this gentleman sets himself to ergoteering;[271] and looks and talks like any grim logician, of the causes which produced it, and the effects which it produced. 'The schism led the way to the Reformation, for breaking the unity of Christ's church, which was the foundation of it: but the immediate cause of this, which produced the separation of Henry VIII. from the church of Rome, was the refusal of the pope to grant him a divorce from his first wife, and to gratify his desires in a dispensation for a second marriage.'

"Ergo: The first cause of the Reformation, was the satisfying an inordinate and brutal passion. But is he sure of this? If he be not, it is a horrible calumny upon our church, upon King Henry the Eighth, and the whole nation, as I shall presently show. No; he confesses he cannot be sure of it: for, saith he, no man can carry it so high as the original cause with any certainty. And at the same time, he undertakes to demonstrate the immediate cause to be Henry the Eighth's inordinate and brutal passion; and afterwards affirms, as confidently as if he had demonstrated it, that our Reformation was erected on the foundations of lust, sacrilege, and usurpation: Yet, saith he, the king only knew whether it was conscience or love, or love alone, which moved him to sue for a divorce. Then, by his favour, the king only could know what was the immediate cause of that which he calls the schism. Well! but he offers at some probabilities, that lust was the true cause. Is Ergoteering come to this already? 'But this we may say, if Conscience had any part in it, she had taken a long nap of almost twenty years together before she awakened.' Doth he think, that Conscience doth not take a longer nap than this in some men, and yet they pretend to have it truly awakened at last? What thinks he of late converts? Cannot they be true, because conscience hath slept so long in them? Must we conclude in such cases, that some inordinate passion gives conscience a jog at last? 'So that it cannot be denied, he saith, that an inordinate and brutal passion had a great share at least in the production of the schism.' How! cannot be denied! I say from his own words it ought to be denied, for he confesses none could know but the king himself; he never pretended that the king confessed it: How then cannot it be denied? Yea, how dare any one affirm it? Especially when the king himself declared in a solemn assembly, in these words, saith Hall, (as near, saith he, as I could carry them away,) speaking of the dissatisfaction of his conscience,—"For this only cause, I protest before God, and in the word of a prince, I have asked counsel of the greatest clerks in Christendom; and for this cause I have sent for this legat, as a man indifferent, only to know the truth, and to settle my conscience, and for none other cause, as God can judge." And both then and afterwards, he declared, that his scruples began upon the French ambassador's making a question about the legitimacy of the marriage, when the match was proposed between the Duke of Orleans and his daughter; and he affirms, that he moved it himself in confession to the Bishop of Lincoln, and appeals to him concerning the truth of it in open court."—Vindication of the Answer to some late Papers, p. 109.

[Note VIII.]

They say, that, look the Reformation round,

No treatise of humility is found;

But if none were, the gospel does not want,

Our Saviour preached it, and I hope you grant,

The sermon on the mount was Protestant.—P. [204].

Stillingfleet concludes his "Vindication" with this admonition to Dryden: "I would desire him not to end with such a bare-faced assertion of a thing so well known to be false, viz. that there is not one original treatise written by a Protestant, which hath handled distinctly, and by itself, that Christian virtue of humility. Since within a few years (besides what hath been printed formerly) such a book hath been published in London. But he doth well to bring it off with, 'at least that I have seen or heard of;' for such books have not lain much in the way of his inquiries. Suppose we had not such particular books, we think the Holy Scripture gives the best rules and examples of humility of any book in the world; but I am afraid he should look on his case as desperate if I send him to the Scripture, since he saith, 'Our divines do that as physicians do with their patients whom they think uncurable, send them at last to Tunbridge-waters, or to the air of Montpellier."

Dryden, in the Introduction, says, that the author of this work was called Duncombe; but he is charged with inaccuracy by Montague, who says his name is Allen. It seems to be admitted, that his work is a translation from the Spanish. The real author may have been Thomas Allen, rector of Kettering, in Northamptonshire, and author of "The Practice of a Holy Life, 8vo. 1716;" in the list of books subjoined to which, I find "The Virtue of Humility, recommended to be printed by the late reverend and learned Dr Henry Hammond," which perhaps may be the book in question. A sort of similarity of sound between Duncombe and Hammond may have led to Dryden's mistake. Alonzo Rodriguez, of the Order of the Jesuits, wrote a book called "Exercicio de perfecion y virtudes Christianas, Sevilla, 1609," which seems to be the work from which the plagiary was taken.

[Note IX.]

Unpitied Hudibras, your champion friend,

Has shown how far your charities extend;

This lasting verse shall on his tomb be read,

"He shamed you living, and upbraids you dead." P. [205].

Our author, in the preceding lines, had employed himself in repelling the charge of his having changed his religion for the sake of interest. His loaves, he says, had not been increased by the change, nor had his assiduity at court intimated any claim upon royal favour: and in reference to her neglect of literary merit, he charges on the church of England the fate of Butler, a brother poet. Of that truly original genius we only know, that his life was spent in dependence, and embittered by disappointment. But unless Dryden alludes to some incident now unknown, it is difficult to see how the church of England could have rewarded his merit. Undoubtedly she owed much to his forcible satire against her lately triumphant rivals, the Presbyterians and Independents; but, unless Butler had been in orders, how could the church have recompensed his poetical talents? The author of the most witty poem that ever was written had a much more natural and immediate claim upon the munificence of the wittiest king and court that ever was in England; nor was his satire less serviceable to royalty than to the established religion. The blame of neglecting Butler lay therefore on Charles II. and his gay courtiers, who quoted "Hudibras" incessantly, and left the author to struggle with obscurity and indigence. The poet himself has, in a fragment called "Hudibras at Court," set forth both the kind reception which Charles gave the poem, and his neglect of the author:

Now you must know, Sir Hudibras

With such perfections gifted was,

And so peculiar in his manner,

That all that saw him did him honour.

Among the rest, this prince was one,

Admired his conversation:

This prince, whose ready wit and parts

Conquered both men and women's hearts,

Was so o'ercome with Knight and Ralph,

That he could never claw it off;

He never eat, nor drank, nor slept,

But Hudibras still near him kept;

Nor would he go to church, or so,

But Hudibras must with him go;

Nor yet to visit concubine,

Or at a city feast to dine,

But Hudibras must still be there,

Or all the fat was in the fire.

Now after all, was it not hard,

That he should meet with no reward,

That fitted out this knight and squire,

This monarch did so much admire?

That he should never reimburse

The man for th' equipage, or horse,

Is sure a strange ungrateful thing,

In any body but a king.

But this good king, it seems, was told,

By some that were with him too bold,

If e'er you hope to gain your ends,

Caress your foes, and trust your friends.

Such were the doctrines that were taught,

Till this unthinking king was brought

To leave his friends to starve and die,

A poor reward for loyalty!

[Note X.]

With odious atheist names you load your foes;

Your liberal clergy why did I expose?

It never fails in charities like those.—P. [205].

Our author here complains of the personal reflections which Stillingfleet had cast upon him, particularly in the passage already quoted in Note VII., where he is expressly charged with disbelieving the existence of "such a thing as true religion." The second and third lines of the triplet are somewhat obscure. The meaning seems to be, that Dryden, conscious of having given the first offence, which we shall presently see was the case, justifies his having done so, from personal abuse being the never-failing resort of the liberal clergy. The application of the neuter pronoun it to the liberal clergy, is probably in imitation of Virgil's satirical construction:

Varium et mutabile semper fæmina.

It happened in this controversy, as in most others, that both parties, laying out of consideration the provocation which they themselves had given, complained bitterly of the illiberality of their antagonists. Stillingfleet expatiates on the unhandsome language contained in Dryden's Defence, and the passages which he quotes are those which contain the exposure of the liberal clergy mentioned in the text:

"Yet as if I had been the sole contriver or inventor of all, he bestows those civil and obliging epithets upon me, of disingenuous, foul-mouthed, and shuffling; one of a virulent genius, of spiteful diligence, and irreverence to the royal family; of subtle calumny, and sly aspersion; and he adds to these ornaments of speech, that I have a cloven-foot, and my name is Legion; and that my Answer is an infamous libel, a scurrilous saucy pamphlet. Is this indeed the spirit of a new convert? Is this the meekness and temper you intend to gain proselytes by, and to convert the nation? He tells us in the beginning, that truth has a language peculiar to itself: I desire to be informed, whether these be any of the characters of it? And how the language of reproach and evil-speaking may be distinguished from it? But zeal in a new convert is a terrible thing; for it not only burns, but rages, like the eruptions of Mount Ætna; it fills the air with noise and smoke, and throws out such a torrent of liquid fire, that there is no standing before it. The Answer alone was too mean a sacrifice for such a Hector in controversy. All that standeth in his way must fall at his feet. He calls me Legion, that he may be sure to have number enough to overcome. But he is a great proficient indeed, if he be such an exorcist, to cast out a whole legion already. But he hopes it may be done without fasting and prayer."—Vindication of the Answer, p. 1.

[Note XI.]

It now remains for you to school your child,

And ask why God's anointed he reviled;

A king and princess dead! Did Shimei worse? P. [207].

The Hind having shewn that her influence over Dryden was such as to induce him to submit patiently, and without vengeance, to injury and reproach, now calls upon the Panther to exert her authority in turn over Stillingfleet, for his irreverend attack upon the royal papers in favour of the Catholic religion. Upon a careful perusal of the Answers and Vindication of that great divine, it is impossible to find any grounds for the charge of his having reviled Charles II. or the Duchess of York; on the contrary, their names are always mentioned with great respect, and the controversy is conducted strictly in conformity with the following spirited advertisement prefixed to the Answer:

"If the papers, here answered, had not been so publicly dispersed through the nation, a due respect to the name they bear, would have kept the author from publishing any answer to them. But because they may now fall into many hands, who, without some assistance, may not readily resolve some difficulties started by them, he thought it not unbecoming his duty to God and the king, to give a clearer light to the things contained in them. And it can be no reflection on the authority of a prince, for a private subject to examine a piece of coin as to its just value, though it bears his image and superscription upon it. In matters that concern faith and salvation, we must prove all things, and hold fast that which is good."—Advertisement to Answer to the Royal Papers.

Dryden, however, like the other Catholics, was pleased to interpret the impugning and confuting the arguments used by the king and duchess, into contempt and disrespect for their persons. It was this forced construction on which was founded the prosecution of Sharpe and of the Bishop of London before the ecclesiastical commissioners. Sharpe having been defied to a polemical contest, by a paper handed into his pulpit, took occasion to preach on the arguments contained in it; and mentioned, with some contempt, persons who could be influenced by such weak reasoning. This was interpreted as a reflection on the new converts, and particularly on the king himself; and a mandate was issued to the Bishop of London, commanding that the obnoxious preacher should be suspended. The issue of this matter has been noticed in the notes on "Absalom and Achitophel," Vol. IX. p. 302.

[Note XII.]

Your son was warned, and wisely gave it o'er;

But he, who counselled him, has paid the score. P. [207].

Dryden here triumphs in the conquest he pretends to have gained over Stillingfleet. In the beginning of the controversy, the Dean of St Paul's had spoken dubiously of the authenticity of the paper ascribed to the Duchess. In his Vindication, he fully admitted that point, and insisted only upon the weakness of the reasons which she alleged for her conversion. This Dryden compares to a defeated vessel, bearing away under the smoke of her last broadside.

The person, whom he states to have counselled Stillingfleet, is probably Burnet; and the score which he paid, is the severe description given of him under the character of the Buzzard. Dryden always seems to have viewed the Answer to the Royal Papers as the work of more than one hand. In his "Defence," he affirms, that the answerer's "name is Legion; but though the body be possessed with many evil spirits, it is but one of them that talks." In the introduction to the "Hind and Panther," he says, he is informed both of the "author and supervisors of this pamphlet." He conjectured, as was probably the truth, that a controversy of such importance, and which required to be managed with such peculiar delicacy, was not entrusted to a single individual. Besides Burnet, it is probable that Tillotson, Tennison, and Patrick, all of whom mingled in the polemical disputes of that period, were consulted by Stillingfleet on this important occasion.

[Note XIII.]

Perhaps you think your time of triumph near,

But may mistake the season of the year;

The Swallow's fortune gives you cause to fear.—P. [210].

The general application of the fable of the Swallows to the short gleam of Catholic prosperity during the reign of James II. is sufficiently manifest. But it is probable, that a more close and intimate allusion was intended to an event which took place in 1686, when the whole nation was in confusion at the measures of King James, so that the alarm had extended even to the Catholics, who were the objects of his favour. We are told, there was a general meeting of the leading Roman Catholics at the Savoy, to consult how this favourable crisis might be most improved to the advantage of their cause. Father Petre had the chair; and at the very opening of the debates, it appeared, that the majority were more inclined to provide for their own security, than to come to extremities with the Protestants. Notwithstanding the King's zeal, power, and success, they were afraid to push the experiment any farther. The people were already alarmed, the soldiers could not be depended upon, the very courtiers melted out of their grasp. All depended on a single life, which was already on the decline; and if that life should last yet a few years longer, and continue as hitherto devoted to their interest and service, they foresaw innumerable difficulties in their way, and anticipated disappointments without end. Upon these considerations, therefore, some were for a petition to the king, that he would only so far interpose in their favour, that their estates might be secured to them by act of parliament, with exemption from all employments, and liberty to worship God in their own way, in their own houses. Others were for obtaining the king's leave to sell their estates, and transport themselves and their effects to France. All but Father Petre were for a compromise of some sort or other; but he disdained whatever had a tendency to moderation, and was for making the most of the voyage while the sea was smooth, and the wind prosperous. All these several opinions, we are farther told, were laid before the king, who was pleased to answer, "That before their desires were made known to him, he had provided a sure retreat and sanctuary for them in Ireland, in case all those endeavours which he was making for their security in England should be blasted, and which as yet gave him no reason to despair."[272]

It will hardly, I think, be disputed, that the fable of the Swallows about to cross the seas refers to this consultation of the Catholics; and it is a strong instance of Dryden's prejudice against priests of all persuasions, that, in the character of the Martin, who persuaded the Swallows to postpone the flight, he decidedly appears to have designed Petre, the king's confessor and prime adviser in state matters, both spiritual and temporal. The name of Martin may contain an allusion to the parish of St Martin's, in which Whitehall, and the royal chapel, are situated. But should this be thought fanciful, it is certain, that the portrait of this vain, presumptuous, ambitious, bigotted Jesuit, who was in keen pursuit of a cardinal's cap, is exactly that of the Martin:

A church begot, and church believing bird,

Of little body, but of lofty mind,

Round-bellied, for a dignity designed.

Two marked circumstances of resemblance conclude the inuendo,—his noble birth, and superficial learning;

But little learning needs in noble blood.[273]

It may be doubted, whether the reverend father was highly pleased with this sarcastic description, or whether he admitted readily the apology, that the poet, speaking in the character of the heretical church, was obliged to use Protestant colouring.

The close correspondence of the fable with the real events may be farther traced, and admit of yet more minute illustration:

The Raven, from the withered oak,

Left of their lodging,——

may be conjectured to mean Tennison, within whose parish Whitehall was situated, and who stood in the front of battle during all the Roman Catholic controversy. As Petre is the Martin who persuaded the Catholics not to leave the kingdom, his preparations for maintaining their ground there are also noticed:

He ordered all things with a busy care,

And cells and refectories did prepare,

And large provisions laid of winter fare.

This alludes to the numerous schools and religious establishments which the Jesuits prepared to establish throughout England.[274] The chapel which housed them is obviously the royal chapel, where the priests were privileged to exercise their functions even during the subsistence of the penal laws. The transient gleam of sunshine which invited the Swallows forth from their retirement, is the Declaration of Indulgence, in consequence of which the Catholics assumed the open and general exercise of their religion. The Irish Catholics, with the sanguine Talbot at their head, may be the first who hailed the imaginary return of spring: they are painted as

——Swifts, the giants of the Swallow kind,

Large limbed, stout hearted, but of stupid mind.

I cannot help thinking, that our author, still speaking in the character of the English church, describes himself as the "foolish Cuckow," whose premature annunciation of spring completed the Swallow's delusion. Perhaps he intended to mitigate the scornful description of Petre, by talking of himself also as a Protestant would have talked of him. The foreign priests and Catholic officers, whom hopes of promotion now brought into England, are pointed out by the "foreign fowl," who came in flocks,

To bless the founder, and partake the cheer.

The fable concludes in a prophetic strain, by indicating the calamities which were likely to overwhelm the Catholics, as soon as the death of James, or any similar event, should end their temporary prosperity. It is well known, how exactly the event corresponded to the prophecy; even the circumstance of the rabble rising upon the Catholic priests was most literally verified. In most of the sea-port towns, they watched the coasts to prevent their escape; and when King James was taken at Feversham, the fishermen, by whom he was seized, were employed in what they called by the cant phrase of "priest-codding," that is, lying in wait for the fugitive priests.

[Note XIV.]

But most in Martin's character and fate,

She saw her slandered sons, the Panther's hate,

The people's rage, the persecuting state.—P. [217].

The conclusion of the fable naturally introduces a discussion of the penal laws, which unquestionably were extremely severe towards Catholics. By the fourteenth of Queen Elizabeth, it was enacted, that whoever, by bulls of the pope, should reconcile any one to Rome, should, together with the person reconciled, be guilty of high treason; that those, who relieved such reconcilers, should be liable in the penalties of a premunire, and those who concealed them in misprision of treason. A still more severe law passed in the twenty-eighth of the same queen, upon discovery of Parry's conspiracy against her life, to which he had been stirred up by a book of Allen, or Parsons the Jesuit, written for the express purpose. It was thereby enacted, that all Jesuits and Popish priests should depart the kingdom within forty days; and that those who should afterwards return into the kingdom, should be guilty of high treason; and all who relieved and maintained them, of felony. There were other enactments of a similar nature made upon the discovery of the gun-powder plot. Samuel Johnson (I mean the divine) gives an odd justification of these laws, saying, that the priests are hanged, not as priests, but as traitors. But, as their being priests was the sole reason for their being held traitors, it does not appear, that the Protestant divine can avail himself of this distinction.

[Note XV.]

No church reformed can boast a blameless line,

Such Martins build in yours, and more than mine;

Or else an old fanatic author lies,

Who summed their scandals up by centuries.—P. [218].

The fanatic author is John White, commonly called Century White. He was born in Pembrokeshire in 1590, was educated for the bar, and made a considerable figure in his profession. As he was a rigid puritan, he was chosen one of the trustees which that sect appointed to purchase impropriations to be bestowed upon fanatic preachers. This design was checked by Archbishop Laud; and White, among others, received a severe censure in the Star-Chamber. In the Long Parliament, White was member for Southwark, and distinguished himself by his vindictive severity against the bishops and Episcopal clergy, saying openly in a committee, he hoped to live to see the day, when there should be neither bishop nor cathedral priest in England. He was very active in the ejectment of the clergy, by which upwards of eight thousand churchmen are said to have lost their cures in the course of four or five years. In order to encourage and justify these violent measures, he published his famous treatise, entitled, "The First Century of Scandalous Malignant Priests, made and admitted into benefices by the Prelates, London, 1643;" a tract which contains, as may be inferred from its name, an hundred instances of unworthiness, which had been either proved to have existed among the clergy of the church of England, or had been invented to throw a slander upon them. When this satire was shown to Charles I., it was proposed to answer it by a similar exposition of the scandalous part of the puritanical teachers; but that monarch would not consent to give countenance to a warfare in which neither party could gain, and religion was sure to be a loser between them. Similar considerations are said to have prevented White himself from publishing "A Second Century," in continuation of his work. He wrote another tract, entitled, "The Looking Glass;" in which he attempted to prove, that the sin against the Holy Ghost was the bearing arms for the king in the civil war. His own party bestow on White a high character for religion and virtue; but the cavaliers alleged, that although he had two wives of his own, a large proportion of matrimony, he did not forbear to visit three belonging to his neighbours in the White Friars. He died in January 1644, and is said, in his last illness, to have bitterly lamented the active share which he had taken in ejecting so many guiltless ministers, and their families. This, however, may be a fiction of the royalists; for the death-bed repentance of an enemy is amongst the most common forgeries of party. White's body was attended to the grave by most of the members of Parliament, and the following distich inscribed on his tomb:

"Here lyeth a John, a burning shining light,

His name, life, actions, all were White."

See Wood's Athenæ Oxonienses.

[Note XVI.]

The Lion, studious of our common good,

Desires (and kings' desires are ill withstood)

To join our nations in a lasting love;

The bars betwixt are easy to remove,

For sanguinary laws were never made above.—P. [218].

When James II. ascended the throne, deceived by the general attachment of the church of England for his person, and the little jealousy which they seemed to entertain of his religion, he conceived there would be no great difficulty in procuring a reconciliation between the national church and that of Rome. With this view he made a favourable declaration of his intentions to maintain the church of England as by law established, and certainly expected, that, in return, they would consent to the repeal of the test act and penal laws;[275] and this, it was conceived, might pave the way for uniting the churches. An extraordinary pamphlet, already quoted, recommends such an union, founded upon the mutual attachment of both communions to King James, upon their success in resisting the Bill of Exclusion, and their common hatred of the dissenters. "This very stone, which was once rejected by the architects, is now become the chief stone in the corner. We may truly see in it the hand of God, and look upon it with admiration; and may expect, if fears and jealousies hinder not, the greatest blessings we can wish for. An union betwixt these two walls, which have been thus long separated, and now in a fair way to be united and linked together by this corner stone; after which, how glorious a structure may we hope for on such foundations!" A plan is therefore laid down, containing the following heads, of which it may be observed, that the very first is the abrogation of these penal laws, which Dryden states to be the principal bar between the alliance of the Hind and the Panther.

"First, that it may be provided, That those who are known to be faithful friends to the king and kingdom's good, may equally with us enjoy those favours and blessings we may hope for under so great and so just a king, without being liable to the sanguinary penal laws, for holding opinions noways inconsistent with loyalty, and the peace and quiet of the nation; and that they may not be obliged, by oaths and tests, either to renounce their religion, which they know they cannot do without sacrilege, or else to put themselves out of capacity of serving their king and country.

"Secondly, That, for healing our differences, it be appointed, that neither side, in their sermons, touch upon matters of controversy with animating reflections; but that those discourses may wholly tend to peace and piety, religion and sound morality; and that, in all public catechisms, the solid grounds and principles of religion may be solely explicated and established, all reflecting animosities being laid aside.

"Thirdly, That some learned, devout, and sober persons, may be made choice of on both sides, who may truly state matters of controversy betwixt us; to the end, each one may know others pretensions, and the tenets they cannot abandon, without breaking the chain of apostolic faith; which, if it be done, we shall, it may be, find that to be true, which the Papists often tell us, that the difference betwixt them and us is not so great as many make it; nor their tenets so pernicious, but if we saw them naked, we should, if not embrace them as truths, yet not condemn them as errors, much less as pernicious doctrines. Yet if, notwithstanding all this, we cannot perfectly agree in some points, let us, however, endeavour to live together in the bonds of love and charity, as becomes good Christians and loyal subjects, and join together to oppugn those known maxims, and pernicious errors, which destroy the essence of religion, loyalty, and good government."—Remonstrance, by way of Address, to the Church of England, 1685.

[Note XVII.]

Yet still remember, that you wield a sword,

Forged by your foes against your sovereign lord;

Designed to hew the imperial cedar down,

Defraud succession, and dis-heir the crown.—P. [219].

The Test-act was passed in the year 1678, while the popish plot was in its vigour, and the Earl of Shaftesbury was urging every point against the Catholics, with his eyes uniformly fixed upon the Bill of Exclusion as his crowning measure. It imposed on all who should sit in parliament, a declaration of their abhorrence of the doctrine of transubstantiation. The Duke of York, with tears in his eyes, moved for a proviso to exempt himself, protesting, that he cast himself upon the House in the greatest concern he could have in the world; and that whatever his religion might be, it should only be a private thing between God and his own soul. Notwithstanding this pathetic appeal, he carried his point but by two votes. With seven other peers he protested against the bill. Dryden therefore, and probably with great justice, represents this test as a part of his machinations against the Duke of York, whose party was at that time, and afterwards, warmly espoused by the church of England. But though the Test-act was devised by a statesman whom they hated, and carried by a party whom they had opposed, the high-church clergy were not the less unwilling to part with it when they found the advantages which it gave them against the Papists in King James's reign. Hence they were loaded with the following reproaches: "My business is to set forth, in its own colours, the extraordinary loyalty of those men, who obstinately maintain a test contrived by the faction to usher in the Bill of Exclusion: And it is much admired, even by some of her own children, that the grave and matron-like church of England, which values herself so much for her antiquity, should be over-fond of a new point of faith, lately broached by a famous act of an infallible parliament, convened at Westminster, and guided by the holy spirit of Shaftesbury. But I doubt there are some parliaments in the world which will not so easily admit this new article into their creed, though the church of England labours so much to maintain it as a special evidence of her singular loyalty."—New Test of the Church of England's Loyalty.

[Note XVIII.]

The first reformers were a modest race;

Our peers possessed in peace their native place,

And when rebellious arms o'erturned the state,

They suffered only in the common fate;

But now the sovereign mounts the regal chair,

And mitred seats are full, yet David's bench is bare.—P. [221].

This passage regards the situation of the Roman Catholic peers. Notwithstanding their religion, they had been allowed to retain their seats and votes in the House of Lords. So jealous were they, (as was but natural,) of this privilege, that, in 1675, when Danby proposed a test oath upon all holding state employments and benefices, the object of which was to acknowledge the doctrine of non-resistance, and disown all attempts at an alteration of government, the Roman Catholic peers, to the number of twenty, who had hitherto always voted with the crown, united, on this occasion, with the opposition, and occasioned the loss of the bill. This North imputes to the art of Shaftesbury, who dinned into their ears, "that this test (by mentioning the maintenance of the Protestant religion, though that of the royal authority was chiefly proposed) tended to deprive them of their right of voting, which was a birth-right so sacrosanct and radically inherent in the peerage, as not to be temerated on any account whatsoever." When the earl had heated the Catholic lords with this suggestion, he secured them to the opposition, by proposing, and carrying through, an order of the House, that no bill should be received, tending to deprive any of the peerage of their right. But when the Test-act of 1678 was moved, which had, for its direct purpose, that exclusion which that of 1675 was supposed only to convey by implication, Shaftesbury laughed at the order which he himself had proposed, saying, leges posteriores priores abrogant. And by this test, which required the renunciation of their religion as idolatrous, the Catholic peerage were effectually, and for ever, excluded from their seats in the House of Lords. Dryden intimates, in the following lines, that this test applied to the Papists alone, and complains heavily of this odious distinction, betwixt them and other non-conformists.

[Note XIX.]

When first the Lion sat with awful sway,

Your conscience taught your duty to obey.—P. [223].

James II. and the established church set out on the highest terms of good humour with each other. This, as the king afterwards assured the dissenters, was owing to the professions made to him by some of the churchmen, whom he named, who had promised favour to the Catholics, provided he would abandon all idea of general toleration, and leave them their ancient authority over the fanatics. Moved, as he said, by these promises, the Declaration in council, issued upon his accession, had this remarkable clause: "I know the principles of the church of England are for monarchy, and the members of it have shewn themselves good and loyal subjects, therefore I shall always take care to defend and support it." This explicit declaration gave the greatest satisfaction to the kingdom in general, and particularly to the clergy. "All the pulpits of England," says Burnet, "were full of it, and of thanksgivings for it. It was magnified as a security far greater than any that laws could give. The common phrase was, We have now the word of a king, and a word never yet broken. This general feeling of gratitude led to a set of addresses, full of the most extravagant expressions of loyalty and fidelity to so gracious a sovereign. The churchmen led the way in these expressions of zeal; and the university of Oxford, in particular, promised to obey the king without limitations or restrictions." The king's promise was reckoned so solemn and inviolable, that those addresses were censured as guilty at least of ill-breeding, who mentioned in their papers the "religion established by law;" since that expression implied an obligation on the king to maintain it, independently of his royal grace and favour. But the scene speedily changed, as the king's intentions began to disclose themselves. Then, as a Catholic pamphleteer expresses himself, "My loyal gentlemen were so far out of the right bias, that, in lieu of taking off the tests and penal laws, which all people expected from them in point of gratitude and good manners, they made a solemn address to his majesty, that none be employed who were not capacitated by the said laws and tests to bear offices civil and military."[276]

If James, had viewed with attention the incidents of the former reign, he might have recollected, that, however devoted the clergy had then shown themselves to the crown, his brother's attempt at his present measure of a general indulgence had at once alarmed the whole church. This sensibility, when the interest of the church is concerned, is severely contrasted with the general indifference to the cause of freedom, into which they relapsed when the indulgence was recalled, in a party pamphlet of the year 1680-1. "You may easily call to mind, a late instance of the humanity and conscience of this race of men here in England: For when his majesty, not long since, attempted to follow his own inclinations, and emitted a declaration of indulgence to tender consciences, the whole posse cleri seemed to be raised against him: Every reader and Gibeonite of the church could then talk as saucily of their king, as they do now of the late honourable Parliament; nay, they began to stand upon their terms, and delivered it out as orthodox doctrine, that the king was to act according to law, and, therefore, could not suspend a penal statute; that the subjects' obedience was a legal obedience; and, therefore, if the king commanded any thing contrary to law, the subject was not bound to obey; with so many other honest positions, that men wondered in God how such knaves should come by them. But wherefore was all this wrath, and all this doctrine? merely because his majesty was pleased for a time to remove the sore backs of dissenters from under the ecclesiastical lash; the bloody exercise of which is never denied to holy church, but the magistrate is immediately assaulted with the noise and clamour of Demetrius and his craftsmen.

"But now, the tables being turned, the same mercenary tongues are again all Sibthorp, and all Manwaring; not a bit of law, or conscience either, is now to be had for love or money; not any limits to be put to the king's commands, or our obedience. It is a gospel truth with these men, that all which we have is the king's; and if he should command our estates, our wives and children, yea, and our religion too, we ought to resign them up, submit, and be silent."—The Freeholders' Choice, or, A Letter of Advice concerning Elections.

[Note XX.]

Possess your soul with patience, and attend;

A more auspicious planet may ascend;

Good fortune may present some happier time,

With means to cancel my unwilling crime.—P. [224].

The first expression in these lines seems to have been a favourite with Dryden. In the Introduction to the Translation of Juvenal, he makes it his glory, "that, being naturally vindicative, he had suffered in silence, and possessed his soul in quiet."

The arguments used by the Panther in this passage seem to have more weight than her antagonist allows them. It was surely reasonable, that the church of England should rest upon her penal statutes and test act, as the sole mode of preventing the encroachments of her rival during a Catholic reign, and at the same time that she should look forward with pleasure to a future period, when such severe enactments might be no longer necessary for her safety; a time, of which it has been our good fortune to witness the arrival.

The argument of the Panther, in this speech, is, with the simile of the inundation, literally versified from an answer to Penn's pamphlet. "The penal laws cannot prejudice the Papists in this king's reign, seeing he can connive at the non-execution of them, and the repeal of them now cannot benefit the Papists when he is gone; because, if they do not behave themselves modestly, we can either re-establish them, or enact others, which they will be as little fond of. But their abrogation at this time would infallibly prejudice us, and would prove to be the pulling up of the sluices, and the throwing down the dikes, which stem the deluge that is breaking in upon us, and which hinder the threatening waves from overflowing us." Some reflections on a discourse, entitled, "Good Advice to the Church of England."—State Tracts, Vol. I. p. 368.

[Note XXI.]

Your care about your banks infers a fear

Of threatening floods and inundations near;

If so, a just reprise would only be

Of what the land usurped upon the sea.—P. [225].

This conveys a perilous insinuation, which perhaps it would, at the time, have been prudent to suppress; since it goes the length of preparing a justification of the resumption of the power, authority, lands, and revenues, of the church of England, upon the footing of their having originally belonged to that of Rome. It cannot be supposed that this hint could be passed over at the time, without a strong feeling of a meditated revolution in church government and property.

[Note XXII.]

Behold how he protects your friends oppressed,

Receives the banished, succours the distressed!

Behold, for you may read an honest open breast.—P. [225].

Burnet, in the "History of his Own Times," gives the following account of the relief which James, either from inclination or policy, extended to the French Protestants, who were exiled by the recal of the edict of Nantes.

"But now the session of Parliament drew on, and there was a great expectation of the issue of it. For some weeks before it met, there was such a number of refugees coming over every day, who set about a most dismal recital of the persecution in France; and that in so many instances that were crying and odious, that, though all endeavours were used to lessen the clamour this had raised, yet the king did not stick openly to condemn it as both unchristian and unpolitic. He took pains to clear the Jesuits of it, and laid the blame of it chiefly on the king, on Madame de Maintenon, and the Archbishop of Paris. He spoke often of it with such vehemence, that there seemed to be an affectation in it. He did more: He was very kind to the refugees; he was liberal to many of them; he ordered a brief for a charitable collection over the nation for them all; upon which great sums were sent in. They were deposited in good hands, and well distributed. The king also ordered them to be denizen'd, without paying fees, and gave them great immunities. So that, in all, there came over, first and last, between forty and fifty thousand of that nation. There was such real argument of the cruel and persecuting spirit of popery, wheresoever it prevailed, that few could resist this conviction; so that all men confessed, that the French persecution came very seasonably to awaken the nation, and open men's eyes in so critical a conjunction; for upon this session of Parliament all did depend."—Burnet, Book IV.

[Note XXIII.]

A plain good man, whose name is understood,

(So few deserve the name of plain and good.)—P. [226].

These, and the following lines, contain a character of James II. most exquisitely drawn, though, it must be owned, with a flattering pencil. Bravery, economy, integrity, are the ingredients which Dryden has mixed for his colours. Without attempting a character of this unfortunate monarch, we may say a few words on each of the attributes ascribed to him. Bravery he unquestionably possessed; but it was of that ordinary kind, which, though unshaken by mere personal danger, is unable to sustain its possessor in great and embarrassing political emergencies. The economy of James, being one great engine by which he hoped to carry on his projects, was so rigid as sometimes to border upon avarice. His upright integrity, the virtue upon which he chiefly prided himself, and which was the usual theme of courtly panegyric, frequently deviated into obstinacy. When he had once resolved upon a measure, he often announced his resolution with imprudence, and almost always pressed it with an open disregard of consequences. No fault can be more fatal to an English king; because the stream of popular opinion, which would subside if unopposed, becomes irresistible when the obstinacy of a monarch persists in attempting to stem it.

[Note XXIV.]

A sort of Doves were housed too near their hall,

Who cross the proverb, and abound with gall.—P. [228].

The virulent and abusive character which our author here draws of the clergy, and particularly those of the metropolis, differs so much from his description of the church of England, in the person of the Panther, that we may conclude it was written after the publishing of the Declaration of Indulgence, when the king had decidedly turned his favour from the established church. Their quarrel was now irreconcileable, and at immediate issue; and Dryden therefore changes the tone of conciliation, with which he had hitherto addressed the heretic church, into that of bitter and unrelenting satire. Dryden calls them doves, in order to pave the way for terming them, as he does a little below, "birds of Venus;" as disowning the doctrine of celibacy. The popular opinion, that a dove has no gall, is well known. In Scotland, this is averred to be owing to the dove which Noah dismissed from the ark having flown so long, that his gall broke; since which occurrence, none of the species have had any.

[Note XXV.]

An hideous figure of their foes they drew,

Nor lines, nor looks, nor shades, nor colours true;

And this grotesque design exposed to public view.—P. [231].

The Roman Catholic pamphlets of the time are filled with complaints, that their principles were misrepresented by the Protestant divines; and that king-killing tenets, and others of a pernicious or absurd nature, were unjustly ascribed to them. A tract, which is written on purpose to explain their real doctrine, says, "Is it not strange and severe, that principles, and those pretended of faith too, should be imposed upon men which they themselves renounce and detest? If the Turks' Alcoran should, in like manner, be urged upon us, and we hanged up for Mahometans, all we could do or say, in such a case, would be, to die patiently, with protestations of our own innocence. And this is the posture of our condition; we abhor, we renounce, we abominate, such principles; we protest against them, and seal our protestations with our dying breath. What shall we say, what can we do more? To accuse men as guilty in matters of faith, which they never owned, is the same thing as to condemn them for matters of fact which they never did."[277] Another author, speaking in the assumed character of the established church, says, that the Catholic controvertists have often told us, that "we behave ourselves like persons diffident of our cause, decline disputes on equal terms, and either misrepresent their tenets, as appears manifestly in their doctrines of justification and merit, satisfaction and indulgences; or else play the buffoons, joking, scoffing, and relating stories, which, if true, would not touch religion."—A Remonstrance, by way of Address, &c.

[Note XXVI.]

No Holland emblem could that malice mend.—P. [231].

Emblems, like puns, being the wit of a heavy people, the Dutch seem to have been remarkable for them; of which, their old-fashioned prints, and figured pan-tiles, are existing evidence. Prior thus drolls upon the passage in the text:

"Bayes. Oh! dear Sir, you are mighty obliging: but I must needs say at a fable, or an emblem, I think no man comes near me; indeed I have studied it more than any man. Did you ever take notice, Mr Johnson, of a little thing that has taken mightily about town, a cat with a top-knot?[278]

John. Faith, Sir, 'tis mighty pretty; I saw it at the coffee-house.

Bayes. 'Tis a trifle hardly worth owning. I was t'other day at Will's, throwing out something of that nature; and, i'gad, the hint was taken, and out came that picture; indeed the poor fellow was so civil to present me with a dozen of 'em for my friends. I think I have one here in my pocket; would you please to accept it, Mr Johnson?

John. Really 'tis very ingenious.

Bayes. Oh, Lord, nothing at all! I could design twenty of 'em in an hour, if I had but witty fellows about me to draw 'em. I was proffered a pension to go into Holland and contrive their emblems; but, hang 'em, they are dull rogues, and would spoil my invention."—Hind and Panther Transprosed.

[Note XXVII.]

The noble Buzzard ever pleased me best.—P. [233].

Gilbert Burnet, well known as an historian, was born of a good family in Scotland, in 1643. He went through his studies with success; and, being ordained by the Bishop of Edinburgh, obtained the living of Salton, in East Lothian, in 1665. While in this living, he drew up a memorial of the abuses of the Scotch bishops, and was instrumental in procuring the induction of Presbyterian divines into vacant churches; a step which he afterwards condemned as imprudent.[279] To measures so unfavourable for Episcopacy, Dryden seems to allude, in these lines:

I know he hates the Pigeon-house and Farm,

And more, in time of war, has done us harm;

But all his hate on trivial points depends,

Give up our forms, and we shall soon be friends.

Burnet's opinion, or rather indifference, concerning forms, may be guessed at, from the applause with which he quotes a saying of Dr Henry More; "None of them are bad enough to make men bad, and I am sure none of them are good enough to make men good." He was next created professor of divinity at Glasgow; but as his active temper led him to mingle much in political life, he speedily distinguished himself rather as a politician than a theologian. In 1672 he was made one of the king's chaplains, and was in high favour both with Charles and his brother. He enjoyed much of the countenance of the Duke of Lauderdale; but a quarrel taking place between them, the duke represented Burnet's conduct in such terms, that he was deprived of his chaplainry, and forced to resign his professor's chair, and abandon Scotland. He had an opportunity of revenging himself upon Lauderdale, as will be noticed in a subsequent note. During the time of the Popish plot, he again received a portion of the royal countenance. He was then preacher at the Rolls Chapel, under the patronage of Sir Harbottle Grimstone, master of the rolls, as also lecturer at St Clement's, and enjoyed a high degree of public consideration. Having, as he conceived, a fit opportunity to awaken the conscience of Charles, he ventured upon sending him a letter, where he treated his personal vices, and the faults of his government, with great severity,[280] and by which he forfeited his favour for ever. This freedom, with his low-church tenets, gave also offence to the Duke of York, who was, moreover, offended with him for some interference in the affair of the Exclusion, in which, if he did not go all the length of Shaftesbury, he recommended the appointment of a prince-regent; a measure scarcely more palatable to the successor. At length, his regard for Lord Russell, and the share which he took in penning, or circulating, his dying declaration, drew upon him the full resentment of both brothers. To this, a whimsical accident, in the choice of a text for the day of the gun-powder plot, happened to contribute. The preacher chanced (for we must believe what he assures us, ex verbo sacerdotis) to pitch on these words: "Save me from the lion's mouth; thou hast delivered me from the horns of the unicorn." This was interpreted as referring to the supporters of the royal arms; and Burnet was discharged, by the king's command, both from lecturing at St Clement's, and preaching at the Rolls Chapel. After this final breach with the court he went abroad, and, having travelled through France and Italy, settled in Holland at the court of the Prince of Orange. Here he did not fail, with that ready insinuation which seems to have distinguished him, to make himself of consequence to the prince, and especially to the princess, afterwards Queen Mary. From this place of refuge he sent forth several papers, in single sheets, relating to the controversy in England; and the clergy, who had formerly looked upon him with some suspicion, began now to treat with great attention and respect a person so capable of serving their cause. He was consulted upon every emergency; which confidence was no doubt owing partly to his situation near the person of the Prince of Orange, the Protestant heir of the crown. He stood forward as the champion of the church of England, in the controversy with Parker concerning the Test.[281] In the "History of his Own Times," the bishop talks with complacency of the sway which circumstances had given him among the clergy, and of the important matters which fell under his management; for, by express command of the Prince of Orange, he was admitted into all the secrets of the English intrigues. These insinuations of Burnet's importance, although they afterwards drew the ridicule of Pope, and the Tory wits of Queen Anne's reign, may, from the very satire of Dryden, be proved to have been well founded. This acquired importance of Burnet is the alliance between the Pigeon-house and Buzzard, which Dryden reprobates, believing, or wishing to make others believe, that Burnet held opinions unfavourable to Episcopacy. James considered this divine as so formidable an enemy, that he wrote two very severe letters to his daughter against him, and proceeded so far as to insist that he should be forbidden the court; a circumstance which did not prevent his privately receiving a double degree of countenance. A prosecution for high treason was next commenced against Burnet, and a demand was made that he should be delivered up; which the States evaded, by declaring that he was naturalized, by marrying a Dutch lady. The court of England were then supposed to have formed some plan, as they had attempted in the case of Peyton, of seizing, or perhaps assassinating him, and a reward of L. 3000 was offered for the service. Burnet, however, confident in the protection of the prince and states of Holland, answered, replied, and retorted, and carried on almost an immediate controversy with his sovereign, dated from the court of his son-in-law. This active politician had a very important share in the Revolution, and reaped his reward, by being advanced to the see of Salisbury. He died on the 17th of March, 1714-15.

His writings, theological, political, and polemical, are very numerous; but he is most remarkable as an historian. The "History of the Reformation," but more especially that of "His Own Times," raises him to a high rank among our English historians.

[Note XXVIII.]

A portly prince, and goodly to the sight,

He seemed a son of Anach for his height;

Like those whom stature did to crowns prefer,

Black-browed, and bluff, like Homer's Jupiter;

Broad-backed, and brawny built, for love's delight,

A prophet formed to make a female proselyte.—P. [234].

The following song, which is preserved in the "State Poems," gives a similar account of Burnet's personal appearance:

A new Ballad, called, The Brawny Bishop's Complaint.

To the Tune of—Packington's Pound.

I.

When B——t perceived the beautiful dames,

Who flocked to the chapel of hilly St James,

On their lovers the kindest looks did bestow,

And smiled not on him while he bellowed below;

To the princess he went,

With pious intent,

This dangerous ill in the church to prevent:

O, Madam! quoth he, our religion is lost,

If the ladies thus ogle the knights of the toast.

II.

Your highness observes how I labour and sweat,

Their affections to raise, and new flames to beget;

And sure when I preach, all the world will agree,

That their ears and their eyes should be pointed on me:

But now I can't find,

One beauty so kind,

As my parts to regard, or my presence to mind;

Nay, I scarce have a sight of any one face,

But those of old Oxford, and ugly Arglas.

III.

These sorrowful matrons, with hearts full of truth,

Repent for the manifold sins of their youth;

The rest with their tattle my harmony spoil;

And Bur—ton, An—say, K—gston, and B—le,

Their minds entertain,

With thoughts so profane,

'Tis a-mercy to find that at church they contain;

Even Hen—ham's shapes their weak fancies entice,

And rather than me they will ogle the Vice.[282]

IV.

These practices, madam, my preaching disgrace;

Shall laymen enjoy the just rights of my place?

Then all may lament my condition for hard,

To thresh in the pulpit without a reward.

Then pray condescend,

Such disorders to end,

And from the ripe vineyards such labourers send;

Or build up the seats, that the beauties may see

The face of no brawny pretender but me.

V.

The princess, by rude importunities pressed,

Though she laughed at his reasons, allowed his request;

And now Britain's nymphs, in Protestant reign,

Are locked up at prayers like the virgins in Spain;

And all are undone,

As sure as a gun,

Whenever a woman is kept like a nun,

If any kind man from bondage will save her,

The lass, in gratitude, grants him the favour.

The jest of his being "a prophet, formed to make a female proselyte," was more cutting, as he had just acquired a right of naturalization in Holland, by marrying Mrs Mary Scott, a Dutch lady, but of Scottish extraction, being descended of the noble house of Buccleuch.

[Note XXIX.]

The hero and the tyrant change their style,

By the same measure that they frown or smile.—P. [235].

It must be owned, that, with all Bishop Burnet's good qualities, there are particulars in his history which give colour for this accusation. His opinions were often hastily adopted, and of course sometimes awkwardly retracted, and his patrons were frequently changed. Thus, he vindicated the legality of divorce for barrenness on the part of the wife, and even that of polygamy, in his resolution of two important cases of conscience. These were intended to pave the way for Charles divorcing his barren wife Catherine, or marrying another; and so raising a family of his own to succeed him, instead of the Duke of York. These opinions he formally retracted. Notwithstanding his zeal for liberty, his first work is said by Swift to have been written in defense of arbitrary power. Above all, his great intimacy with the Dukes of Hamilton and Lauderdale, the King and the Duke of York, the Pope and the Prince of Orange; in short, his having the address to attach himself for a time to almost every leading character, whom he had an opportunity of approaching, gives us room to suspect, that if Burnet did not change his opinions, he had at least the art of disguising such as could not be accommodated to those of his immediate patron. When the king demanded that Burnet should be delivered up by the States, he threatened, in return, to justify himself, by giving an account of the share he had in affairs for twenty years past; in which he intimated, he might be driven to mention some particulars, which would displease the king. This threat, as he had enjoyed a considerable share of his confidence when Duke of York, may seem, in some degree, to justify Dryden's heavy charge against him, of availing himself of past confidence to criminate former patrons. It is remarkable, also, that even while he was in the secret of all the intrigues of the Revolution, and must have considered it as a near attempt, he continued to assert the doctrine of passive obedience; and in his letter to Middleton, in vindication of his conduct against the charge of high treason, there is an affectation of excessive loyalty to the reigning monarch. Against these instances of dissimulation, forced upon him perhaps by circumstances, but still unworthy and degrading, we may oppose many others, in which, when his principles and interest were placed at issue, he refused to serve the latter at the expence of the former.

[Note XXX.]

His praise of foes is venomously nice;

So touched, it turns a virtue to a vice.—P. [235].

This applies to the sketches of characters introduced by Burnet in his controversial tracts. But long after the period when Dryden wrote, the publication of the History of his Own Times confirmed, to a certain extent, the censure here imposed. It is a general and just objection to the bishop's historical characters, that they are drawn up with too much severity, and that the keenness of party has induced him, in many cases, to impose upon the reader a caricature for a resemblance. Yet there appears to have been perfect good faith upon his own part; so that we may safely acquit him of any intention to exaggerate the faults, or conceal the virtues, of his political enemies. He seems himself to have been conscious of a disposition to look upon the dark side of humanity. "I find," says he, "that the long experience I have had of the baseness, the malice, and the falsehood of mankind, has inclined me to be apt to think generally the worst of men, and of parties." Burnet therefore candidly puts the reader upon his guard against this predominant foible, and expressly warns him to receive what he advances with some grains of allowance.

But whatever was Burnet's private opinion of the conduct of others, and however much he might be misled by prejudice in drawing their characters, it should not be forgotten, that, in the moments of triumph which succeeded the Revolution, he not only resisted every temptation to revenge for personal injuries, but employed all his influence to recommend mild and conciliating conduct to the successful party. Some, who had suffered under the severity of James's reign, were extremely indignant at what seemed to them to argue too much feeling for their discomfited adversaries, and too little sympathy with their own past distresses. Samuel Johnson, in particular, reprobates the Scottish bishop's exhortations to forgiveness and forgetfulness of injuries. "And, besides, we have Scotch doctors, to teach us the art of forgetfulness. Pray you have gude memories, gude memories; do not remember bad things, (meaning the murders and oppressions of the last reigns,) but keep your memories for gude things, have gude memories." To this mimicry of the bishop's dialect, in which, however, he seems to have conveyed most wholesome and sound council, Johnson adds, that, during the sitting of King William's first parliament, while his complaints were before them, the bishop sent to him his advice, "Not to name persons." "I gave, says he, an English reply to that message; 'Let him mind his business, I will mind mine.' His bookseller, Mr Chiswell, by whom I had the message, seemed loth to carry him that blunt answer. Oh! said I, he has got the title of a Lord lately, I must qualify my answer: 'Let him please to mind his own business, I will mind mine."—This was very natural for one smarting under sufferings, who complains, that "while a certain traveller," meaning Burnet, "was making his court to the cardinals at Rome, he got such an almanack in his bones, (from scourging,) as to incapacitate him from learning this Scotch trick of a gude memory."[283] But it is the very character of moderate councils to be disgusting to those who have been hurried beyond their patience by oppression; and Johnson's testimony, though given with a contrary view, is highly honourable to the bishop's prudence.

[Note XXXI.]

But he, uncalled, his patron to controul,

Divulged the secret whispers of his soul;

Stood forth the accusing Satan of his crimes,

And offered to the Moloch of the times.—P. [235].

In 1675, the House of Commons being resolved to assail the Duke of Lauderdale, and knowing that Burnet, in whom he had once reposed much confidence, could bear witness to some dangerous designs and expressions, appointed the doctor to attend and be examined. His own account of this delicate transaction is as follows:

"In April 1675, a session of parliament was held, as preparatory to one that was designed next winter, in which money was to be asked; but none was now asked, it being only called to heal all breaches, and to beget a good understanding between the king and his people. The House of Commons fell upon Duke Lauderdale; and those who knew what had passed between him and me, moved, that I should be examined before a committee. I was brought before them. I told them how I had been commanded out of town; but though that was illegal, yet since it had been let fall, it was not insisted on. I was next examined concerning his design of arming the Irish Papists. I said, I, as well as others, had heard him say, he wished the Presbyterians in Scotland would rebel, that he might bring over the Irish Papists to cut their throats. I was next examined concerning the design of bringing a Scottish army into England. I desired to be excused, as to what had passed in private discourse; to which I thought I was not bound to answer, unless it were high treason. They pressed me long, and I would give them no other answer; so they all concluded, that I knew great matters; and reported this specially to the House. Upon that I was sent for, and brought before the House. I stood upon it as I had done at the committee, that I was not bound to answer; that nothing had passed that was high treason; and as to all other things, I did not think myself bound to discover them. I said farther, I knew the Duke Lauderdale was apt to say things in a heat, which he did not intend to do; and, since he had used myself so ill, I thought myself the more obliged not to say any thing that looked like revenge, for what I had met with from him. I was brought four times to the bar; at last I was told, the House thought they had a right to examine into every thing that concerned the safety of the nation, as well as into matters of treason; and they looked on me as bound to satisfy them, otherwise they would make me feel the weight of their heavy displeasure, as one that concealed what they thought was necessary to be known. Upon this I yielded, and gave an account of the discourse formerly mentioned. They laid great weight on this, and renewed their address against Duke Lauderdale.

"I was much blamed for what I had done. Some, to make it look the worse, added, that I had been his chaplain, which was false; and that I had been much obliged to him, though I had never received any real obligation from him, but had done him great services, for which I had been very unworthily requited: Yet the thing had an ill appearance, as the disclosing of what had passed in confidence; though I make it a great question, how far even that ought to bind a man when the designs are very wicked, and the person continued still in the same post and capacity of executing them. I have told the matter as it was, and must leave myself to the censure of the reader. My love to my country, and my private friendship, carried me, perhaps, too far; especially since I had declared much against clergymen's meddling in secular affairs, and yet had run myself so deep in them."—History of his Own Times, Vol. I. p. 375.

The discourse to which Burnet refers was of the following dangerous tendency, and took place in September 1673.

"Duke. If the king should need an army from Scotland, to tame those in England, might the Scots be depended upon?

"Burnet. Certainly not. The commons in the southern parts are all Presbyterians. The nobility thought they had been ill used, were generally discontented, and only waited for an opportunity to show it.

"Duke. I am of another mind. The hope of the spoil of England will bring them all in.

"Burnet. The king is ruined if he trusts to that; for even indifferent persons, who might otherwise have been ready enough to push their fortunes without any anxious enquiries into the grounds they went upon, will not now trust the king, since he has so lately said, he would stick to his declaration,[284] and yet has so soon given it up.

"Duke. Hinc illæ lacrymæ. The king was forsaken in that matter, and none sticks to him but Lord Clifford and myself."—Ralph, with the Authorities he quotes, Vol. I. p. 275.

James II. afterwards revived the plan of maintaining a Scottish standing army, to bridle his English subjects.

[Note XXXII.]

And runs an Indian muck at all he meets.—P. [235].

To run a-muck, is a phrase derived from a practice of the Malays. When one of this nation has lost his whole substance by gaming, or sustained any other great and insupportable calamity, he intoxicates himself with opium; and, having dishevelled his hair, rushes into the streets, crying Amocca, or Kill, and stabbing every one whom he meets with his creeze, until he is cut down, or shot, like a mad dog.

[Note XXXIII.]

Such was, and is, the Captain of the Test.—P. [236].

Burnet may have been thus denominated, from having written the following pamphlets, in the controversy respecting the Test, against Parker, the apostate bishop of Oxford:

"An Enquiry into the Reasons for Abrogating the Test imposed on all Members of Parliament, offered by Dr Samuel Parker, Bishop of Oxford."

"A Second Part of the Enquiry into the Reasons offered by Doctor Samuel Parker, bishop of Oxford, for Abrogating the Test; or an Answer to his plea for Transubstantiation, and for Acquitting the Church of Rome of Idolatry."

"A Continuation of the Second Part of the Enquiry into the Reasons offered by Dr Samuel Parker, Bishop of Oxford, for Abrogating the Test relating to the Idolatry of the Church of Rome."

These two last pamphlets were afterwards thrown together in one tract, entitled, "A Discourse concerning Transubstantiation and Idolatry, being an Answer to the Bishop of Oxford's plea relating to these two points."

Burnet himself admits, that his papers, in this controversy with Parker, were written with an acrimony of style which nothing but such a time and such a man could excuse. His papers were so bitter, that nobody durst offer them to the bishop of Oxford, till the king himself sent them to him, in hopes to stimulate him to an answer.

Several of these pieces seem to have been published after "The Hind and the Panther;" but it must have been generally known at the time, that Burnet had placed himself in the front of this controversy.

And much the Buzzard in their cause did stir,

Though naming not the patron, to infer,

With all respect, he was a gross idolater.

The passage particularly referred to in these lines occurs in a tract, entitled, "Reasons against repealing the Act of Parliament, concerning the Test," which is the first of six papers published by Dr Burnet when in Holland, and reprinted at London in 1689. His words are these:

"IX. I am told some think it very indecent to have a test for our parliaments, in which the king's religion is accused of idolatry; but if this reason is good in this particular, it will be full as good against several of the articles of our church, and many of the homilies. If the church and religion of this nation is so formed by law, that the king's religion is declared over and over again to be idolatrous, what help is there for it? It is no other than it was when his majesty was crowned, and swore to maintain our laws.

"I hope none will be wanting in all possible respect to his sacred person; and as we ought to be infinitely sorry to find him engaged in a religion which we must believe idolatrous, so we are far from the ill manners of reflecting on his person, or calling him an idolater: for as every man that reports a lie, is not for that to be called a liar; so that, though the ordering the intention, and the prejudice of a mis-persuasion, are such abatements, that we will not rashly take on us to call every man of the church of Rome an idolater; yet, on the other hand, we can never lay down our charge against the church of Rome as guilty of idolatry, unless at the same time we part with our religion."

We cannot suppose that Burnet was insensible to the poignancy of Dryden's satire; for, although he attempts to treat the poem with contempt, in the defence of his "Reflections on Varillas' History," his coarse and virulent character of the poet plainly shows his inward feelings. "I have been informed from England, that a gentleman, who is known both for poetry and other things, had spent three months in translating M. Varillas's History; but that, as soon as my Reflections appeared, he discontinued his labour, finding the credit of his author was gone. Now, if he thinks it is recovered by his Answer, he will perhaps go on with his translation; and this may be, for aught I know, as good an entertainment for him as the conversation that he had set on between the Hinds and Panthers, and all the rest of animals, for whom M. Varillas may serve well enough for an author: and this history and that poem are such extraordinary things of their kind, that it will be but suitable to see the author of the worst poem, become likewise the translator of the worst history, that the age has produced. If his grace and his wit improve both proportionably, he will hardly find that he has gained much by the change he has made, from having no religion to choose one of the worst. It is true, he had something to sink from, in matter of wit; but as for his morals, it is scarce possible for him to grow a worse man than he was. He has lately wreaked his malice on me for spoiling his three months' labour; but in it he has done me all the honour that any man can receive from him, which is to be railed at by him. If I had ill-nature enough to prompt me to wish a very bad wish for him, it should be, that he would go on and finish his translation. By that it will appear, whether the English nation, which is the most competent judge in this matter, has, upon the seeing our debate, pronounced in M. Varillas's favour, or in mine. It is true, Mr D. will suffer a little by it; but at least it will serve to keep him in from other extravagancies; and if he gains little honour by this work, yet he cannot lose so much by it, as he has done by his last employment."

[Note XXXIV.]

They long their fellow-subjects to enthral,

Their patron's promise into question call,

And vainly think he meant to make them lords of all. P. [236].

Part of the controversy which now raged, turned on the precise meaning of the king's promise, to maintain the church of England as by law established. The church party insisted, that the Declaration of Indulgence was a breach of this promise, as it suspended their legal safeguards, the test and penal laws. The advocates for the toleration answered, that the promise was conditional, and depended on the church consenting to the abrogation of these laws. This was stated by Penn, in his "Good Advice;" to which the following indignant answer is made by a champion of the church, perhaps Burnet himself:

"And if there be no other way of giving the king an opportunity of keeping his word with the church of England, in preserving her, and maintaining our religion, but the repealing of the penal and test laws, as he intimates unto us, (Good Advice, p. 50.) we have not found the royal faith so sacred and inviolable in other instances, as to rob ourselves of a legal defence and protection, for to depend upon the precarious one of a base promise, which his ghostly fathers, whensoever they find it convenient, will tell him it was unlawful to make, and which he can have a dispensation for the breaking of, at what time he pleaseth. Nor do we remember, that when he pledged his faith unto us, in so many promises, that the parting with our laws was declared to be the condition upon which he made, and undertook to perform them. Neither can any have the confidence to allege it, without having recourse to the Papal doctrine of mental reservation. Which being one of the principles of that order, under whose conduct he is, makes us justly afraid to rely upon his word without further security. However, we do hereby see, with what little sincerity Mr Penn writes; and what small regard he hath to his majesty's honour, when he tells the church of England, that if she please, and like the terms of giving up the penal and test laws against Papists, that then the king will perform his word with her; (Good Advice, p. 17.) but that otherwise, it is she who breaks with him, and not he with her." (Ibid. p. 44.)

[Note XXXV.]

Then, all maturely weighed, pronounced a doom

Of sacred strength for every age to come.

By this the Doves their wealth and state possess,

No rights infringed, but license to oppress.—P. [237].

The declaration for liberty of conscience was a strange and incongruous, as well as most impolitic performance. It set out with declaring, that although the king heartily wished that all his subjects were members of the Catholic church, (which they returned, by heartily wishing that he were a Protestant,) yet he abhorred all idea of constraining conscience; and therefore, making no doubt of the concurrence of Parliament, declared, 1. That he would protect and maintain the bishops, &c. of the church of England, as by law established, in the free exercise of their religion, and quiet enjoyment of their possessions. 2. That all execution of penal laws against non-conformists be suspended. 3. That all his majesty's subjects should be at liberty to serve God after their own way, in public and private, so nothing was preached against the royal authority. 4. That the oaths of supremacy and allegiance, and the tests made in the 25th and 30th years of Charles II., be discontinued. 5. That all non-conformists be pardoned for former offences against the penal laws and test. 6. That abbey and church lands be assured to the possessors.

Such were the contents of this memorable Declaration, in which a bigotted purpose was cloaked under professions of the highest liberality; and prevarication and falsehood were rendered more disgusting, by being mingled with very unseasonable truth.

[Note XXXVI.]

Concluding well within his kingly breast,

His fowls of nature too unjustly were opprest;

He therefore makes all birds, of every sect,

Free of his farm.—P. [237].

When the king had irreconcileably quarrelled with the church, he began to affect a great favour for the dissenters; and, as has been often hinted, endeavoured to represent the measure of universal toleration to be intended as much for the benefit of the Protestant dissenters as of the Catholics. He dwelt upon the rigour of the church courts, and directed an inquiry to be made into all the vexatious suits which had been instituted against the dissenters, and the compositions which had been exacted from them, under pretence of enforcing the laws. In short, Burnet assures us, that the royal bed-chamber and drawing-room were as full of stories to the prejudice of the clergy, as they used formerly to abound with declamations against the fanatics.

[Note XXXVII.]

'Tis said, the Doves repented, though too late,

Become the smiths of their own foolish fate;

Nor did their owner hasten their ill hour,

But, sunk in credit, they decreased in power;

Like snows in warmth that mildly pass away,

Dissolving in the silence of decay.—P. [238].

In the preceding lines, the poet had intimated the increase of trade and wealth; an effect of toleration, much dwelt upon in James's proclamation for liberty of conscience, and, indeed, the ostensible cause of its being issued. But Dryden, as every one else, further augured from the Declaration of Indulgence, under the circumstances of the time, the speedy downfall of the church of England, though he is willing to spare the king the odium of hastening what he represents as the natural consequence of her own ambition and intolerance. A writer of his party is less scrupulous in expressing the king's intentions: "So, on the whole matter, the loyal church of England must either change her old principles of loyalty, and take example by her Catholic neighbours, how to behave herself towards a prince who is not of her persuasion, or she must give his majesty leave not to nourish a snake in his own bosom, but rather to withdraw his royal protection, which was promised on account of her constant fidelity: For it is an approved axiom in philosophy, Cessante causa, tollitur effectus; and we have a common saying of our own, No longer pipe, no longer dance. And now let us leave the holy mother church at liberty to consult what new measures of loyalty she ought to take for her own dear interest, and, for aught I know, it may be worth her serious consideration."—New Test of the Church of England's Loyalty.

[Note XXXVIII.]

But each have separate interests of their own;

Two Czars are one too many for a throne.

Nor can the usurper long abstain from food;

Already he has tasted Pigeon's blood,

And may be tempted to his former fare.—P. [239].

Dryden insinuates the improbability, that the high and low church party would long continue in union, since the authority assumed by Burnet, their present advocate, was inconsistent with that of Sancroft the primate, Compton bishop of London, and other leaders of the high church party among the clergy. He resumes the theme of Burnet's alleged disinclination for episcopacy. In fact, although his lot cast him into the church of England, the bishop of Sarum, in many parts of his writings, expresses an unfavourable opinion of her clergy, whom in one place he calls the most remiss of any in Europe. Even this harsh expression is nothing to the following account of the controversy between the clergy and dissenters, as it stands in the MS. of his history; for it is greatly softened in the printed copy:

"Many books came out likewise against the church of England. This alarmed the bishops and clergy much; so that they set up to preach against rebellion, and the late times, in such a strain, that it was visible they meant a parallel between these and the present time. And this produced at last that heat and rage into which the clergy has run so far, that it is like to end very fatally. They, on their part, should have shewed more temper, and more of the spirit of the gospel; whereas, for the greatest part, they are the worst natured, the fiercest, indiscreetest, and most persecuting sort of people that are in the nation. There is a sort of them do so aspire to preferment, that there is nothing so mean and indecent that they will not do to compass it; and when they have got into preferments, they take no care, either of themselves, or of the flocks committed to their charge, but do generally neglect their parishes. If they are rich enough, they hire some pitiful curate, at as low a price as they can, and turn all over on him; or, if their income will not bear out that, they perform the public offices in the slightest manner they can, but take no care of their people in the way of private instruction or admonition; and so do nothing to justify the character of pastors or watchmen, that feed the souls of their people, or watch over them. And they allow themselves in many indecent liberties, of going to taverns and ale-houses, and of railing scurrilously against all that differ from them: and they cherish the profaneness of their people, if they but come to church, and rail with them against the dissenters; and are implacably set on the ruin of all that separate from them, if the course of their lives were otherwise ever so good and unblameable. In a word, many of them are a reproach to Christianity and to their profession; and are now, perhaps, one of the most corrupt bodies of men in the nation."—Somers' Tracts, p. 116.


BRITANNIA REDIVIVA:
A POEM
ON
THE BIRTH OF THE PRINCE,

(BORN 10TH JUNE, 1688.)


Di patrii indigetes, et Romule, Vestaque mater,

Quæ Tuscum Tyberim et Romana palatia servas,

Hunc saltem everso puerum succurrere sæclo

Ne prohibete! satis jampridem sanguine nostro

Laomedonteæ luimus perjuria Trojæ.

Virg. Georg. 1.