The land of the Hittites

by John Garstang

Section B.—Monuments in the Taurus and Anti-Taurus.

MALATIA, DERENDEH, PALANGA, GURUN; ARSLAN TASH, ALBISTAN; KURU-BEL; EKREK, TASHJI, FRAKTIN.

From the north of Syria we pass to the mountainous region of the Taurus and Anti-Taurus. Here is the centre, if not the focus, of the Hittite lands, and isolated monuments are found in considerable numbers and variety. When one takes into account the difficulty of exploration, it must be conceded to be a remarkable and suggestive fact that no fewer than eleven Hittite sites in the Taurus country are clearly indicated, as compared with the same number in the north of Syria, and about twenty scattered throughout the whole tableland and west of Asia Minor.

One of the most important of these sites is located at Old Malatia, which lies near the confluence of the Tochma Su with the Euphrates. Here there must have been a fortified city, comparable to Marash, for the defence of the frontier. Though no systematic excavation of the site has yet been made, yet the nature of the several sculptures found there speaks for itself. The mound which marks the old-time acropolis is probably that now called Arslan Tepe, near the village of Ordasu, about two or three miles north-eastward from the modern town: the attention of scholars was called to this spot by the visit of Mr. Hogarth’s expedition in 1894. The explorer describes the mound[284] as about fifty feet in height, of irregular shape, longest from north to south, like the accumulation above a building, but without any visible masonry upon it. West of it rise two smaller mounds, and to the south one. The Euphrates is about two hours distant. The sculptured stones are seven in number, and they seem to form part of a series decorating a façade. Three of these are facing-slabs merely, while four others (found independently) are more solid, and may have been building-blocks. The most perfect slab[285] is just under four feet in length, with a height of two feet, and thickness one foot. Along the top is an incomplete row of hieroglyphs in relief,[286] reading from the left. Below is the main theme of decoration, representing a lion hunt, carved in strong relief. The picture is composed of a horse chariot with two riders, a dog below the horse, and a wounded lion in front. Several hieroglyphic signs are found above the horse’s back, and also between his head and that of the lion; but as these signs read now from right to left, it may be concluded that they continue the inscription above. The sculpture is formal and lacking in vitality, but several details may be noticed. The chariot is small. The charioteer and the warrior stand within, side by side; the latter occupies a front place in the picture, which is drawn in profile with the usual conventions. Both men are clad in short tunics with waist-belts, and both wear close-fitting skull-caps, and the hair of the warrior curls in characteristic fashion behind the neck. His weapons are the bow and the spear. The bow is short and curved, and the arrow is strongly barbed; two quivers are depicted cross-ways upon the side panel of the chariot. The spear is shown point upward, ready at hand in the back of the chariot. The driver holds two pairs of reins, from which it may be inferred that two horses are being driven, though being side by side the outline of only one is visible. The shoulder muscles of the horse are outlined conventionally, and it is noticeable that his mane is tightly bound and ends in a curl. The trappings are not distinguishable. The figure of the dog is seen between the horse’s front and back legs; it is crude and uninteresting. The pose of the lion is unconventional. He is represented as half rampant, turning round his head with open mouth towards his tormentors, and clawing the air with the pain of his wound. The shaft of an arrow is seen below the shoulder. The tail is short and thin, and curls upwards; that of the horse is long, and falls so as almost to touch the ground. The mane of the lion is represented fully by short curls; but the belly and shoulders are hairless.[287] The claws are exaggerated; the nose is out of drawing, and the execution of the sculpture in general is poor.

The second block[288] is smaller, but broken in two pieces; it seems to lack also the upper band of inscription. On the right hand it is clearly defective, showing towards that side the back part of a chariot, with six-spoked wheels, quivers, spear, and bowman, exactly as in the previous instance. The more perfect scene, though broken through the middle, shows two figures seated at a ceremonial feast of the kind previously described.[289] Though both persons are seated, they are not represented exactly alike. That on the left seems to be a male; he is distinguished by a close round skull-cap with upturned peak or ornament upon the brow. His long, straight nose is very prominent. His hair turns backward in a single full curl behind the neck. His robe is long, and fringed around the bottom. The toes of his shoes are prominently upturned, and his feet rest on a square-framed stool. The chair on which he sits has curving legs, forming a figure-of-eight cross, and ending in a small outward curve, similar to those supporting the table in other sculptures. The back of the chair is high and turns outward. In his right hand the man holds a crooked staff reversed, and in his left he holds up a small cup. The objects on the table cannot well be identified, as the stone thereabouts is rubbed smooth; but the table may be seen to be supported by two straight legs which cross. The figure on the right of the table, which faces towards the other, is less clearly seen upon the stone, but sufficient may be made out to show that it differs considerably in some details. The head-dress is a hat which is not close-fitting, but rises squarely in front. From behind, a long veil or shawl seems to descend to the waist, where it can no longer be traced owing to the weathering of the stone. The suggestion of the face and clothing is that the figure represents a woman. She is seated, as in the other cases of women,[290] on a square-framed seat with spindle, the back of which must have been low. It is suggested, but not certain, that her feet rest on a footstool. A few hieroglyphic signs between the heads of the figures, and a longer row over all, complete the whole. Though poorly preserved and poorly carved, the general theme of these sculptures is not without special interest. The right-hand portion with the chariot and archer is of the same nature as the lion-hunt seen on the stone previously described, and possibly formed part of the same scheme. The left side, with its two seated figures, belongs to the class of ceremonial feast, of which we have already described various examples. The association of this subject with others of entirely different import has a parallel in the wall sculptures of Sinjerli, where, however, the different subjects are not found on the same stone as in this instance. Here also the persons represented seem to be man and woman. Neither serves the other; both seem to share equally in the rite. In them we are inclined to see the local king and queen, inasmuch as they are personages of sufficient importance to be represented, even though no special attributes of rank denote them. The chieftain and his consort feasting would constitute a theme readily comprehensible in oriental art; but if the subject have really a religious significance, which is more probable, we see them in their capacity of chief priest and priestess,[291] an association for which the sculptures of Eyuk provide us with sufficient analogy.[292] This alternative we regard as the real explanation in this instance.

A third sculpture from Malatia[293] is of smaller size, measuring only thirty-two inches in length and eighteen in height. It is, however, in beautiful condition, and though the edges are broken, the scene depicted upon it is complete in itself. The carving is in relief. As in previous cases a line of inscription[294] runs along the top from left to right. The subject reproduces a striking resemblance to most of the features on the stone first described, except that a fleeing stag takes the place of the wounded lion. Otherwise the horse, chariot, bowman and driver, even the dog below the horse’s feet, are reproduced almost in exact facsimile. Only in this case the better preservation of the stone enables us to trace some details more clearly, while the drawing and carving are executed with greater skill and care. The short sleeves of the men’s dress are distinguishable; the ‘two quivers’ suspended crosswise on the side panel of the chariot seem almost like stout diagonal supports to an open framework. As in the former case only one horse is represented, but the trappings are clearly designed for two, and there is a raised band above his back which may be taken for the back of the further horse, or possibly the pole of the chariot. The horse is entire. The muscles of the shoulder and thigh on all the animals are outlined with deliberation, and behind the horse’s shoulder are certain further markings, intended probably to represent the ribs or muscles more fully, recalling the similar convention seen on certain sculptures of Eyuk[295] and of Sakje-Geuzi.[296] The stag is represented with branching horns; and his head is well drawn. He is in full flight before his pursuers, his hind legs being shown in the picture as overlapping the forelegs of the horse.

PLATE XLIV

MALATIA.

i. King-priest making oblations at the shrine of the God of the skies, who stands on a bull with lightning in his hand. (See pp. [138], [359].)

ii. Queen-priestess making oblations to a tutelary winged deity. (See [p. 139].)

The other stones from Malatia[297] are four in number, each decorated on one face. Unfortunately no information is forthcoming in regard to them except the published photographs, which again are not satisfactory. The subjects carved upon the stones are of striking interest. In the first of the series a deity, wearing a conical head-dress decorated with rings,[298] stands upon the back of a horned bull.[299] His left leg is forward (as he faces to the right), and on his feet are tip-tilted shoes. In his right hand, which is drawn back, there is a triangular bow,[300] and in his outstretched left hand he seems to hold up a forked emblem, like the lightning trident,[301] and to grasp at the same time a cord which is attached to the nose of the bull. His dress is a short bordered tunic. Facing him is a long-robed personage, in whom we recognise the king-priest, distinguished by his close-fitting cap and the characteristic large curl of hair behind the neck. In his left hand he holds a reversed lituus; his right is partly extended and seems to be pouring out some fluid which falls in a wavy stream. He is followed by a small person who leads up (with some difficulty it would seem) a goat clearly intended for an offering. Some hieroglyphs complete the picture. It is instructive to compare the whole theme with that which decorated the left hand of the façade to the palace at Eyuk,[302] especially as the blocks of stone seem to be in this instance also cubical building stones. The second sculpture of this series shows a different deity, who is winged,[303] though wearing the same conical hat with rings and upturning peak. His dress is curious; the lower part seems like a many-pleated continuous flowing garment which winds around his body and one leg, and passes behind the other leg. His two hands are held near his body, and in the left he grasps some object which is obscured, but may be seen to have reached to the left shoulder. He is approached by the queen-priestess, who is recognised (as in former cases) by the low cylindrical hat and the long cloak or veil descending therefrom behind the shoulders to the ground. Her left hand is raised as in reverence, and her right one, extended but low, seems to hold a narrow jug, with side handle and long neck, from which she is clearly pouring an oblation into a two-handled vase which seems to rest on the ground before the feet of the god.[304] Behind her there follows a small attendant leading an animal which may be presumed to be a goat as in the previous case. The few hieroglyphs accompanying these figures are illegible. The third block of the series seems to have been decorated with a row of male figures, unaccompanied by any hieroglyphs. Two of these remain. Each is clad in a short bordered tunic reaching to the knees, a conical helmet with rings between the ribs, and shoes with turned-up toes. The second man, who brings the series to an end, is bearded; his nose is mongoloid rather than aquiline or semitic, and he wears a conspicuous curling pigtail. In his advanced left hand he holds in a vertical position a long spear (or similar object), the shaft of which rests on the ground. In his right hand, which is held to his side, he clasps the handle of a mace, the head of which is made up of a ring-like device similar to that seen in the helmets. At his waistbelt there hangs a dagger with curling blade and crescental handle. The man whom he follows seems to be beardless, and he wears a short mantle, one end of which is thrown loosely over the right shoulder. His knife is like his neighbour’s; but an object with long shaft that he carried obliquely, grasped in both hands, is difficult to recognise; from the upper end there seems to hang a short tassel or object attached by a cord. Both figures face to the right, and in obedience to convention, their faces and bodies are in profile, the shoulders in full view, while the left foot and left arm are advanced. The last of this series is fragmentary, and seems to be the decorated upper border of a larger subject. In what remains it is possible to see hypothetically a pair of hands held aloft amid flames. Over all is the pattern of a twisted coil of rope.

Looking back for a moment at the nature of these sculptured monuments, we may with some certainty attribute them to two different building periods. The earliest are those four just described, which, from the point of view of construction and of symbolism, resemble, as we have seen, the palace works and sculptures of Eyuk.[305] The other sculptured slabs, which we described first, correspond more nearly from both points of view with the remains of Sinjerli and Sakje-Geuzi,[306] which we shall find reason to believe in later chapters belong probably to a later phase than the foregoing. The one group may be dated in general terms to the later half of the second millennium B.C., and the other to the early centuries of the first.

Passing up the valley of the Tochma Su, a small group of monuments is met with just after passing Derendeh. There was a rumour, when the English explorers, Hogarth and Munro, passed that way in 1891,[307] of a sculptured lion at a place called Haüz, not far from Derendeh towards the north. But the monuments on record were found in the neighbourhood of Palanga (Chiftlik), which lies on the higher ground after leaving the gorge of the river, some three hours’ journey westward from Derendeh. Here a small lion carved in basaltic stone was seen built into the main gateway; while lying in a puddle near a well hard by, and used as a stepping-stone, was a fragment of a unique columnar figure made also of basalt. The lion was similar to those found in the neighbouring wayside cemetery, hence called Arslan Tash, which we shall presently describe; the columnar figure,[308] however, is unique and instructive. The fragment preserved is fifty-two inches high and about fifty-five inches in circumference towards the top: it swells a little lower down. It ‘represents the lower portion of a draped figure; it is a mere shapeless column without feet, but a double protuberance of the stone at the end of the first line of the inscription is evidently intended to represent the buttocks. The drapery consists of an underskirt, plain except for a short series of perpendicular pleats down the middle of the back, and an upper garment thrown round the left side, the folded edges almost meeting under the right arm.[309] This mantle or cloak reaches down below the level of the knees; its vertical edges are fringed with a border of narrow lappets or tags very similar to those represented on a terra-cotta statuette from Cyprus.’[310] The inscription on this monument extends from the front of the figure around the left side to the back, covering two-thirds of the circumference. The signs are incised, and arranged in four bands, whereof the lowest is broader but less carefully cut than the others. Mr. Hogarth, in his description, points out other interesting analogies. The columnar form, the flat treatment of the drapery, and the ribbed pleats of the underskirt, recall to him the Hera of Samos in the Louvre; while for the rendering of the zigzag folds at the edges of the cloak and the buttocks, a parallel might readily be found in early Greek art, as, for example, among the archaic statues in the Acropolis Museum at Athens. In particular, the large terra-cotta figures from Salamis present an interesting comparison as regards both form and the general disposition of the draperies.

It is difficult to point to any nearer analogies than those which Mr. Hogarth indicated at the time of his discovery. Though belonging to a different place and later period, the statue of Hadad, found near Sinjerli, seems to us to be a product of the same tradition in art.[311] There is another statue of later date from the latter place, the discovery of which was recently announced.[312] This is also of columnar form, though the bottom of the skirt and feet are shown. The arms also are in relief, while the head and face, the latter wofully ill-drawn, are in the round. It is a survival and development from the older motive.

PLATE XLV

PALANGA: INSCRIBED COLUMNAR STATUE

The string of monuments from Palanga to Albistan indicates a southern bifurcation of the route, linking in Hittite times with the valley of the Pyramus. The suggestion of an important Hittite road leading continuously up the valley of the Tochma Su, and so over the watershed to the Halys and possibly towards Pteria, seems to be substantiated by two further inscriptions found on the rocks at Gurun, which is some way further up the river on the edge of the divide. This place (the Gauraina of Ptolemy and Guriania of the Assyrian texts) lies in a defile on both banks of the river. Just above the village the waters race through a narrow rocky gorge, at the foot of which the two inscriptions were found.[313] The one is incised on the face of an overhanging crag, near a small spring. It fills a space about four feet wide and three feet high, and is placed about twelve feet or more above the ground. The other is somewhat higher on the declivity, and further from the stream: the hieroglyphs are larger than in the former case, and less carefully incised. The inscriptions are very weathered, so that it is hardly possible to make much of them, but they seem to be partly in duplicate. The emblems which distinguish the two chief male deities in the divine triad at Boghaz-Keui[314] may be recognised; and Professor Sayce has also detected a variant of the place-name frequently recurring on the inscriptions of Carchemish (Gar-ga-me-i-si-ya), which makes it appear that there was some political relation between the two places.

Turning from Derendeh southward up towards the divide, ‘Arslan Tash’ is reached, about three miles after passing Palanga. The place lies about one mile east of the Kurdish village of Yeni Keui. The spot is marked by a series of hummocks near a small wayside graveyard, and receives its name[315] from two great monumental lions of hard limestone,[316] one erect, and the other fallen on its left side. They form a pair each about eight feet in length, and nearly six feet in height. These monuments, though large and impressive, are of crude appearance. They recall most nearly two massive early lions found at Sinjerli,[317] but though obeying certain early canons they are less thoroughly worked, as well as more roughly drawn. Their mouths are open, but exaggerated in size. The rough of the mane is strongly but not finely marked; the legs are not at all disengaged from the stone; the forepaws are almost shapeless, but the hind ones are fully outlined, with the muscle of the thigh suggested. Only one forepaw and one hindpaw appear in the profile view (a purely Hittite convention) while the tail comes down between the legs forward, ending in a curl.[318] Mr. Hogarth thinks that as they lay when found these lions may have marked the position of the entrance to a building.

Just over the watershed, at a place called (Ashagha) Yapalak, a badly defaced Hittite inscription has been seen,[319] but not published, and it seems to have been removed. The record, however, marks the continuity of the track, and the next discovery brings us well into the valley of the Pyramus at Izgîn. The monument itself was seen and photographed amid considerable excitement at Albistan,[320] whither it had been transported, and it is now in safe keeping in the museum at Constantinople.

The object is an obelisk, a unique example among Hittite works. Its Hittite origin is attested by the inscription which covers its four sides. Its material is coarse limestone; in height it measures eight feet two inches; in form it narrows slightly towards the top from one point of view, maintaining its width (twenty-one inches) in the other. The tapering faces are narrower at the bottom than the others, being only ten inches wide. The apex is slightly rounded. The hieroglyphs are in strong relief, arranged in rows. There are about nineteen of these rows on the broad faces, and sixteen only on the narrow ones, so that the signs are less crowded on these sides. Unfortunately the monument is very worn around the middle, and a considerable portion of the inscription cannot be recovered. It was originally seen standing as a headstone in a graveyard at Izgîn, which is a Turkoman village, some six miles north-east from Albistan, near the confluence of the Kurman Su with the Pyramus.

We have seen that the monuments which we have examined thus far in the Taurus region mark out the track of two main highways, the one following the valley of the Tochma Su, the other branching from that route southward to gain the valley of the Pyramus. A monument recently discovered now suggests one way at least by which in ancient times the Anti-Taurus might be traversed. This is found in the high pass of Kuru-Bel, a route which has now fallen considerably into disfavour, though not without its advantages. The distance is not more than ten miles to Comana (identified with the modern village of Shahr), which lies to the south-east. By this route, the tracks from the east, whether by way of Marash or by Albistan, converging on Comana, might lead down directly to Cæsarea and the interior; or they might, without serious difficulty, connect with Ekrek farther to the north, or Tashji and Fraktin farther south, all of them sites of Hittite works. In this case the monument seems like a great altar of stone, square cut, with a lion crouching on the top on either hand. The material is grey trachyte, which is only found fifteen or twenty miles nearer to Mount Argæus;[321] and as the object weighs just over a ton, it is a matter of considerable perplexity how it was transported in ancient times over the rugged path to the spot where it now lies. There is little doubt but that it remains in its ancient position. It is found on a limestone rock which rises from a small grassy plateau overshadowed by the lofty peaks of the Soghan Dagh, being itself about 7500 feet above the sea. The base of the object is solid and rectangular in form, with a length of four feet; its width is just under three feet, and its height seventeen inches. The two crouching lions are carved in the same piece of stone, one on either side, like the decorative arms to a throne. The stone is considerably weathered, so that it is not possible to recover much impression of the original finish or detail of the work. The limbs of the animals are outlined, and shown in full relief; the carving is all in the round. The lions are nearly as long as the stone is broad, while they are ten inches high and about eleven inches broad. The clear space between them on the top of the altar is about two feet. In front there may be made out several incised Hittite hieroglyphs, which seem to have formed part of a considerable inscription in three lines. We accept the term altar as an explanation of this monument on the mere general suggestion of its shape; it is, however, unique, and there is no material for forming a definite opinion. The modern shepherds of the vicinity make use of it for pounding up the roots from which they extract a dye for marking their sheep. This usage has considerably damaged the lions, and affords us no clue as to the original purpose of the monument. It may, however, have very well been an altar to the God of the Mountain or of the Pass. The sculptures of the Kara Dagh,[322] and even those of Boghaz-Keui,[323] prepare us for local cults of this character.

From Kuru-Bel, as we have mentioned, several different routes lead on to the plateau of the interior. One of these (but not the easiest or most direct) follows the stream called Kuru Chai down till it joins the Zamanti Su. A little way above the junction on the opposite side there flows in another stream which comes past Ekrek. This is a small Armenian village, eight hours’ easy journey eastward from Cæsarea. It boasts three Christian churches, and from one of the graveyards there has come to light a stone[324] of special interest. This was originally a Hittite monument with a panel of hieroglyphs incised along the bottom, bordered by a double line. A few signs appear below, but they are not continued. The stone has been re-dressed, it would appear, in Christian times, and five crosses have been carved upon it, being left in false-relief by cutting away the surface of the stone. There is a feather and zigzag border around the edge, which may possibly be original. The two rosettes might equally well be a Hittite device, but their relief corresponds with that of the crosses. The latter are symmetrically arranged, two small ones on each side under the arms of the larger central cross, which stands on a bar upon a roughly incised ‘calvary.’

PLATE XLVI

EKREK: HITTITE INSCRIPTION REDRESSED WITH CHRISTIAN EMBLEMS

Farther down the Zamanti Su we come to the village of Tashji, placed in a narrow glen on the bank of a small tributary. Here, upon a rock, there are visible the incised outlines of two figures and a considerable number of hieroglyphs.[325] The carvings are so weathered, and the record of them so insufficient, that little can be made out of the inscription. The two figures, however, may be judged to have been clad in priestly dress, with close-fitting skull-cap. The sharply-cut features of one of them remain conspicuous. They are to the right hand of the scene as published, and facing to the observer’s right; hence it is probable that they are facing some deity or deified object which has escaped observation. The position of this monument is of special interest, as it is only eight miles eastward from Fraktin, which is found on the next main bend of the river.

Here, at Fraktin (otherwise Ferak-Din),[326] is one of the most famous of Hittite sculptures, which makes most important contributions to Hittite religious symbolism.[327] From its position on the river, Professor Ramsay has, with reason, identified this place with the Dastarkon on the river Karmalas mentioned by Strabo,[328] and has shown how the omission of the name of the place from the list of Hiera, though at one time the most important, and the head over all others in Cappadocia, argues for its extreme antiquity as a religious centre, the importance of which was already passing when the list was made. Its sanctity was preserved, however, even in Christian times, by the Bishopric of Kiskissos, situated at Kiskeui, the nearest village to the site.

The sculptures[329] of Fraktin are found about half a mile north-north-east of the village, carved upon a convex rock facing to the west, where a cliff about fifteen or twenty feet high rises above a sluggish stream, the Kara Su, which flows past at the foot. They are about four feet from the ground, and the figures are from three feet to three feet four inches in height. The group fills a space nine feet eight inches wide, or, including an outer group of hieroglyphs, thirteen feet ten inches over all. The carving is executed in relief about two inches high. There are two scenes, in each of them two personages. The group on the left consists of two male figures, facing one another, and separated by an altar. They are both clad in Hittite fashion, with short tunic, conical hat, and shoes with upturned toes,[330] while each has seemingly a dagger at the waist. The figure to the left holds out some object in his extended left hand above the altar. In his right hand there is grasped a curving staff, which rests upon the shoulder.[331] With this figure there is associated the divided oval, the emblem of sanctity; so that we cannot doubt that if either of these two is a divine figure to whom the other is ministering, then it is the one in question. The figure upon the other side of the altar is more defaced; he seems to hold under the left arm a triangular bow,[332] while with his right hand he grasps an object which is continued by a wavy outline to the ground before his feet.[333] The altar between the two is very curious, and the object upon it unintelligible. The pedestal seems to be draped almost like a human figure with a narrow folded garment ending in a fringe. The narrowing at the top, representing the waist, and the horizontal belt around it, are evident.

PLATE XLVII

FRAKTIN: THE ROCK-SCULPTURES

Oblation scenes to the Mother-Goddess (right) and to the Son-consort (left).

The group to the right is not completely carved, the outlines only being shown, though the background is cut away. On the left of the altar in this case, the figure is seated on a square-shaped stool, and notwithstanding the conical hat (generally a part of the male attire), the only parallel cases of a seated deity suggest the figure of Ma, the Mother-goddess.[334] Whoever or whatever it may be, the hands are held out towards the altar. On the opposite side there is a similar long-robed figure standing, and the garment in this case shows a considerable train behind, while in front the turned-up toe of one foot protrudes. The right hand seems to lean on a long staff,[335] while the left, contrary to the usual convention, is extended, and grasps a long pendent object which reaches the floor,[336] as in the counterpart. The object perched upon the altar is unexplained, but most resembles the crudely drawn outline of a falcon or other large bird[337] facing the goddess.

Much has been written, and much might still be argued, as to the meaning of these sculptures. All that is certain is the insufficiency of evidence by which to identify them. We seem to have, however, two acts of worship, probably oblation scenes, represented; and on the analogy of the sculptures of Boghaz-Keui,[338] we may feel drawn to see in these sculptures two shrines, the one of the Mother-goddess, later known as Cybele, the other of her companion, likewise familiar in later times as Attis. At Boghaz-Keui the same divine pair appear in other guise. But being ignorant of the local religion, we learn little or nothing from these identifications. It is however of interest to notice how deeply permeated and how widely spread throughout the Hittite lands was the cult of the Nature-goddess in early times.