Chapter IX. How The Fathers Of The Society Were By Industry Of The Heretics Drawn Into This Matter, To Incense The King Against Them, And For Them Against The Catholic Religion.
The Prophet doth in few words very fully express the desires and endeavours of such as are most guided by that spirit of pride, who is a professed enemy to God and to all good men. “Superbia eorum (saith he) qui te oderunt, ascendit semper.”[330] As if he should say to Almighty God, not only the apostate Angel himself doth hate Thee, and all those for Thy sake whom he seeth Thee to love; but those also, who are full of his rising and resisting spirit, do still raise themselves against Thee and all Thine, but most against those whom they see Thee most to favour, or most to use and employ in Thy service. “Ascendit semper:” their spirit still fighteth against those whom at least they think the highest; although in this man's judgment often erreth, guessing by outward signs and not being able to search the heart of man, as He doth that is “Scrutator cordis et renum,” is therefore not able to judge, or their judgment to be taken for a certain proof, who be most in God's favour. But this their practice was plainly proved true in this present matter, whereof we have already treated and are as yet further to declare. For although we are to presume that His Majesty and the Council did proceed without passion in the matter, His Majesty having in many parts of his speech showed great equanimity and gracious opinion of his faithful Catholic subjects; yea, although His [pg 131] Highness did in the same speech correct the malice of Puritans against all Catholics in general, and did seek to repress their fury, which he saw so ready by word and action to oppress all Catholics upon this occasion offered, and to persecute the innocent multitude for the fault of a few: yet all this would not suffice to quench or assuage that fire (as the King did wisely observe and so express it in his speech) “with which their hearts were burnt up in this errant.” But as they had before determined, so they never left labouring, until they had wrought their will, and found out a device which they hoped would serve both to discredit and discourage Catholics; and beginning with some of the chiefest (as they thought), to proceed with better colour in punishing and persecuting of the rest.
Therefore whereas they did know very well how great esteem Catholics did generally make of the Fathers of the Society, and how much they did all for the most part (especially the better sort) rely upon their advice, reputing them to be men of great learning and judgment, and chiefly to be of approved virtue and spirit and both skill and experience in direction of souls: at these Fathers therefore did these Puritans resolve to level their first poisoned arrows, drawn out of the quiver of malice and shot from the bow of open injustice. But you must understand that this is not the first time they have aimed at this mark. No; they have been the men upon their eye of envy and spite hath ever been fixed since the first coming into England of those two famous men, Father Persons and blessed Father Campian, whose wisdom and spiritual instructions did so settle the hearts of Catholics in profession of their faith and whose exhortations both private and public did so kindle the zeal of devotion in all their minds, that the heretics might see another face of things in the persecuted state of the English Church, unto which afterwards being added the frequent and learned books of the one, and the challenged and performed disputation of the other (with all which they were convinced and [pg 132] confounded), these were motives sufficient to set malice on fire against them, and their Society for their sake, although they had found no like causes in their followers. But when they saw the like course to be continued; of exemplary virtue in Father Edmonds,[331] of wise direction for progress in devotion in blessed Father Garnett, and of learned and spiritual books in blessed Father Southwell; also when they had tried the constancy of blessed Father Walpole and others to be inflexible and not to be drawn either by force or favour to their will, either against God's honour or the good of their neighbours; when they found that no one of the Society that were sent into England could ever be wrought by them neither by torments to yield in infirmity, nor yet by their subtle examinations to be overreached so far, no not so much as out of simplicity to accuse the least Catholic of his acquaintance, or so that any did come in trouble by any undiscreet answer of theirs.
This long and sufficient trial hath made them so much malign the men of that Society, that they have never ceased labouring by one means or other to practise all hostility against them, as against their chief enemies. From hence hath proceeded the many slanders they have sought to publish of them: from hence the many false and foul reports in several kinds, which they by themselves have published in books and procured the like to be done by all others whom they could work unto their will, as namely those of Mr. Watson's writing, which he so much repented at his death, asking humble pardon both of God and of the Society for the many falsehoods and slanders fathered upon them in the same. From hence also did proceed the disobedience of some scholars against the Fathers in the Seminaries, secretly wrought in their minds by some instruments which the chief of these Puritans had employed to that end and purpose. Finally, from hence as from a troubled fountain have flowed all the streams of disgraces [pg 133] and disturbance and persecutions both against the Fathers themselves, and against the places where they have been presumed to be; yea, against all those who have been conceived to be favourers or well-willers to them: insomuch that in hatred of the Fathers, they would often show favour to the places where other Priests were taken. But if the Priest were a Jesuit, or but a friend of theirs, and one that were known to love them and to follow some of their spiritual courses, of which number I acknowledge myself to be; then should they and their receivers be sure to drink of the whip and to have summum jus instead of mercy. And as they at the first, when Seminary Priests did come in apace and did much good, made severe laws against them, punishing with pain of death the receivers of them, in all which they exempted the old Queen Mary Priests, because they saw the others, with their apostolical zeal and fervour, to work much greater effect in the minds of men; so now in the practice of those laws, they made a plain distinction between all Priests and Jesuits, whom they esteemed the greatest enemies to the proceeding and increase of heresy. And, but howsoever that is, would to God there were a divorce between them and heresy (unto which as yet their minds are so much wedded) undoubtedly they should then find they had no friends in the world more faithful, nor any that would be more ready to serve them in the service of God, than those whom now they hate and persecute so much, upon a contrary supposed ground, and the same most contrary to all truth and justice.
But their minds being in this manner settled upon their courses, and so grounded in opinion of chief resistance in the Fathers of the Society and by their means, they resolved absolutely by one means or other to effect that which they had so much desired and so many ways laboured for. And having this opportunity of colour offered, of this late attempt of the foresaid gentlemen, and knowing the same to be so odious not only to His Majesty [pg 134] and the Council, but in like manner to all the graver and better sort of Catholics both in England and elsewhere, they did imagine that if they could with any little show of pretence but father this matter upon those Fathers, they should by that means either have all, or at least some of their desires performed against them. For if they could not convince them to be guilty, yet because the matter was so hateful, they hoped either in the meantime whilst the matter were in handling and not fully cleared, to procure that they might be called out of England (which hath long time been a chief part of their desires) or at least to make many Catholics both shy of them and fearful to deal with them; whilst they by extraordinary and exquisite searching might apprehend the most of them. Or at the least, if none of these took effect (as thanks be to God, the contrary through God's providence was proved true), yet they might hereupon ground the pretence of just occasion to enact those severe laws against Catholics, which they had determined and prepared long before, as I showed in the former chapters.
Now therefore they began with all diligence to seek out likely pretences for their purpose: and it was no hard matter to find a staff to beat these dogs prepared by Christ, the Chief Shepherd, against the wolves that seek to devour His flock. For although they could not find in all the several examinations and confessions of the conspirators now in prison any little proof that they were in the Plot, but the contrary to be averred by them all with solemn protestation, yet they would have it suffice for a likelihood, that divers of these gentlemen were known unto divers of the Fathers and did sometimes come unto them for helps in the Sacraments. But so did many hundreds besides those gentlemen: and the Fathers dispense faithfully those divine mysteries to all, without exception of any, if they find them desirous and prepared, and without suspicion of any to bear undutiful minds.[332] And if all the acquaintance, [pg 135] yea, or the familiar and inward friends unto these gentlemen should have been called in suspicion, not only many other Catholics in England, who neither are nor can be appeached of any such matter, should be convented, but as well, many of their own side, even some of those that sat as judges of them in the Parliament. Briefly, a bad excuse must stand for good, where no better can be found, and where the matter is resolved, and the parties condemned, before the proof can be found or the witnesses produced. But behold one single and he but a seeming witness was found, or rather was supposed to be found; for he also failed them, as I shall after declare.
There was one Bates a servant to Mr. Robert Catesby, of whom I made mention before; and this man having been employed by his master in the whole action for provision of powder, &c., and seeing himself so far in danger as the best, and yet not stored with so much grace and generous mind as was needful, nor perhaps entering the action with so seeming good motives as those gentlemen, who protested they did it merely for service to God and exaltation of religion; which it may be feared was not the motive to this fellow,[333] being but a serving-man and never of any extraordinary capacity or devotion, but only trusty to his master, and belike, in respect of that employed. Therefore now when he saw his master gone, and all hopes by him failed, it may well be this wind would make his house to shake, if it were so built upon the sand; and when he saw likewise the likely storm coming of death which he was to expect, and of torments also in likelihood, if he did not seek to please: these loe were great temptations to the poor fellow and sufficient to toss and bend that reed which way the wind would blow; especially those fears being seconded with hopes of favour; which were also promised, as shall afterwards appear in his words, [pg 136] when he repented his frailty before his death. And so this[334] fellow being earnestly urged by persons of great authority to confess some proofs or likelihood that the Jesuits were in this action, the poor man, of frailty and desire of life (as afterwards himself affirmed), told them that his master and another of those gentlemen had been not past a fortnight before the action broke out, at a nobleman's house where three Jesuits were, to wit, Father Henry Garnett, Father Osmund Tesimond, and Father John Gerard. He affirmed also that himself was sent with a letter by his master after they were up in arms, to a house in Warwickshire, where two of the said Jesuits were, vidlt., Father Garnett and Father Tesimond: and that Father Tesimond then went with him to his master, who was at Mr. Winter's with the rest of the company; but that the said Father Tesimond staid not with them, but rode presently away; yet did the poor fellow in his weakness yield so far as to say, that he thought Father Tesimond did know of the Plot, which yet he affirmed not of the other two.
This was the ground and the only foundation upon which they built that great and slanderous calumniation against all the Jesuits in England; whereas this was no proof at all, but only the single conceit of one simple man, and that only set down as a mere thought of his own head, and but of one of the three. For as for the seeing of them all three at my Lord Vaux's, it is certain that was not true. For I have inquired of the matter since, and so have found it, as I say, to be false; besides, Father Gerard in his letters sent unto the Council in his own purgation, did protest he had not seen that Bates of at least a twelve-month before, and these letters were so sent, as they were received by the Council, whilst Bates was living and in their hands. But Bates perhaps might think it true that he was there at that time, that being the place which was generally supposed to be his chief abode, and so esteemed by the [pg 137] Council themselves, as appeared by the several searches had been made there for him, before as well as after this false suspicion. Besides if he would be there at any time, Bates might think it likely he would not be absent at that time, when two aunts of the Lord Vaux that now is, were come thither in their return from a long journey, who had not been there together of many years before; especially because Bates did suppose that Father Garnett, who was the Superior of all the Society in England, did continue with those two sisters, and was then come with them unto the same house, as Bates did imagine, and that Father Tesimond also did meet him there. All which might be very likely, if Father Garnett did go along in that journey with those devout gentlewomen; for it might well be supposed Father Gerard would not then be missing, but would rather be there of purpose to give his Superior the best entertainment he could procure, and this, if it were so, was cause sufficient, without any thought of the other cause of meeting, which I have heard Father Gerard himself protest, he did not so much as imagine before the thing itself was known to all men. And as for Mr. Catesby his being there, he was near cousin both unto the same Lord Vaux, and his mother who kept the house, and to those two gentlewomen whom he met there at that time, as he had done in many other places, both before and since this conspiracy was dreamt of. And as for Sir Everard Digby, there was more occasion of his being there, and there at that time (as I have since learned), for that he was a near neighbour and a great and tried friend unto the same Lord Vaux and his mother, as it was very well known unto divers of the Council, and the same also allowed of and well liked by them, with whom he had dealt concerning the said Lord and his mother about a match that should have been between the Lord Chamberlain[335] his daughter and the young Lord Vaux.
So that Sir Everard Digby had many serious occasions to come to my Lord Vaux's; and then in particular, as I have learned since, being come from his ancient house and chief living which lay in Rutlandshire, from whence he could not go unto the house[336] where his wife and family lay, but he must pass by the door of my Lord Vaux his house, which also made him there an ordinary guest.
So that all this supposal had been nothing if it had been true; and as Bates neither did nor could affirm it to be true that the three Jesuits were there, but only that the two gentlewomen were there, taking their sister's house in their way at their return, and his master also, and Sir Everard Digby met them, of which one also came merely by chance; what the other did I know not. And whereas I say that Bates did not affirm this of the Jesuits, no, nor of their only being in the house, so absolutely as he did affirm that he afterwards saw Father Garnett and Father Tesimond in Warwickshire, shall appear in his own words, when I set down his letter, whereof I have the true copy.
But yet this doubtful and uncertain affirmation of his, which, if it had been most true and certain, had been also certain to be no proof at all or just cause of presumption, where there were so many other causes concurring which would have required the being of Father Gerard in that house at that time (if that were the place of his most residence), yet was this no cause made cause sufficient of great trouble to that noble family. For presently there was commission granted out for a most severe search to be made in that house of my Lord Vaux's, and also in another house of the said Lord's three miles off, lest perhaps Father Gerard might be kept there in that troublesome time. The commission was directed to the most forward Puritans of the country, with strict charge not only to search narrowly for the said Father, [pg 139] but whether they found him or not, to keep possession of the house and the keys of the rooms, until the Commissioners should have further order from the Council. All this and much more was performed in so strict manner as might be. For although the Lord Vaux and his mother were very much beloved and respected in all the country, he being the most ancient Baron and first in place of all the shire, and so linked to most houses of worth within the shire that it was hard to find any man of account therein that was not either akin or allied or a dear friend unto their house; yet all this notwithstanding, the search was most severe, as I have been credibly informed by those that were present. The house was beset with at least a hundred men, and those well appointed. The young Lord made no resistance, as having no cause to fear, but brought the Commissioners presently in to his mother, who delivered unto them all the keys of her house, and willed them to use their pleasure. They searched for two or three days continually, and searched with candles in cellars and several dark corners. They searched every cabinet and box in her own closet for letters, in hope to find some little scroll that might show Father Gerard had been an actor in this treason, or that she or her son had received some knowledge of it. But they found not with all this diligence the least tittle of advantage in the matter, insomuch that the chief man in commission for this search (though an earnest Puritan) yet sent a very full information unto the Council that he had found the house most clear, the young Lord and his mother very respective unto authority, admitting any kind of search or inquiry that he could desire and yet very confident in their own innocency; and that he found not any preparation in the house for war, or any show at all that they had the least knowledge of any such attempt intended.
Notwithstanding, this information sent after full trial [pg 140] made by search, the Council sent for the young Lord and his mother up to London presently, where they were both examined; the young Lord by my Lord Salisbury alone, who cleared himself so by his answer that he was no further restrained, but only commanded to stay in the city of London. His mother was examined before the whole Council, where she did clear herself fully from all cause of suspicion in that treason, and affirmed constantly, that although she were a firm Catholic, and so would live and die by the grace of God, yet that fact she did as much mislike and condemn as themselves; and that so she had been taught by those that had care of her soul. They urged her that she knew Father Gerard, and had received him many times into her house. She answered she hoped none could justly accuse her that she had received either him or any other Priest, and that she would not accuse herself, the same being a Penal Law. They insisted she was bound to tell of him, for that he was known to be a traitor and a chief plotter of this action. She answered with serious protestation, that she had never the least cause to think so of him (if she did know him, as they presupposed); and said that she had heard so much good of the man (though she did not know him) that she would pawn her whole estate, yea, and her life also, that he was not guilty of that Plot, nor justly to be touched with it. Then the Council produced a letter which she had written unto the Sheriff of Warwickshire, her cousin, for the delivery of two Priests, who were taken passing through the country after the stirs were begun, which letter the sheriff had sent unto the Council (more like a Puritan as he is, than a kinsman as he should be). This letter, said the Lords of the Council, being written for the delivery of Strange, the Jesuit (now in the Tower, and since very sore tortured, as I shall afterwards declare), and for another Priest, one of Blackwell the Archpriest his assistants, and the same [pg 141] also written in so earnest and effectual manner, doth convince you to be guilty of treason in that Statute of aiding Priests.[337] She answered that she wrote for them indeed, and that she desired much to set them free, but she knew them not to be Priests, but took them for Catholic gentlemen that came sometimes to her house as others did, and looked nothing like Priests. Then finally, some of the Council said, that whereas she was now in the King's mercy to live or die, she should have her life and lose nothing of her estate, if she would tell where Gerard the Jesuit was to be found. She answered, she knew not; but if she did know she would not tell it them to save her life and many lives. “Why then,” said they, “Lady, you must die.” “Why then, I will die, my Lords,” said she, “for I will never do the other.” So they sent her away to prison, not to an ordinary gaol, but to a rich Alderman's house in London, where she was well respected, and yet kept so close that not her own son might come to see her, only she had a gentlewoman of her own to attend her. There were also divers of her servants committed to several prisons, and often and strictly examined with many menacings if they would not confess Father Gerard to have been at the Lord Vaux his house, but nothing could be wrung out of them. The house in the country was all this while watched within and without for nine or ten days together, that if Father Gerard were still in the house hid in any secret place, he either might be starved to death, or by famine forced to come out. And for two or three miles round about the house there was watch kept in the country, and all passengers examined in desire to find the said Father, but all in vain; for where God will protect, man's forces or policies are frustrate, “et deficient scrutantes scrutinio.”[338]
Soon after this search was past, Father Gerard lying [pg 142] secretly in another country, and understanding how that house had been severely searched for him as for one of this conspiracy, he thought it fit and needful to show his innocency in the matter by a public letter, which he performed presently, and I have read the letter. It contained, first, some reasons why he did seek to clear himself, and that by the way of protestation, the matter being true and just and in re gravi. Then he did solemnly and seriously protest before God and all the Court of Heaven, that he was never privy to the matter, nor had heard so much as one word of that Plot of Powder before the thing itself was discovered and the knowledge thereof brought unto him by public fame; and that his meaning was, he had not known of it either in secret or otherwise, no, not so much as in confession. Also he did exclude all equivocation so far forth, that if he did in any sort equivocate in this protestation, he did yield himself as guilty of the whole both in the sight of God and men. Further he alleged divers reasons why it was not likely he should know thereof, as in respect of the badness of the matter, which he utterly disliked and condemned, no man more. In respect of his estate and the prohibition he had received from his Superiors, not to meddle with any State matters at all; and much less with any such outrageous attempt. Also, that the Council had tried him sufficiently in those matters in the time of Queen Elizabeth's reign, when they had him in their hands from three years and more, often labouring to have found him guilty, or to have him confess he had dealt in State matters; but he was ever found clear, insomuch that they could not produce the least word of his writing or witness against him in all that time of his imprisonment, nor find him guilty in the least point, although they put him to the uttermost trials to see whether force or favour would sooner prevail with him. Then further in this letter he alleged, that if in Queen [pg 143] Elizabeth's time it could not be proved he had meddled in any matters of State, much more it was to be presumed he would be far from dealing in this highest kind of treason, and that against this King, for whom it was well known his father had suffered and lost much, whereof it pleased His Majesty to take knowledge unto his brother at his first coming to the Crown. And lastly, he said he was so far from ever consenting or knowing of any such matter, that he offered freely, if either before his taking or after,[339] it could be proved, that ever he had any kind of knowledge of that Plot of Powder, that then he would freely give them leave, whensoever it should please God to deliver him into their hands, to put him to all the torments could be imagined, and pull one piece of him from another, and withal that all men of what side or sect soever should then repute him as a perjured creature, and to have neither faith to God nor man. This was the effect of his letter in brief, the letter itself containing a sheet or two of paper, which letter being published in London, did give great satisfaction not only to Catholics (who could not easily believe such reports of him before) but even to the Protestants themselves. Yea, it was showed unto the King himself by an Earl in great favour with His Majesty, and His Highness for that time was very well satisfied therewith.
But notwithstanding this and the general opinion which most men conceived of his innocency, and although there were no proof at all or sufficient grounds to proceed against any of the rest, yet such was the settled resolution of some to bring them into the suspicion and slander of this treason, that they proposed it unto His Majesty as a thing very requisite, to have a public proclamation sent forth against the Jesuits, and first to begin with these three, meaning to bring in the rest also by degrees. The King referred the matter unto the Council, as his manner [pg 144] is. The cause was therefore discussed at the council-table, and being proposed by those that were of great authority in that place, it was not much gainsaid, at least for two of the three. But for the third, which was Father Gerard, it was answered by some, that there was no reason he should be put in the number; and one Earl at the table, being of great account both for wisdom and learning, said that sith Gerard had so fully cleared himself by so ample a protestation and was a gentleman, he thought it was very hard to lay so severe a punishment upon him, upon the single accusation of one witness, and he but a base fellow and in fear of his life. For it was then supposed that Bates did accuse all these three, and perhaps so proposed also to make the matter seem more justly grounded. But it was not so, as will appear in the words of Bates his letter hereafter. But neither this pious answer, nor truth itself, which I doubt not answered for all the three in the conscience of those that most furthered this cruel course, could anything at all prevail against the course which was before intended, insomuch that it was there resolved a proclamation should presently be sent forth against those three before named. Yea, and Father Gerard was put in the first place, as if he had been the principal person of the three, which though some do think to have been done only by the penner of the proclamation in respect of his blood or kindred in the world, which they (looking only with fleshly eyes) make more account of than of spiritual dignities; yet sure it was done of purpose, to make him the more odious thereby, and to hide the want of proof which they had against him: that when all men did see him set before the other two, whereof one was his Superior, and the other his ancient every way, they might the rather think there was some great matter found out against him. And so all men might be incensed the more to betray him or apprehend him, for that was the chief [pg 145] intention of the proclamation against all the three. And to that end in the proclamation, first the names of the persons and the nature of their supposed offence was set down; then a subtle inducement joined with a serious commandment unto all men to discover them and to help to apprehend them, unto which also was annexed large promises to those that should be found the particular instruments of their apprehension; and lastly, a severe protestation that whosoever should presume to be a harbourer, maintainer, or concealer of any of them, or should not do their best for their discovery or apprehension, that they should hope for no mercy, but that the laws should be most severely executed upon them, as upon persons no less pernicious than the actors and concealers of the main treason itself. In the end of all the three persons were described, that they might the better be known, by their stature, their colour, and countenance. By all which it may appear how violent a desire of their apprehension those had who procured the proclamation, as the most forcible and likely means to that effect. I pray God avert the violence of His justice from their souls, and send them to find mercy, when this forcible proceeding of theirs doth come to be examined. For otherwise a dreadful doom must be expected, “quia potentes potenter tormenta patientur: horrende et cito apparebit eis,”[340] saith the wise man. I pray God they may prevent it, before it light upon them; otherwise this blow will hurt and wound the strikers much more than them against whom it was intended.[341]
This proclamation being published in London, it was presently carried into all the market-towns of England (as the custom is) to be there proclaimed, to the end that all men taking notice of the names and the description of the persons of these three supposed traitors, it might be unpossible in any short time for any of them to pass safely through any town, but that they would be descried, discovered, and apprehended. So that they were now to be esteemed in all human likelihood, “tanquam oves occisionis,” like sheep designed to the slaughter. “Sed ira viri justitiam Dei non operatur;”[342] and whom God will protect “nemo potest rapere de manu illius.”[343] God provided for them such friends as knew their innocency well, and did most willingly adventure with them, not regarding the threats nor respecting the promises in the proclamation of a straw. Yea, I know where some of them refused the earnest entreaties of some persons of great worth instantly desiring to have had them in their houses. But they were well and safely provided for, for insomuch that until this day two of them were never in danger to fall into their enemies' hands, “sed liberati sunt de manu Herodis et de omni expectatione plebis Judæorum.”[344] And the third was provided for sufficiently in a house of great safety, and where he might have continued long enough without [pg 147] danger, if he had not been by God's permission betrayed into their hands as his Master was; “sed advenerat hora ejus.”[345] And he that betrayed him for “Quid vultis mihi dare?”[346] had a halter for his pains, as Judas had, though he died not desperate, as Judas did, but very penitent for his fact, as the sequent chapters shall declare.