FOOTNOTES:
[200] He appears to have been no relation of John and Christopher Wright, the conspirators.
[201] Davies was employed in other affairs of a similar nature. See Dom. James I., xix. 83, I (P.R.O.).
[202] Cf. a "setter dog."
[203] See the full text of Wright's letter, Appendix G.
[204] See the text of the memorial, Appendix G.
[205] Copy in the P.R.O. Dom. James I. vii. 86, and xx. 52. The informer's name is given in the latter, viz., Ralph Ratcliffe.
[206] It was likewise cited in the interrogatories prepared for the Jesuit Thomas Strange (Brit. Mus. MSS. Add. 6178, 74) in November, 1605, and in this case also as treating of the Gunpowder Plot and no other.
[207] Illustrations, iii. 301.
[208] P.R.O. France, b. 132.
[209] Ibid.
[210] P.R.O. France, bundle 132.
[211] Ibid. f. 273 b.
[212] Hatfield MSS. 112, n. 141.
[213] P.R.O. Gunpowder Plot Book, 16.
[214] November 10th, 1605, Dom. James I. xvi. 44.
[215] At a later period (July 20th, 1606) we find that Southwaick ("or Southwell") had lost favour and was warned by Salisbury to leave the country. "I hold him," says the Earl, "to be a very impostor." (To Edmondes, Phillipps MS. f. 165.)
[216] Stowe MSS., 168, 39.
[217] Ibid. 40.
[218] Ibid. 42.
[219] Birch, Historical View, p. 234.
[220] P.R.O. France, bundle 132, January 25th, 1604-5.
[221] "Who so evar finds this box of letars let him carry hit to the Kings magesty: my mastar litel thinks I knows of this, but yn ridinge wth him that browt the letar to my mastar to a Katholyk gentlemans hows anward of his way ynto lin konsher [Lincolnshire], he told me al his purpos, and what he ment to do; and he beinge a prest absolved me and mad me swar nevar to revel hit to ane man. I confes myself a Katholyk, and do hate the protystans relygon with my hart, and yit I detest to consent ethar to murdar or treson. I have blotyd out sartyn nams in the letars becas I wold not have ethar my mastar or ane of his frends trobyl aboute this; for by his menes I was mad a goud Katholyk, and I wod to God the King war a good Katholyk: that is all the harm I wish him; and let him tak hed what petysons or suplycasons he take of ane man; and I hop this box will be found by som that will giv hit to the King, hit may do him good one day. I men not to com to my mastar any moe, but wil return unto my contry from whens I cam. As for my nam and contry I consel that; and God make the King a goud Katholyk; and let Ser Robart Sesil and my lord Cohef Gustyse lok to them selvse." (Printed in Appendix to Third Report of Historical MSS. Commission, p. 148.)
[222] It is signed "G.D.," and was possibly written by a relation of Sir Everard's.
[223] To Sir H. Bruncard, March 3rd, 1605-6. P.R.O. Ireland, vol. 218.
[224] "Instructions to my trusty servant Sir James Lindsay, for answer to the lettre and Commission brought by him from the Pope unto me." Ao 1604. (P.R.O. France, b. 132.)
In these notes the king explains that the things of greatest import cannot be written, but have been imparted "by tongue" to the envoy, to be delivered to his holiness. Moreover he thus charges Lindsay: "You shall assure him that I shall never be forgetful of the continual proof I have had of his courtesy and long inclination towards me, and especially by this his so courteous and unexpected message, which I shall be careful to requite thankfully by all civil courtesies that shall be in my power, the particulars whereof I remit likewise to your declaration." Besides this, he protests that he will ever inviolably observe two points: first, never to dissemble what he thinks, especially in matters of conscience; secondly, never to reject reason when he hears it urged on the other side.
[225] P.R.O. France, b. 132.
[226] Lodge, Illustrations, iii. 262.
[227] P.R.O. France, b. 132.
[228] Ibid.
[229] The Politician's Catechism, 1658.
[230] Birch, Historical View, p. 234.
[231] "If the Priestes and Catholickes, so many thousands in England would have entertayned it, no man can be so malicious and simple to thinke but there would have been a greater assembly than fourscore [in the Midlands] to take such an action in hand, and the Council could not be so winking eyed, but they would have found forth some one or other culpable, which they could never do, though some of them, most powerable in it, tendered and racked forth their hatred against us to the uttermost limites they could extend." English Protestants' plea, p. 60.
[232] Discourse of the manner of the discovery of the Gunpowder Plot. Printed in the Collected Works of King James, by Bishop Mountague, by Bishop Barlow, in Gunpowder Treason, and in Cobbett's State Trials, as an appendix to that of the conspirators.
[233] I.e., Cornwallis, Edmondes, and Chichester. The despatch to Cornwallis is printed in Winwood's Memorials, ii. 170.
[234] Sir Thoms Parry, P.R.O. France, bundle 132.
[235] Mr. Hepworth Dixon observes (Her Majesty's Tower, i. 352, seventh edition) that a man must have been in no common measure ignorant of Cecil and Northampton who could dream that such a design could escape the greatest masters of intrigue alive, and that abundant evidence makes it clear that the Council were informed of the Plot in almost every stage, and that their agents dogged the footsteps of those whom they suspected, taking note of all their proceedings. "It was no part of Cecil's policy," adds Mr. Dixon, "to step in before the dramatic time."
[236] Often called Phelipps, or Philipps.
[237] History of Scotland, iii. 376, note (ed. Eadie). It was on one of these letters which had been in the hands of Phelippes that Mary was convicted.
[238] Dom. James I. xx. 51. April, 1606.
[239] In the fragment cited above, Phelippes says that Queen Elizabeth and the Earl of Essex largely availed themselves of this device of his, and that "My Lord of Salisbury had himself made some use of it in the Queen's time."
[240] February 12th, 1605-6. (Stowe MSS. 168.)