Footnotes
[1.]“The Oxford Spy,” 1818; by J. S. Boone, p. 107.[2.]Vide “Discussions and Arguments on Various Subjects,” art. 4.[3.]On the Formation of Images, vide supr. ch. iii. 1, pp. 27, 28.[4.]Liberty of Prophesying, § 2.[5.]This passage is already quoted in my “Essay on Development of Doctrine,” vi. 1, § 2.[6.]Gambier on Moral Evidence, p. 6.[7.]“Supernaturalis mentis assensus, rebus fidei exhibitus, cùm præcipuè dependeat à gratiâ Dei intrinsecus mentem illuminante et commovente, potest esse, et est, major quocunque assensu certitudini naturali præstito, seu ex motivis naturalibus orto,” &c.—Dmouski, Instit. t. i. p. 28.[8.]“Hoc [viz. multo certior est homo de eo quod audit à Deo qui falli non potest, quàm de eo quod videt propriâ ratione quâ falli potest] intelligendum est de certitudine fidei secundum appretiationem, non secundum intentionem; nam sæpe contingit, ut scientia clariùs percipiatur ab intellectu, atque ut connexio scientiæ cum veritate magis appareat, quàm connexio fidei cum eâdem; cognitiones enim naturales, utpote captui nostro accommodatæ, magis animum quietant, delectant, et veluti. satiant.”—Scavini, Theol. Moral. t. ii. p. 428.[9.]
“Suppono enim, veritatem fidei non esse certiorem veritate metaphysicâ aut geometricâ quoad modum assensionis, sed tantum quoad modum adhæsionis; quia utrinque intellectus absolutè sine modo limitante assentitur. Sola autem adhæsio voluntatis diversa est; quia in actu fidei gratia seu habitus infusus roborat intellectum et voluntatem, ne tam facilè mutentur aut perturbentur.”—Amort, Theol. t. i. p. 312.
“Hæc distinctio certitudinis [ex diversitate motivorum] extrinsecam tantum differentiam importat, cùm omnis naturalis certitudo, formaliter spectata, sit æqualis; debet enim essentialiter erroris periculum amovere, exclusio autem periculi erroris in indivisibili consistit; aut enim babetur aut non habetur.”—Dmouski, ibid. p. 27.
I have assumed throughout this Section that all verbal argumentation is ultimately syllogistic; and in consequence that it ever requires universal propositions and comes short of concrete fact. A friend refers me to the dispute between Des Cartes and Gassendi, the latter maintaining against the former that “Cogito ergo sum” implies the universal “All who think exist.” I should deny this with Des Cartes; but I should say (as indeed he said), that his dictum was not an argument, but was the expression of a ratiocinative instinct, as I explain below under the head of “Natural Logic.”
As to the instance “Brutes are not men; therefore men are not brutes,” there seems to me no consequence here, neither a præter nor a propter, but a tautology. And as to “It was either Tom or Dick that did it; it was not Dick, ergo,” this may be referred to the one great principle on which all logical reasoning is founded, but really it ought not to be accounted an inference any more than if I broke a biscuit, flung half away, and then said of the other half, “This is what remains.” It does but state a fact. So, when the 1st, 2nd, or 3rd proposition of Euclid II. is put before the eyes in a diagram, a boy, before he yet has learned to reason, sees with his eyes the fact of the thesis, and this seeing it even makes it difficult for him to master the mathematical proof. Here, then, a fact is stated in the form of an argument.
However, I have inserted parentheses at pp. 277 and 283, in order to say “transeat” to the question.
Before and apart from Christianity, the Samaritan Version reads, “donec veniat Pacificus, et ad ipsum congregabuntur populi.” The Targum, “donec veniat Messias, cujus est regnum, et obedient populi.” The Septuagint, “donec veniant quæ reservata sunt illi” (or “donec veniat cui reservatum est”), “et ipse expectatio gentium.” And so again the Vulgate, “donec veniat qui mittendus est, et ipse erit expectatio gentium.”
The ingenious translation of some learned men (“donec venerit Juda Siluntem,” i. e. “the tribe-sceptre shall not depart from Judah till Judah comes to Shiloh”), with the explanation that the tribe of Judah had the leadership in the war against the Canaanites, vide Judges i. 1, 2; xx. 18 (i. e. after Joshua’s death), and that possibly, and for what we know, the tribe gave up that war-command at Shiloh, vide Joshua xviii. 1 (i. e. in Joshua’s life-time), labours under three grave difficulties: 1. That the patriarchal sceptre is a temporary war-command. 2. That this command belonged to Judah at the very time that it belonged to Joshua. And 3. That it was finally lost to Judah (Joshua living) before it had been committed to Judah (Joshua dead).