FOOTNOTES
[1] Isai. xli. 25: Jer. i. 14; vi. 1, 22; Joel ii. 20; etc., etc.
[2] Gibbon.
[3] Gibbon.
[4] Caldecott's Baber.
[5] Vid. Mitford's Greece, vol. viii. p. 86.
[6] Pritchard's Researches.
[7] Thirlwall: Greece, vol. ii. p. 196.
[8] Voyages, t. i. p. 456.
[9] Gibbon.
[10] Maffei Verona, part ii. p. 6.
[11] Murray's Asia.
[12] Thornton's Turkey. Vid. also Jenkinson's Voyage across the Caspian in 1562.
[13] Vid. also Jenkinson, supr.
[14] Gibbon.
[15] Univ. Hist. Modern, vol. iii. p. 346.
[16] I am here assuming that the Magyars are not of the Turkish stock; vid. Gibbon and Pritchard.
[17] Vol. v. p. 248.
[18] P. 127, ed. 1817.
[19] Travels in Syria, vol. i. p. 369, ed. 1787.
[20] Hor. Epist. ii 1, 155.
[21] Supr. p. 26.
[22] Montesquieu.
[23] Murray.
[24] Caldecott's Baber.
[25] Vid. Quarterly Review, vol. lii. p. 396-7.
[26] Univ. Hist. mod. vol. v. p. 262, etc.
[27] Ibid. vol. iv. p. 353.
[28] Meyendorff.
[29] Moorcroft.
[30] Vid. Elphinstone.
[31] Wood's Oxus.
[32] Elphinstone's Cabul.
[33] Supr. p. 59.
[34] Gibbon.
[35] Thornton.
[36] Gibbon.
[37] Vid. Dow's Hindostan.
[38] Caldecott's Baber. Vid. also Elphinstone, vol. ii. p. 366.
[39] "Our victorious army bears the gates of the temple of Somnauth in triumph from Affghanistan, and the despoiled tomb of Sultan Mahmood looks upon the ruins of Ghuznee. The insult of 800 years is at last avenged," etc., etc.—Proclamation of the Governor-General to all the princes, chiefs, and people of India.
[40] Gibbon. Universal Hist.
[41] Baronius, Pagi.
[42] Gibbon.
[43] Baronius, Gibbon.
[44] Vid. Cave's Hist. Litterar. in nom. Lambertus.
[45] Gibbon makes this the Fatimite governor of some town in Galilee, laying the scene in Palestine. The name Capernaum is doubtfully mentioned in the history, but the occurrence is said to have taken place on the borders of Lycia. Anyhow, there were Turcomans in Palestine. Part of the account in the text is taken from Marianus Scotus.
[46] I should observe that the Turks were driven out of Jerusalem by the Fatimites of Egypt, two years before the Crusaders appeared.
[47] I am pleased to see that Mr. Sharon Turner takes the same view strongly.—England in Middle Ages, i. 9. Also Mr. Francis Newman; "The See of Rome," he says, "had not forgotten, if Europe had, how deadly and dangerous a war Charles Martel and the Franks had had to wage against the Moors from Spain. A new and redoubtable nation, the Seljuk Turks, had now appeared on the confines of Europe, as a fresh champion of the Mohammedan Creed; and it is not attributing too much foresight or too sagacious policy to the Court of Rome, to believe, that they wished to stop and put down the Turkish power before it should come too near. Be this as it may, such was the result. The might of the Seljukians was crippled on the plains of Palestine, and did not ultimately reach Europe.... A large portion of Christendom, which disowned the religious pretensions of Rome, was afterwards subdued by another Turkish tribe, the Ottomans or Osmanlis; but Romish Christendom remained untouched: Poland, Germany, and Hungary, saved her from the later Turks, even during the schism of the Reformation, as the Franks had saved her from the Moors. On the whole, it would seem that to the Romish Church we have been largely indebted for that union between European nations, without which Mohammedanism might perhaps not have been repelled. I state this as probable, not at all as certain."—Lectures at Manchester, 1846.
[48] Vid. a beautiful passage in Cardinal Wiseman's late lecture at Liverpool.
[49] Vid. Murray's Asia.
[50] Sir Charles Fellows.
[51] Vid. Smith and Dwight's Travels.
[52] Eclectic Review, Dec., 1839.
[53] Gibbon.
[54] Alison on Population, vol. i. p. 309, etc.
[55] Vol. i., p. 66, note.
[56] Alison, ch. xx., § 28.
[57] Formby's Visit to the East.
[58] The three remaining of the thirty are Orchan, Ibrahim, and Abdoul Achmet.
[59] Gibbon.
[60] Gibbon.
[61] Hume's History.
[62] Ranke, vol. i
[63] Turner's History.
[64] Ibid.
[65] Gieseler's Text Book.
[66] Baronius.
[67] Bergeron.
[68] Gibbon says twenty years: Sharon Turner gives 1074.
[69] Bollandist. Mai. 5.
[70] Ranke's Hist. of the Popes.
[71] "The battle of Lepanto arrested for ever the danger of Mahometan invasion in the south of Europe."—Alison's Europe, vol. ix. p. 95. "The powers of the Turks and of their European neighbours were now nearly balanced; in the reign of Amurath the Third, who succeeded Selim, the advantages became more evidently in favour of the Christians; and since that time, though the Turks have sometimes enjoyed a transitory success, the real stability of their affairs has constantly declined."—Bell's Geography, vol. ii, part 2. Vid. also Ranke, vol. i., pp. 381-2. It is remarkable that it should be passed over by Professor Creasy in his "Fifteen Decisive Battles."
[72] Murray's Asia.
[73] Robertson's America, books vi. and vii.
[74] Univ. Hist. Anc., vol. xvi.
[75] Merivale's Rome, vol. ii.
[76] Guizot's European Civilization.
[77] Gibbon, vol x.
[78] Philosophy of History; Robertson's translation.
[79] Formby's Visit, p. 70.
[80] Bell's Geography.
[81] Vid, Sir Charles Fellows' Asia Minor.
[82] The correspondent of the Times in February, 1854, speaking of the great arsenal of Rustchuk, observes: "All the heavy smith work was done by Bulgarians, the light iron work by gipsies, the carpenters were all Turks, the sawyers Bulgarians, the tinmen all Jews."
[83] Lib. iv. fin.
[84] Sir C. Fellows.
[85] Bergeron, t. 1.
[86] Edinburgh Rev. 1853.
[87] Tour through Armenia, etc.
[88] Gibbon.
[89] Since this was written, they have been taken into the European family by the Treaty of 1856, and the Sultan has become a Knight of the Garter. This strange phenomenon is not for certain to the advantage of their political position.
[90] Gibbon.
[91] Thornton, ii. 89; Formby, p. 24; Eclectic Rev., Dec., 1828.
[92] Pritchard.
[93] De Legg. i. 1, ii. 1.
[94] Contra Rull. ii. 1.
[95] De Legg. ii. 1, iii. 16; de Orat. ii. 66.
[96] Plutarch, in Vitâ.
[97] Middleton's Life, vol. i. p. 13. 4to; de Clar. Orat. 89.
[98] Ibid.
[99] Pro Muræna, 11; de Orat. i. g.
[100] In Catil. iii. 6; in Pis. 3; pro Sylla, 30; pro Dom. 37; de Harusp. resp. 23; ad Fam. xv. 4.
[101] De Clar. Orat. 91.
[102] Middleton's Life, vol. i. p. 42, 4to.
[103] Plutarch, in Vitâ.
[104] Warburton, Div. Leg. lib, iii. sec. 3; and Vossius. de Nat. Logic. c. viii. sec. 22.
[105] Pro Planc. 26; in Ver. vi. 14.
[106] Pro Dom. 57, 58.
[107] De Offic. ii. 17; Middleton.
[108] In Pis. 1.
[109] Pro Murænâ, 20.
[110] Plutarch, in Vitâ.
[111] Γραικὁς και σχολαστικὁς. Plutarch, in Vitâ.
[112] Ad Atticum, i. 18, ii. 1.
[113] See Montesquieu, Grandeur des Romains, ch. xii.
[114] Ad Atticum, i. 19.
[115] Ad Atticum, lib. iii.; ad Fam. lib. xiv.; pro Sext. 22; pro Dom. 36; Plutarch, in Vitâ. It is curious to observe how he converts the alleviating circumstances of his case into exaggerations of his misfortune: he writes to Atticus: "As to your many fierce objurgations of me, for my weakness of mind, I ask you, what aggravation is wanting to my calamity? Who else has ever fallen from so high a position, in so good a cause, with so large an intellect, influence, popularity, with all good men so powerfully supporting him, as I?"—iii. 10. Other persons would have reckoned the justice of their cause, and the countenance of good men, alleviations of their distress; and so, when others were concerned, he himself thought. Vid. pro Sext. 12.
[116] Ad Atticum, ix. 18.
[117] Ibid. vii. 11, ix. 6, x. 8 and 9, xi, 9, etc.
[118] Macrobius, Saturnalia, ii. 3.
[119] Ad Atticum, xi. 8, 9, 10 and 12.
[120] Ibid. xi. 13.
[121] Ad Fam. iv. 14; Middleton, vol. ii. p. 149.
[122] Ibid.
[123] Ad Fam. iv. 6.
[124] Ad Atticum, xii. 15, etc
[125] Ad Atticum, xiii. 20.
[126] Ibid. xii. 40 and 41.
[127] His want of jealousy towards his rivals was remarkable; this was exemplified in his esteem for Hortensius, and still more so in his conduct towards Calvus. See Ad Fam. xv. 21.
[128] Vol. ii. p. 525, 4to.
[129] Pro Planc.; Middleton, vol. i. p. 108.
[130] C. 39.
[131] Ad Fam. vi. 6, vii. 3.
[132] Plutarch, in Vitâ Cic. See also in Vitâ Pomp.
[133] Vid. Dr. Whately in the Encyclopædia Metropolitana.
[134] Lactantius, Inst. iii. 16.
[135] Plutarch, in Vitâ Caton. See also de Invent. i. 36.
[136] Paterculus, i. 12, etc. Plutarch, in Vitt. Lucull. et Syll.
[137] Gravin. Origin. Juris Civil. lib. i. c. 44.
[138] Quinct. xii. 2. Auct. Dialog. de Orator. 31.
[139] De Nat. Deor. i. 4; de Off. i. 1; de Fin.; init. Acad. Quæst. init. etc.
[140] Tusc Quæst. i. 3; ii. 3; Acad. Quæst. i. 2; de Nat. Deor. i. 21; de Fin. i. 3, etc.; de Clar. Orat. 35.
[141] Lucullus, 2; de Fin. i. 1-3; Tusc Quæst. ii. 1, 2; iii. 2; v. 2; de Legg. i. 22-24; de Off. ii. 2; de Orat. 41, etc.
[142] Middleton's Life, vol. ii. p. 254.
[143] Ad Quinct. fratr. iii. 3.
[144] Tusc. Quæst, v. 2.
[145] De Off. i. 5. init.
[146] Johnson's observations on Addison's writings may be well applied to those of Cicero, who would have been eminently successful in short miscellaneous essays, like those of the Spectator, had the manners of the age allowed it.
[147] Orat iii. 4; Tusc. Quæst. ii. 3; de Off. i. 1. Paradox. præfat. Quinct. Instit. xii. 2.
[148] Article, Plato, in the Encyclopædia Metropolitana.
[149] Acad. Quæst. i. 10, etc.; Lucullus, 5; de Legg. i. 20; iii. 3, etc.
[150] Acad. Quæst. i. 4, 12, 13; Lucullus, 5 and 23; de Nat. Deor. i. 5; de Fin. ii. 1; de Orat. iii. 18. Augustin. contra Acad. ii. 6. Plutarch, in Colot. 26.
[151] "Arcesilas negabat esse quidquam, quod sciri posset, ne illud quidem ipsum quod Socrates sibi reliquisset. Sic omnia latere censebat in occulto, neque esse quicquam quod cerni, quod intelligi, posset; quibus de causis nihil oportere neque profiteri neque affirmare quenquam, neque assentione approbare, etc."—Acad. Quæst. i. 12. See also Lucullus, 9 and 18. They were countenanced in these conclusions by Plato's doctrine of ideas.—Lucullus, 46.
[152] Sext. Empir. Pyrrh. Hypot. i. 33. Diogenes Laertius, lib. iv. in Arcesil. Vid. Lactant. Instit. iii. 6.
[153] Lucullus, 6.
[154] Augustin. contr. Acad. iii. 17.
[155] Lucullus, 18, 24. Augustin. contr. Acad. iii. 39.
[156] See Sext. Empir. adv. Log. i. 166., etc., p. 405.
[157] Acad. Quæst. i. 13; Lucullus, 23, 38; de Nat. Deor. i. 5; Orat. 71.
[158] "Tu autem te negas infracto remo neque columbæ collo commoveri. Primum cur? nam et in remo sentio non esse id quod videatur, et in columbâ plures videri colores, nec esse plus uno, etc."—Lucullus, 25.
[159] Lucullus, 16-18; 26-28.
[160] "Vehementer errare eos qui dicant ab Academiâ sensus eripi; à quibus nunquam dictum sit aut colorem aut saporem aut sonum nullum esse, [sed] illud sit disputatum, non inesse in his propriam, quæ nusquam alibi esset, veri et certi notam."—Lucullus, 32. See also 13, 24, 31; de Nat. Deor. i. 5.
[160a]Οι γουν Στωἱκοι κατἁληψιν εινἁι φασι καταληπτικη φαντασἱα συγκατἁθεσω, Sext. Empir. Pyrrh. Hypot. iii. 25. Vid. also Adv. Log. i. 152, p. 402.
[161] "Verum non posse comprehendi ex illâ Stoici Zenonis definitione arripuisse videbantur, qui ait id verum percipi posse, quod ita esset animo impressum ex eo unde esset, ut esse non posset ex eo unde non esset. Quod brevius planiusque sic dicitur, his signis verum posse comprehendi, quæ signa non potest habere quod falsum est."—Augustin, contra Acad. ii. 5. See also Sext. Empir. adv. Math. lib. vii. περἱ μεταβολἡς, and Cf. Lucullus, 6 with 13.
[162] Lucullus, 13, 21, 40.
[163] Τοἱς φαινομἑνοις συν προσἑχοντες κατα τἡν Βιωτικἡν τἡρησω αδοξἁστως βιοὑμεν επει μἡ δυνἁμεθα ανενἑργητοι.—Sext. Empir. Pyrrh. Hypot. 1, 11.
[164] Cicero terms these three impressions, "visio probabilis; quæ ex circumspectione aliquâ et accuratâ consideratione fiat; quæ non impediatur."—Lucullus, 11.
[165] Pyrrh. Hypot. i. 33.
[166] Numen. apud Euseb. Præp. Evang. xiv. 7.
[167] Lucullus, 31, 34; de Off. ii. 2; de Fin. v. 26. Quinct. xii. 1.
[168] Lucullus, 22, et alibi; Tusc. Quæst. ii. 2.
[169] See a striking passage from Cicero's Academics, preserved by Augustine, contra Acad. iii. 7, and Lucullus, 18.
[170] De Nat. Deor. passim; de Div. ii. 72. "Quorum controversiam solebat tanquam honorarius arbiter judicare Carneades."—Tusc. Quæst. v. 41.
[171] De Fin. ii. 1; de Orat. i. 18; Lucullus, 3; Tusc. Quæst. v. 11; Numen. apud Euseb. Præp. Evang. xiv. 6, etc. Lactantius, Inst. iii. 4.
[172] De Nat. Deor. i. 67; de Fat. 2; Dialog. de Orat. 31, 32.
[173] Lucullus, 6, 18; de Orat. ii. 38, iii. 18. Quint, Inst. xii. 2. Numen. apud Euseb. Præp. Evang. xiv. 6 and 8.
[174] "Hæc in philosophiâ ratio contra omnia disserendi nullamque rem apertè judicandi, profecta à Socrate, repetita ab Arcesilâ, confirmata à Carneade, usque ad nostram viguit ætatem; quam nunc propemodum orbam esse in ipsâ Græciâ intelligo. Quod non Academiæ vitio, sed tarditate hominum arbitror contigisse. Nam si singulas disciplinas percipere magnum est, quanto majus omnes? quod facere iis necesse est, quibus propositum est, veri reperiendi causâ, et contra omnes philosophos et pro omnibus dicere."—De Nat. Deor. i. 5.
[175] De Nat. Deor. i. 25, Augustin, contra Acad. iii. 17. Numen. apud Euseb. Præp. Evang. xiv. 6.
[176] De Fin. ii. 13, v. 7; Lucullus, 42; Tusc. Quæst. v. 29.
[177] Lucullus, 45.
[178] Lucullus, 21, 24; for an elevated moral precept of his, see de Fin. ii. 18.
[179] Ανἡρ εν ταις τρισἱν αιἑσεσι διατρἱψας, εν τε τἡ Ακαδημαἱκη και Περιπατητικη και Στωἱκι.—Diogenes Laertius, lib. iv. sub fin.
[180] "Quanquam Philo, magnus vir, negaret in libris duas Academias esse erroremque eorum qui ita putârunt coarguit."—Acad. Quæst. i. 4.
[181] De Fin, v. 5; Lucullus, 22, 43. Sext. Emp. Pyrrh. Hyp. i. 33.
[182] Acad. Quæst. i. 4; de Nat. Deor. i. 7.
[183] Lucullus, 20; see also de Nat. Deor. i. 7; de Fin. i. 5.
[184] "Nobis autem nostra Academia magnam licentiam dat, ut, quodcunque maximè probabile occurrat, id nostro jure liceat defendere."—De Off. iii. 4. See also Tusc. Quæst. iv. 4, v. 29; de Invent. ii. 3.
[185] De Legg. i. 13.
[186] Tusc. Quæst. i. 27; de Div. ii. 72; pro Milon. 31; de Legg. ii. 7.
[187] Fragm. de Rep. 3; Tusc. Quæst. i. 29.
[188] Tusc. Quæst. i. passim; de Senect. 21, 22; Somn. Scip. 8.
[189] De Div. i. 32, 49; Fragm. de Consolat.
[190] Tusc. Quæst. i. 30; Som. Scip. 9; de Legg. ii. 11.
[191] De Amic. 4; de Off. iii. 28; pro Cluent. 61; de Legg. ii. 17: Tusc. Quæst. i. 11; pro Sext. 21; de Nat. Deor. i. 17.
[192] De Senect. 23.
[193] Pro Arch. 11, 12, ad Fam. v. 21, vi. 21.
[194] He seems to have fallen into some misconceptions of Aristotle's meaning. De Invent. i. 35, 36, ii. 14; see Quinct. Inst. v. 14.
[195] De Invent. i. 7, ii. 51, et passim; ad. Fam. i. 9; de Orat. ii. 36.
[196] De Off. i. 1; de Fin. iv. 5.
[197] De Fin. ii. 21, iii. 1; de Legg. i. 13; de Orat. iii. 17; ad Fam. xiii. 1; pro Sext. 10.
[198] De Nat. Deor. i. 4; Tusc. Quæst. i. 1, v. 29; de Fin. i. 3, 4; de Off. i. 1; de Div. ii. 1, 2.
[199] Div. Leg. lib. iii. sec. 9.
[200] See Tusc. Quæst and de Republ.
[201] See Fabricius, Bibliothec. Latin.; Olivet, in Cic. opp. omn.; Middleton's Life.
[202] Quinct. Inst. x. 7.
[203] De Invent. ii. 2 et 3; ad Fam. i. 9.
[204] Cf. de part. Orat. with de Invent.
[205] Orat. 19.
[206] Vossius, de Nat. Rhet. c. xiii.; Fabricius, Bibliothec. Latin.
[207] De Invent. i. 5, 6; de clar. Orat. 76.
[208] Ad Fam. vii. 19.
[209] De Div. ii. 1.
[210] Ad Atticum. iv. 16.
[211] Orat. 16.
[212] Orat. 14, 31.
[213] Orat. 21, 29.
[214] Ad Fam. vi. 18.
[215] See Middleton, vol. ii. p. 147.
[216] De Legg. i. 5.
[217] Ang. Mai. præf. in Remp. Middleman, vol. i. p. 486
[218] Quinct. Inst. xi. 1.
[219] Ad Atticum, xiii. 13, 16, 19.
[220] Ad Fam. ix. 16, 18.
[221] Tusc. Quæst v. 4, 11.
[222] Ibid. iii. 10, v. 27.
[223] De Nat. Deor. i. 6; de Div. i. 4, de Fat. 1.
[224] Sciopp. in Olivet.
[225] See Plutarch, in Vitâ.
[226] In Catil. iii. 3-5.
[227] Pro Cæl. 24.
[228] Philipp. ix. 3.
[229] Pro Cæl. 6.
[230] Ibid. 14.
[231] Pro Quinct. 1, and In Verr. Act i. 13
[232] Pro Cluent 1.
[233] Pro Leg. Manil. 1.
[234] Pro Milon. 1.
[235] Pro Deiotar. 2.
[236] Pro Milon. 14, etc.
[237] Pro Muræn. 9.
[238] Pro Cæl. 7, etc.
[239] In Verr. vi. 2, etc.
[240] Contra Rull. ii. 6, 7.
[241] Pro Rabir. 4.
[242] Pro Milon. init. et alibi.
[243] Pro Muræn. 34.
[244] De Orat. partit. 8, 16, 17.
[245] Pro Rabir. 8.
[246] In Verr. v. 56, etc., and 64, etc.
[247] Philipp. iii. 4.
[248] In Verr. vi. 10.
[249] Post Redit. in Senat. i. 4-8; pro Dom. 9, 39, etc.; in Pis. 10, 11. Philipp. ii. 18, etc.
[250] Pro Sext. 8-10.
[251] Pro Planc. 41, 42.
[252] Pro Fonteio, 17.
[253] Vid. his ideal description of an orator, in Orat. 40. Vid. also de clar. Orat. 93, his negative panegyric on his own oratorical attainments.
[254] Orat. 29.
[255] Tusc. Quæst. i. 1; de clar. Orat. 82, etc., de opt. gen. dicendi.
[256] Quinct. x. 1.
[257] De Fin. iii. 1 and 4; Lucull. 6. Plutarch, in Vitâ.
[258] This, which is analogous to his address in pleading, is nowhere more observable than in his rendering the recurrence of the same word, to which he is forced by the barrenness or vagueness of the language, an elegance.
[259] It is remarkable that some authors attempted to account for the invention of the Asiatic style, on the same principle we have here adduced to account for Cicero's adoption of it in Latin; viz. that the Asiatics had a defective knowledge of Greek, and devised phrases, etc., to make up for the imperfection of their scanty vocabulary. See Quinct. xii. 10.
[260] De clar. Orat. 72.
[261] "Vulgus interdum," says Cicero, "non probandum oratorem probat, sed probat sine comparatione, cùm à mediocri aut etiam â malo delectatur; eo est contentus: esse melius sentit: illud quod est, qualecunque est, probat."—De clar. Orat. 52.
[262] De clar. Orat. 72. Quinct. xii. 10.
[263] De clar. Orat. 25, 27; pro Harusp. resp. 19.
[264] Quinct. x. 1 and 2. De clar. Orat. 75.
[265] Ibid.
[266] Ibid. and ad Atticum, xiv. 1.
[267] Ibid.
[268] Dialog. de Orat. 20 apud Tacit. and 22. Quinct. x. 2.
[269] "It is not uncommon for those who have grown wise by the labour of others, to add a little of their own, and overlook their master."—Johnson. We have before compared Cicero to Addison as regards the purpose of inspiring their respective countrymen with literary taste. They resembled each other in the return they experienced.
[270] Dialog. 18.
[271] Ibid.
[272] Dialog. 19.
[273] Dialog. 18 and 22 Quinct. xii 10.
[274] Olear. ad Philostr. i. 12.
[275] By Lord Herbert and Mr. Blount.
[276] Philostr. i. 3.
[277] Philostr. i. 2, 3.
[278] His work was called Λὁγοι φιλαλἡθεις προς Χριστιανος' on this subject see Mosheim, Dissertat. de turbatâ per recentiores Platonicos Ecclesiâ, Sec. 25.
[279] Philostr i. 17, vi. 11.
[280] Philostr. i. 7.
[281] Ibid. i. 8.
[282] Ibid. i. 13.
[283] Ibid. i. 14, 15.
[284] Brucker, vol. ii. p. 104.
[285] Philostr. i. 16.
[286] See Olear. præfat. ad vitam. As he died, U.C. 849, he is usually considered to have lived to a hundred. Since, however, here is an interval of almost twenty years in which nothing important happens, in a part also of his life unconnected with any public events to fix its chronology, it is highly probable that the date of his birth is put too early. Philostratus says that accounts varied, making him live eighty, ninety, or one hundred years; see viii. 29. See also ii. 12, where, by some inaccuracy, he makes him to have been in India twenty years before he was at Babylon.—Olear. ad locum et præfat. ad vit. The common date of his birth is fixed by his biographer's merely accidental mention of the revolt of Archelaus against the Romans, as taking place before Apollonius was twenty years old; see i. 12.
[287] Philostr. i. 19.
[288] Philostr. i. 27-41.
[289] Ibid. ii. 1-40. Brucker, vol. ii. p. 110.
[290] Ibid. iii. 51.
[291] Ibid. iv. 1. Acts xiii. 8; see also Acts viii. 9-11, and xix. 13-16.
[292] Ibid. iv. 11, et seq.
[293] When denied at the latter place he forced his way in.—Philostr. viii. 19.
[294] Ibid. iv. 35. Brucker (vol. ii. p. 118) with reason thinks this prohibition extended only to the profession of magic.
[295] Ibid. iv. 40, etc.
[296] Brucker, vol. ii. p. 120.
[297] Philostr. v. 10.
[298] Astrologers were concerned in Libo's conspiracy against Tiberius, and punished. Vespasian, as we shall have occasion to notice presently, made use of them in furthering his political plans.—Tacit. Hist. ii. 78. We read of their predicting Nero's accession, the deaths of Vitellius and Domitian, etc. They were sent into banishment by Tiberius, Claudius, Vitellius, and Domitian. Philostratus describes Nero as issuing his edict on leaving the Capital for Greece, iv. 47. These circumstances seem to imply that astrology, magic, etc, were at that time of considerable service in political intrigues.
[299] Philostr. v. ii, etc.
[300] Ibid. v. 20, etc.
[301] Philostr. v. 27.
[302] Tacitus relates, that when Vespasian was going to the Serapeum, ut super rebus imperii consuleret, Basilides, an Egyptian, who was at the time eighty miles distant, suddenly appeared to him; from his name the emperor drew an omen that the god sanctioned his assumption of the Imperial power.—Hist. iv. 82. This sufficiently agrees in substance with the narrative of Philostratus to give the latter some probability. It was on this occasion that the famous cures are said to have been wrought.
[303] As Egypt supplied Rome with corn, Vespasian by taking possession of that country almost secured to himself the Empire.—Tacit. Hist. ii. 82, iii. 8. Philostratus insinuates that he was already in possession of supreme power, and came to Egypt for the sanction of Apollonius. Την μἑν αρχἡν κεκτημἑνος διαλεξὁμενος δε τω ανδρἱ. v. 27.
[304] Philostr. v. 31.
[305] Brucker, vol. ii. p. 566, etc.
[306] Philostr. v. 37, he makes Euphrates say to Vespasian, Φιλοσοφἱαν ω βασιλεὑ, τησ μἑς κατἁ φὑσιν ἑχαινες και ασπἁζουν την δἑ θεοκλυτευ φἁσκουσαν παιραιτου καταψευδὁμενοι γαρ του θεἱου πολλα και ανοἡτα ἡμας επαἱρουσι. See Brucker; and Apollon. Epist. 8.
[307] Ibid. vi. 1, etc.
[308] Philostr. vi. 29, etc.
[309] Ibid. vii. 1, etc., see Brucker, vol. ii. p. 128.
[310] Ibid. viii. 5, 6, etc. On account of his foretelling the pestilence he was honoured as a god by the Ephesians, vii. 21. Hence this prediction appeared in the indictment.
[311] Euseb. in Hier. 41.
[312] Perhaps his causing the writing of the indictment to vanish from the paper, when he was brought before Tigellinus, may be an exception, as being the alleged cause of his acquittal. In general, however, no consequence follows from his marvellous actions: e. g. when imprisoned by Domitian, in order to show Damis his power, he is described as drawing his leg out of the fetters, and then—as putting it back again, vii. 38. A great exertion of power with apparently a small object.
[313] Philostr. viii. 8, 9.
[314] Ibid. viii. 15.
[315] Philostr. viii. 27.
[316] Ibid. viii. 30.
[317] Ibid. i. 5. viii. 29.
[318] A coin of Hadrian's reign is extant with the inscription, which seems to run Τὑανα ιερἁ ἁσυλος αυρὁνομος. Olear. ad Philostr. viii. 31.
[319] See Bayle, Art. Apollonius; and Brucker.
[320] Bishop Lloyd considers them spurious, but Olearius and Brucker show that there is good reason from internal evidence to suppose them genuine. See Olear. Addend. ad præfat. Epistol.; and Brucker, vol. ii. p. 147.
[321] Apollonius continued at Ephesus, Smyrna, etc., from A.D. 50 to about 59, and was at Rome from A.D. 63 to 66. St. Paul passed through Ionia into Greece A.D. 53, and was at Ephesus A.D. 54, and again from A.D. 56 to 58; he was at Rome in A.D. 65 and 66, when he was martyred.
[322] Lucian and Apuleius speak of him as if his name were familiar to them. Olear. præf. ad Vit.
[323] In Hierocl. 5.
[324] Inst. v. 3.
[325] See Bayle, Art. Apollonius; and Cudworth, Intell. Syst. iv. 14.
[326] Philostr. viii. 19, 20.
[327] See Eusebius, Vopiscus, Lampridius, etc., as quoted by Bayle.
[328] See Brucker on this point, vol. ii. p. 141, who refers to various authors. Eusebius takes a more sober view of the question, allowing the substance of the history, but disputing the extraordinary parts. See in Hierocl. 5 and 12.
[329] Most of them are imitations of the miracles attributed to Pythagoras.
[330] See Philostr. i. 4, 5, viii. 30, 31. He insinuates (Cf. viii. 29 with 31), that Apollonius was taken up alive. See Euseb. 8.
[331] Philostr. iv. 3, 16, 20, 25, 44, v. 42, vi. 43, vii. 38.
[332] Ibid. i. 12, iv. 24, 43, 11-13, 18, 30, vi. 3, 32.
[333] Ibid. iv. 10.
[334] Vit. iv. 45; Cf. Mark v. 29, etc.; Luke vii. 16; also John xi. 41-43; Acts iii. 4-6. In the sequel, the parents offer him money, which he gives as a portion to the damsel. See 2 Kings v. 15, 16 [4 Kings], and other passages in Scripture.
[335] Lib. 67.
[336] Hist. 67.
[337] Vit. viii. 26.
[338] Philostr. v. 12; in i. 2, he associates Democritus, a natural philosopher, with Pythagoras and Empedocies. See viii. 7, § 8, and Brucker, vol. i. p. 1108, etc., and p. 1184.
[339] In his apology before Domitian, he expressly attributes his removal of the Ephesian pestilence to Hercules, and makes this ascription the test of a divine philosopher as distinguished from a magician, viii. 7, § 9, ubi vid. Olear.
[340] Vid. viii, 7, § 9. See also ii. 37, vi. 11, viii. 5.
[341] Philostr. i. 2, and Olear. ad loc. note 3, iv. 44, v. 12, vii. 39, viii. 7; Apollon. Epist. 8 and 52; Philostr. Proœm. vit. Sophist.; Euseb. in Hier. 2; Mosheim, de Simone Mago, Sec. 13. Yet it must be confessed that the views both of the Pythagoreans and Eclectics were very inconsistent on this subject. Eusebius notices several instances of γοητεἱα in Apollonius's miracles; in Hierocl. 10, 28, 29, and 31. See Brucker, vol. ii. p. 447. At Eleusis, and the Cave of Triphonius, Apollonius was, as we have seen, accounted a magician, and so also by Euphrates, Mœragenes, Apuleius, etc. See Olear. Præf. ad vit. p. 33; and Brucker, vol. ii. p. 136, note k.
[342] See Mosheim, Dissertat. de turbatâ Ecclesiâ, etc., Sec. 27.
[343] See Quæst. ad Orthodox 24 as quoted by Olearius, in his Preface, p. 34.
[344] Eusebius calls it θεἱα τις αρρἡτος σοφἱα in Hierocl. 2. In iii. 41, Philostratus speaks of the κλἡσεις αις θεοἱ χαἱρουσι, the spells for evoking them, which Apollonius brought from India; Cf. iv. 16, and in iv. 20 of the τεκμἡριον used for casting out an Evil Spirit.
[345] Ει τε σπωθἡρα της ψυχης εὑρεν εν αὑτη, etc.
[346] Douglas (Criterion, p. 387, note), observes that some heretics affirmed that our Lord rose from the dead φαντασἱωδως, only in appearance, from an idea of the impossibility of a resurrection.
[347] Apollon. Epist. 17.
[348] Vid. Rom. xv. 69; 1 Cor. ii. 4; 2 Cor. xii. 2, and Acts passim.
[349] See Epist. 1, 2, etc., 11, 44; the last-mentioned addressed to his brother begins, "What wonder, that, while the rest of mankind think me godlike, and some even a god, my own country alone hitherto ignores me, for whose sake especially I wished to distinguish myself, when not even to you, my brother, as I perceive, has it become clear how much I excel this race of men in my doctrine and my life?"—Epist. ii. 44, vid. also i. 2. He does not say "in supernatural power." Cf. John xii. 37: "But though He had done so many miracles before them, yet they believed not in Him."
[350] Epist. 68. Claudius, in a message to the Tyanæans, Epist. 53, praises him merely as a benefactor to youth.
[351] Philostr. vi. 11. See Euseb. in Hierocl. 26, 27.
[352] Hence the first of the charges brought against him by Domitian was the strangeness of his dress.—Philostr. viii. 5. By way of contrast, Cf. 1 Cor. ii. 3, 4; 2 Cor. x. 10.
[353] Philostr. iv. 1. See also i. 19, 21, iv. 17, 20, 39, vii. 31, etc., and i. 10, 12 etc.
[354] Brucker, vol. ii. p. 144.
[355] Brucker supposes that, as in the case of Alexander, gain was his object; but we seem to have no proof of this, nor is it necessary thus to account for his conduct. We discover, indeed, in his character, no marks of that high enthusiasm which would support him in his whimsical career without any definite worldly object; yet the veneration he inspired, and the notice taken of him by great men, might be quite a sufficient recompense to a conceited and narrow mind.
[356] Cf. also Acts xx. 22, 23; xxi. 4, 11-14.
[357] Philostr. i. 8, 11, iv. 36, 38, 44, vii. 34, viii. 5, 11.
[358] See the description of his raising the Roman maid as above given. Or take again the account of his appearance to Damis and Demetrius at Puteoli, after vanishing from Court, viii. 12; in which there is much incautious agreement with Luke xxiv. 14-17, 27, 29, 32, 36-40. Also more or less in the following: vii. 30, init. and 34, fin. with Luke xii. 11, 12; iii. 38, with Matt. xvii. 14, etc., where observe the contrast of the two narratives: viii. 30, fin. with Acts xii. 7-10: iv. 44, with John xviii. 33, etc.: vii. 34, init. with Mark xiv. 65: iv. 34, init. with Acts xvi. 8-10: i. 19, fin. with Mark vii. 27, 28. Brucker and Douglas notice the following in the detection of the Empusa: 916()#;ακρὑοντι εὡκει το φἁσμα, και εδεἱτο μἡ βασανιζεω αὑτο, μηδἑ αναγκἁζεω ομολογεἱν οτι εἱν, iv. 25, Cf. Mark v. 7-9. Olearius compares an expression in vii. 30, with 1 Cor. ix. 9.
[359] E. G. his ambitious descriptions of countries, etc. In iv. 30, 32, v. 22, vi. 24, he ascribes to Apollonius regular Socratic disputations, and in vi. 11, a long and flowery speech in the presence of the Gymnosophists—modes of philosophical instruction totally at variance with the genius of the Pythagorean school, the Philosopher's Letters still extant, and the writer's own description of his manner of teaching, i. 17. Some of his exaggerations and mis-statements have been noticed in the course of the narrative. As a specimen of the rhetorical style in which the work is written, vid. his account of the restoration of the Roman damsel, Ὁ δἑ οὑδεν αλλ ἡ προσαψἁμενος αὑτἡς αφὑπνισε,—contrast this with the simplicity of the Scripture narrative. See also the last sentence of v. 17, and indeed passim.
[360] E. G. his accounts of Indian and Æthiopian monsters; of serpents whose eyes were jewels of magical virtue; of pygmies; of golden water; of the speaking tree; of a woman half white and half black, etc.; he incorporates in his narrative the fables of Ctesias, Agatharchidas, and other writers. His blunders in geography and natural philosophy may be added, as far as they arise from the desire of describing wonders, etc. See also his pompous description of the wonders of Babylon, which were not then in existence.—Prideaux, Connection, Part 1. Book viii. For his inconsistencies, see Eusebius and Brucker. It must be remembered, that in the age of Philostratus the composition of romantic histories was in fashion.
[361] See Brucker, vol. i. p. 992, vol. ii. p. 378. Apollonius was only one out of several who were set up by the Eclectics as rivals to Christ Brucker, vol. ii. p. 372. Mosheim, de turbatâ Ecclesiâ, etc. Secs. 25, 26.
[362] Philostr. i. 2, 3. He professes that his account contains much news. As to the sources, besides the journal of Damis, from which he pretends to derive his information, he neither tells us how he met with them, nor what they contained; nor does he refer to them in the course of his history. On the other hand (as we have above noticed), much of the detail of Apollonius's journey is derived from the writings of Ctesias, etc.
[363] Vid. British Magazine, 1832, etc. And Froude's Remains, part II, vol. ii.
[364] Vid. 2 [4] Kings vi. 32.
[365] The Arian bishop, who had lately come from the East to Milan, had taken the name of Auxentius, the heretical predecessor of Ambrose.
[366] Gibbon, Hist. ch. 27.
[367] The Oxford translation of 1837 is used in the following extracts.
[368] [He allows of it in the Absence at the time of the Church's authoritative declaration concerning the particular question in debate. He would say, "There was no need of any Ecumenical Council to condemn Nestorius; he was condemned by Scripture and tradition already."—1872.]
[369] Gal. i. 8.
[370] 1 Cor. v. 11.
[371] 2 John 10, 11.
[372] This account is for the most part taken from Bishops Beveridge and Pearson.
[373] The Egyptian Meletius, from which this schism has its name, must not be confounded with Meletius of Antioch.
[374] The ἑκκλησιαστικὁν φρὁνημα.
[375] Vid. the parallel case of the Ignatian Epistles in the Author's Essas, vol. i, p. 266.