The Works of John Knox, Volume 2 (of 6)

by John Knox

INTRODUCTORY NOTICE TO BOOK FIFTH.

In the previous volume it has been shewn that the Four Books of The History of the Reformation in Scotland were written by Knox, between the years 1559 and 1566; and that these Books have reached us, as completed by himself, without being either mutilated or interpolated, except in the common printed editions of the work. But of the Fifth Book, no manuscript copy has been discovered; and although there may be sufficient reason to prevent us from ascribing its composition to the Scotish Reformer, there can be no doubt of the propriety of annexing it as a Supplement or Continuation of his History.

This Fifth Book relates to the progress of affairs in Scotland, from September 1564 to August 1567, when Queen Mary having been forced to abdicate the throne, the Earl of Murray was appointed Regent. It was first published in folio, in the year 1644, by David Buchanan, a person of literary distinction, of whom some account will be given in the Appendix to the present volume. The volume has this title:—

"The Historie of the Reformation of the Church of Scotland; Containing five Books: Together with some Treatises conducing to the History. Published by Authority. (Jerem. 5. 1.-2 Cor. 13. 8.) London, Printed by John Raworth, for George Thomason and Octavian Pullen, and are to be sold at the Signe of the Rose in Paul's Church-yard. MDCXLIV."

In the course of the same year, another edition, in quarto, appeared under a similar title:—"The Historie, &c. Printed at London for G. T. and O. P. And Re-Printed at Edinburgh by Robert Bryson, and are to be sold at his Shop at the Signe of Jona. 1644."

It is a mistake to suppose that this Edinburgh edition was a literal reprint. The greater portion of the volume is in fact so, insomuch that the words and letters in most of the lines correspond in the two editions; still there are some changes which it is not improbable were introduced under Buchanan's immediate inspection. The Preface "To the Reader," in which the Editor "D. B." says, "I have thought fit in this place to point at some main occurrences from that time (1567) till now," remains unaltered. But "The Life of John Knox," which fills eight pages in the folio edition, is extended as "The Life and Death of John Knox," in the quarto, to twenty-two pages, including "An Acrostick" (8 lines), and 16 lines in the shape of an altar, "To the pretious memorie of John Knox, that worthie Primitive-Reformer in the Church of Scotland," signed "J. L." The historical "Preface," relating to the earlier people and religion of Scotland, filling thirty leaves in the folio, and thirty-two leaves in the quarto edition, contains no alterations. Neither are there any of importance, until we reach the close of Book Fourth, where four paragraphs are added, two of them being transposed from the commencement of Book Fifth. Other additions occur towards the latter part of Book Fifth. And in the subjoined Treatises, there is added Knox's "Brief Exhortation," dated from Geneva, 12th January 1557.

The passage in Buchanan's Life of John Knox, in which he speaks of the History Of The Reformation, is worthy of notice. After mentioning Knox's education and earnest study of the Holy Scriptures, he refers to his sufferings, and says, "For the cause of the truth, he suffered very much by sea and land, in minde and body; among forraigners, and amongst his own countreymen, as ye may see in this History of the Church, which now here we present unto you: Which History, namely so much of it, I mean, as formerly was published, hath gone commonly under his name, because he is the man of whom most is spoken thorowout the whole History, as being a most earnest and diligent agent in the businesse of the Reformation in the Church: Next, because he hath penned with his own hand, or spoken by word of mouth, the most part of the most remarkable and most usefull things for Posterity in the History. Thirdly, the whole History is gathered out of his Papers and Manuscripts: And so ye see why it is generally received to be of John Knox. But to return to his Life," &c.

In the Edinburgh edition, this reference to the History is altered as follows:—after mentioning that Knox "was honoured to be one of the prime publike actors in that worthy worke of our Primitive Reformation," Buchanan says, "And because some singular fruit, more then ordinare, is expected from him who hes some singular enduements, more then ordinar: Therefore, to shew to the world how farre his thoughts were bussied upon the good of Posteritie, and how little he did live to himselfe, he brought out of the intrals of actions many choise and worthie secrets, as the laudable travels of his pious and judicious minde, the truth whereof is evidentlie apparent throughout the whole progresse of this Church-Historie, which may justly bee published and sent abroad under his name, because the most part thereof hath either been penned with his owne hand, or spoken and uttered by the word of his mouth, or gathered and collected out of his Papers and Manuscripts. His Historicall relations are without partialitie. Hee hated no man's person, no not the enemie but his sin. And therefore I hope his unpartiall expressions shall be unseasonable to no good man, be hee never so great. Wearie not then in reading, but adventure your patience as he hes done his paines, and I doubt not, but in each particular, you shall get such a full and satisfactorie information of the truth, that you shall not afterward need to strike fire, and light your candle at another man's Torch. But to returne to his Life," &c.

In regard to the authorship of this Fifth Book, the minute statement of facts, the occasional modes of expression, and the above declaration by the Editor, that "the whole History is gathered out of Knox's Papers and Manuscripts," are quite opposed to the general notion that it was written or even compiled by David Buchanan. Neither can we attribute it to Knox's Secretary, Richard Bannatyne, as the style is altogether unlike that of the "Journal of Transactions" from 1570 to 1573, which has been published under his name; and from which portions at least ought to be included in a collection of the Reformer's Works. This will form part of the concluding volume.

On this subject the Editor of 1732, after remarking, "It is not easy to give any tolerable account of the Fifth Book," says, "It seems probable that Mr. David Buchanan himself is the author of it: perhaps he was beholden to Mr. Knox's scrolls, but I wish he had carefully distinguished Mr. Knox's composure from his own, and forborn his interpolations in the body of the History, which is a liberty no person ought to take with any Author.... The Editors, (it is added;) have given the Fifth Book as Mr. Buchanan has published it, and leave it to the Reader to value it as he finds cause." But these Editors have taken an unusual liberty, which they have not specified, in altering the language to correspond to the more antiquated orthography of the Glasgow MS. of the Four Books. In the present edition, the text is given from that of London, 1644.

Although persuaded that the Fifth Book has been chiefly derived from Knox's papers by some unknown hand, yet, as it has no well-founded claims to be regarded as A WORK OF ORIGINAL AUTHORITY, like the previous Books, I have not thought it necessary to devote much time to its elucidation by encumbering the pages with foot-notes; and the more so, as the period of three years which it embraces, has been so fruitful in controversy, and has obtained a much larger share of literary investigation than perhaps any other period of our National History.

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There be two Epigrams extant, written by George Buchanan, of a rich diamond sent from Queen Mary to Queen Elizabeth.[1056]

In the next moneth, which was July, the Queen went into Athole to the hunting; and from thence she made her progress into Murray, and returned to Fyfe in September.[1057] All this while there was appearance of love and tender friendship betwixt the two Queens; for there was many letters full of civility and complements sent from either of them to the other in signe of amity; besides costly presents for tokens. And in the meantime the Earl of Lenox[1058] laboured to come home forth of England; and in the moneth of October he arrived at Halyrud-House, where he was graciously received by the Queen's Majestie; namely, when he had presented the Queen of England her letters, written in his favour: And because he could not be restored to his lands without Act of Parliament, therefore there was a Parliament procured to be holden at Edinburgh, the 13. day of December:[1059] But before the Queen would cause to proclaim a Parliament, she desired the Earle of Murray, by whose means chiefly the said Earle of Lenox came into Scotland, That there should no word be spoken, or at least concluded, that concerned Religion in the Parliament. But he answered, That he could not promise it. In the mean time, the Hamiltons and the Earle of Lenox were agreed.[1060]

At the day appointed, the Parliament was held at Edinburgh, where the said Earle of Lenox was restored, after two and twenty years exile: He was banished, and forfeited by the Hamiltons, when they had the rule. There were some Articles given in by the Church, especially for the abolishing of the Masse universally, and for punishment of vice; but there was little thing granted, save that it was Statute, That scandalous livers should be punished first by prison, and then publikely shewen unto the people with ignominy; but the same was not put in execution.

In the end of this moneth of December, the Generall Assembly of the Church was held at Edinburgh:[1061] many things were ordained for setling of the affairs of the Church.

In the end of January the Queen past to Fyfe,[1062] and visiting the Gentlemen's houses, was magnificently banquetted every where, so that such superfluity was never seen before within this Realme; which caused the wilde fowl to be so dear, that partridges were sold for a crown a piece. At this time was granted by an Act of Parliament, the confirmation of the feues of Church Lands, at the desire of divers Lords, whereof the Earle of Murray was chief. During the Queen's absence, the Papists of Edinburgh went down to the Chappell to hear Masse; and seeing there was no punishment, they waxed more bold: some of them thinking thereby to please the Queen, upon a certain Sunday in February, they made an Even-song of their own, setting two Priests on the one side of the quire, and one or two on the other side, with Sandy Stevin, Menstrall, (baptizing their children, and making marriages,) who, within eight days after, convinced of blasphemy, alleadging, That he would give no more credit to the New Testament than to a tale of Robin Hood,[1063] except it were confirmed by the Doctors of the Church. The said superstitious Even-song was the occasion of a great slander, for many were offended with it; which being by the Brethren declared to the Lords of the Privy Councell, especially to the Earle of Murray, who lamented the cause to the Queen's Majestie, shewing her what inconveniency should come if such things were suffered unpunished: And, after sharp reasoning, it was promised, That the like should not be done hereafter: The Queen also alleadged, That they were a great number; and that she could not trouble their conscience.

About the 20. of this moneth, arrived at Edinburgh, Henry Stewart, Lord Darnley;[1064] from thence he passed to Fyffe: And in the place of Weemes he was admitted to kisse the Queen's hand; whom she liked so well, that she preferred him before all others, as shall hereafter, God willing, be declared. Soon after, in the moneth of March, the Earle Bothwell arrived out of France; whereat the Earle of Murray was highly offended, because of the evil report made to him of the Lord Bothwell; and passing immediately to the Queen's Majestie, demanded of her, If it was her will, or by her advice, that he was come home; and seeing he was his deadly enemy, either he or the other should leave the countrey, and therefore desired that he might have justice. Her answer was, That seeing the Earle Bothwell was a nobleman, and had done her service, she could not hate him: Nevertheless she would do nothing that might be prejudiciall to the Erle of Murray, but desired that the matter might be taken away. Within few days she caused summon the Earle Bothwell to answer to the course of law the 2d of May, for the conspiracy which the Earle of Arrane had alledged two years before, and for the breaking of the ward of the Castle. In the meanwhile there was nothing in the Court but banquetting, balling, and dancing, and other such pleasures as were meet to provoke the disordered appetite; and all for the entertainment of the Queen's cousin from England, the Lord Darnley, to whom she did shew all the expressions imaginable of love and kindenesse.[1065]

Within few days, the Queen being at Sterlin, order was given to Secretary Lethington to pass to the Queen of England. The chief point of his message was, to declare to the Queen of England, That the Queen was minded to marry her cousin the Lord Darnley; and the rather, because he was so near of blood to both Queens: for by his mother, he was cousin-german to the Queen of Scotland, also of near kindred, and of the same name by his father: His mother was cousin-german to the Queen of England. Here mark God's providence: King James the Fifth having lost his two sons, did declare his resolution to make the Earle of Lenox his heir of the Crown; but he prevented by sudden death, that design ceased. Then came the Earle of Lenox from France, with intention to marry King James his widow; but that failed also: He marries Mary[1066] Dowglas, and his son marrieth Mary, King James the Fifth his daughter. And so the King's desire is fulfilled, to wit, The Crown continueth in the name and in the family. The Queen of England, nevertheless, shewed her self nothing pleased therewith, but rather declared, That she would in no wise suffer her subjects to make such contracts or alliance that might be prejudiciall to her; and for the same purpose sent a post to the Queen with letters, wherein she complained greatly of the mind of our Mistris, seeing the great affection she bare to her, intending to declare her heretrix of her Realme of England, providing only that she would use her counsell in marriage; but she could not approve her Marriage with the Lord Darnley, although he was their near cousin by birth, since he was below the rank of the Queen by condition, being but a private subject. At the same time she wrote to the Earle of Lenox, and to his son, commanding them to repair both into England. Some write, That all this was but counterfeit by the Queen of England, and from her heart she was glad of the marriage, for by that means the Succession of the Crown of England was secured, the Lord Darnley being the right heir after the Queen of Scotland: and Queen Elizabeth was not angry to see her married to one of inferior rank, for by that means she thought the Scots Queen would be less proud.

At this time an Italian named Davie, entered in great familiarity with the Queen so that there was nothing done without him.

During this time there were certain letters directed to the Brethren of Edinburgh, to Dundie, Fyfe, Angus, and Mernes, and other places, from the Brethren of Kyle, and other places in the West Countrey, desiring the professors of the Evangel in all places, to remember what the Eternall God had wrought, and how potently he had abolished all kind of idolatry and superstition, and placed his word in this Realm, so that no man could say otherwise but it was the work of God, who also had delivered this countrey from the bondage and tyranny of strangers: Nevertheless by our slothfulness, we have suffered that idol the Masse not only to be planted again, but to increase so, that the maintainers thereof are like, by all appearance, to get the upper hand, which would be the occasion of our destruction: And for that the Papists purposed to set up their idol at Easter following, in all places, which was to be imputed to the slothfulness and want of godly zeal of the professors. Therefore they admonished the Brethren to strive to avert the evil in time, and not to suffer such wickedness to continue and encrease, lest God's heavy wrath come upon us unawares like a consuming fire. By these letters many Brethren were animated, and their spirits wakened, minding to provide as God should give them grace. And first of all, by the advice of the most learned in Edinburgh, there was a Supplication made, and given to the Queen's Majestie by the Superintendent of Lowthian, containing, in effect, That the Church in generall of the Realme, had divers times most humbly craved of her Majesty, That committers of adultery should be punished according to the law of God and the Acts of Parliament, nevertheless they continued in their wickednes; and the Papists, of obstinate malice, pretended nothing else but to erect and set up their idolatry and superstition; and at Easter day following, they intended to put the same in practice, which the Brethren and Professors of the Evangel could not suffer; therefore wished her Majestie to take heed of the matter.

This Supplication the Secretary received of the hands of the Superintendents of Lowthian and Glasgow, and told them, in the Queen's name, That there should be such provision made as should serve to their contentment: And for the same purpose, the Queen's Majestie writ to all such places as were suspected, especially to the Bishop of Saint Andrewes and Aberdeine, (as was said,) not to use any Masse, and that they should not do any such thing as was feared by the Protestants, or convene any Councell, and thereto commanded them. Now the Communion was administred in Edinburgh, the 1st day of April 1565: At which time, because it was near Easter, the Papists used to meet at their Masse; and as some of the Brethren were diligent to search such things, they having with them one of the Bayliffs, took one Sir James Carvet, riding hard, as he had now ended the saying of the Masse, and conveyed him, together with the master of the house, and one or two more of the assistants, to the Tolbuith, and immediately revested him with all his garments upon him, and so carried him to the Market-Crosse, where they set him on high, binding the chalice in his hand, and himself fast tyed to the said Crosse, where he tarried the space of one hour; during which time the boyes served him with his Easter eggs. The next day following, the said Carvet, with his assistants, were accused and convinced by an assize, according to the Act of Parliament: And albeit for the same offence he deserved death, yet for all punishment, he was set upon the Market-Crosse for the space of three or four hours, the hangman standing by, and keeping him, the boyes and others were busie with eggs casting; and some Papists there were that stopped as far as they could: And as the presse of people encreased about the Crosse, there appeared to have been some tumult. The Provost, Archibald Dowglas, came with some Halberdiers, and carried the Priest safe againe to the Tolbuith. The Queen being advertised, and having received sinister information that the Priest was dead, suddenly thought to have used and inflicted some extreme punishment; for she thought that all this was done in contempt of her, and of her Religion; and it was affirmed, That the Towne should have been sacked, and a great number executed to death: she sent to such as she pleassed, commanding them to come to her at Edinburgh suddenly with their whole forces; and in the mean time she sent her Advocate, Master Spence of Condie, to Edinburgh, to take a sure triall of the matter. The Provost and Councell wrote to the Queen the truth of the matter as it was, desiring her Majestie to take the same in good part, and not to give credit to false reports, and therewith sent to her Majestie the processe and enrolment of the Court of the Priest convict. Thus the Queen's Majestie being informed of the truth by her said Advocate, sent againe, and stayed the said meeting of men, and sent to the Town a grave Letter, whereof the copie followeth:—

The Queen's Letter to the Provest, Bailiffe, and Councell
of Edinburgh.

"Provest, Bayliffe, and Councell of our Citie of Edinburgh, We received your letter from our Advocate, and understand by this report what diligence you took to stay the tumult in the late disorder attempted at Edinburgh; wherein, as you did your duty in suppressing the tumult, so can We not take in good part, nor think our self satisfied of so notorious a thing, without certain seditious persons, who were pleased to do justice perforce and without the Magistrates authoritie, be condignly and really punished for their rashnesse and misbehaviour; for if all private persons should usurpe to take vengeance at their own hands, what lies in ours? And to what purpose hath good laws and statutes been established? Since, therefore, We have never been obstinate to the due punishment of any offenders, prescribed by the lawes, but have alwayes maintained justice in that case without respect of persons, it is our will, and We command you, as you will answer to us upon your obedience and allegiance, that you will take before you certane of the most responsall persons which are declared authors of the said sedition, and usurpers of our authority, and to administer justice upon them, in such sort as We may know a sinceritie on your parts, and our authority no wayes slighted. But if you faile, perswade your selves, (and that shortly,) We will not oversee it, but will account this contempt not only to be in the committers thereof, but in yourselves, who ought to punish it, and relieve us on our part, remitting the rest to your diligence and execution, which We look for so soon as reason will permit.

"Subscribed with our hand at Sterlin, this 24. of April,
Anno 1565."

By this manner of writing and high threatning, may be perceived how grievously the Queen's Majestie would have been offended if the said Tarbot[1067] and Messe-monger had been handled according to his demerite, being not only a Papist idolater, but a manifest whoremaster, and a common fighter and blasphemer; nevertheless, within few dayes the Queen charged the Provest and Bailiffs to set him at libertie, commanding them further, that no man should trouble nor molest him in any sort for whatsoever cause, and soon after rewarded him with a benefice, and likewise his assisters, John Low and John Kennedie, set at libertie in the same manner. At this Easter-tyde, in Sterlin, the Queen made her domestick servants use Papisticall rites and ceremonies, and more, she perswaded others by faire means to do the same, and threatned those that were most constant at the Earle of Cassels house.

Upon the second day of May 1565, conveened at Edinburgh, the Earl of Murray with his friends in great numbers, to keepe the day of law against the Earle of Bothwell; who being called, appeared not, only the Laird of Rickerton protested, That the personall absence of the Earle Bothwell should not be prejudiciall to him, by reason, that for just fear, which might happen in the heart of any man, since he had so potent an enemy as the Lord of Murray, who, next the Queen's Majesty, was of greatest estimation and authority of any man within this Realm, to whom assisted at this present day of law, seven or eight hundred men, which force he could not resist, and therefore had absented himself; which protestation being made, those that had been sureties for his appearance, were outlawed. The said Earle Bothwell, a few dayes after, past into France, after he had been in Liddesdale, where, suspecting almost every man, he was not in great assurance of his life, notwithstanding he was not put to the horne; for the Queen continually bore a great favour towards him, and kept him to be a souldier, as appeared within lesse than half a year; for she would not suffer the Lord Morton, nor my Lord Ariskin, my Lord of Murray's great friends, to keep the day. There assisted my Lord of Murray, the Earles of Argyle, Glenearne, and Crawford, with great numbers, and many Lords and Barons, who for the most part conveened the same afternoon to treat and consult for the maintaining of Religion; where some articles were devised, and delivered to the Lord of Murray to be presented to the Queen's Majestie and Privie Councell; which articles were enlarged at the Generall Assembly following, as shall be declared.

In the meane time, as they were informed in Court of this great Assembly of people in Edinburgh, they were affraid, for naturally the Queen hated and suspected all such Conventions as were not in her own presence, and devised by her self. The chief Counsellors in the Court were the Earls of Lenox and Athole. The Queen writ incontinent for all the Lords to come to Sterlin, so soone as she was advertised that they had treated in Edinburgh of Religion; she writ likewise for the Superintendants and other learned men who went thither, and being there, they caused to keep the ports or gates, and make good watch about the towne. The speciall cause of this Convention was to give to the Lord Darnley title of honour, openly and solemnly, with consent of the Nobles, before the marriage.

The fourth day of May the Earle of Murray came to Sterlin, where he was well received by the Queen's Majestie, as appeared; and immediately, as he past with her to my Lord Darnley's chamber, they presented to him a contract, containing in effect, That forasmuch, as, or since, the Queen had contracted marriage with the Lord Darnley, and that therefore sundry Lords of the Nobilitie had under-written, ratified, and approved the same, and obliged themselves to grant unto him in full Parliament the Crowne Matrimoniall, (by a new Court solecisme in policie, the Crowne for the second time is surnamed Matrimoniall; before, when the Queen was first married, it was so called also,) to serve and obey him and her as their lawfull Soveraignes. The Queen desired my Lord Murray to subscribe, as many others had done before; which hee refused to do, "Because, (said he,) it is required necessarily that the whole Nobility be present, at least the principall, and such as he himself was posteriour unto, before that so grave a matter should be advised and concluded."

The Queen's Majesty no wayes content with this answer, insisted still upon him, saying, The greatest part of the Nobilitie were there present and content with the matter, wished him to be so much a Stewart, as to consent to the keeping of the Crown in the family, and the surname, according to their Father's will and desire, as was said of him a little before his death: But he still refused for the causes above written.

Now as the Lords were assembled, an Ambassadour from England, named Sir Nicholas Throckmorton,[1068] arrived at Sterlin, and in his company the Laird of Lethington; the Ambassador was at the Castle gate or ever they were aware; and as he stood there in the entry, he was desired to passe to his lodgings. The next day he had audience of the Queen, and was graciously received according to the dignity of his message. The whole summe of this his message was, to shew and declare to the Queen, how highly the Queen his mistris was offended with this precipitated marriage, and wondered what had moved her to take a man of inferiour rank and condition to her selfe: and therefore disswaded her therefrom. And specially desiring her most earnestly to send home her subjects, the Earle of Lennox and the Lord Darnley: but all in vaine; for the matter was well farre proceeded. In her heart Queen Elizabeth was not angry at this marriage; first, because if Queen Mary had married a foraign Prince, it had been an accesse to her greatnesse, and consequently she had been more redoubted by the other; next, both Harry and Mary were alike and in equall degree of consanguinitie unto her, the father of Mary and the mother of Harry being children to her Father's sister.

With many fair words the Queen let the Ambassadour depart, promising to do all she could to satisfie the Queen of England; and for the same purpose she would send an Ambassador to her.

The Earl of Murray seeing the other Nobles consent gave his, which before he refused.

In the meane time the Queen's marriage with the Lord Darnley was prepared and propounded in Councell, and the chief of the Nobilitie, such as the Duke, the Earles of Argyle, Murray, Glenearne, with the rest, granted freely to the same, providing that they might have the Religion established in Parliament, by the Queene, and the idolatrous Masse and Superstition abolished; shortly it was concluded, that they should convene again to Saint Johnstoun, where the Queen promised to take a finall order for Religion. The day was appointed, to wit, the last of May, at Perth: my Lord of Argile came too late. The Queen's Majestie communed with the Lords, who were very plain with her, saying, Except the Masse were abolished, there should be no quietnesse in the countrey. The twelfth day of May the Lord Darnley was belted, (that is, created) Earle of Rosse, with great solemnity, a belt or girdle being tyed about his waist or middle; and albeit all kinde of provision was made to make him Duke of Rothesay, yet at that time it came not to effect, albeit the crown and robe-royall were prepared to him for the same. For the entertainment of this triumph there were many Knights made, to the number of fourteen.[1069] The next day, which was the thirteenth of May, the Queen called for the Superintendants, by name John Willock, John Winram, and John Spotswood, whom she cherished with faire words, assuring them, that she desired nothing more earnestly than the glory of God, and satisfying of men's consciences, and the good of the Commonwealth; and albeit she was not perswaded in any Religion but in that wherein she was brought up, yet she promised to them that she would hear conference and disputation in the Scriptures: And likewise she would be content to hear publike preaching, but alwayes out of the mouth of such as pleased her Majestie; and above all others, she said, she would gladly hear the Superintendant of Angus, (for he was a mild and sweet natured man,) with true honesty and uprightnesse, John Ariskin[1070] of Dun.

Soon after the Queen past to Saint Johnston, after that she had directed Master John Hay,[1071] Prior of Monimusk, to passe to England, who sped at the Queen of England's hand, even as Sir Nicholas Throckmorton did in Scotland.

Before the day which was appointed for the meeting at Saint Johnston, my Lord of Murray, most carefull of the maintenance of Religion, sent to all the principall Churches, advertising them of the matter, and desiring them to advise, and send the most able men in learning and reputation, to keep the day; but their craft and dissimulation appeared, for the Dean of Restalrigge who lately arrived out of France,[1072] with others, such as Mr. John Lesley, Parson of Oyne,[1073] afterward Bishop of Rosse, caused the Queen to understand that thing whereof she was easily perswaded, to wit, That there ought to be given to all men libertie of conscience, and for this purpose to shun or put off the first day appointed. The Queen writ to the Nobility, That because she was informed that there was great meetings out of every shire and town in great number; and then the other partie, (so termed she the Papists,) were minded to gether to the said Convention, which should apparently make trouble or sedition, rather than any other thing; therefore she thought it expedient, and willed them to stay the said meetings, and to deferre the same till such a day that she should appoint with advice of her Councell. At this time there was a Parliament proclaimed to be held at Edinburgh the twentieth day of July. By this Letter, some of the Protestants having best judgement, thought themselves sufficiently warned of the inconveniences and troubles to come. Now her Councell at this time was only the Earles of Lenox and Athole, the Lord Ruthven, but chiefely David Rizio the Italian ruled all; yet the Earle of Rosse[1074] [was] already in greatest credit and familiarity.

These Letters were sent out to the Lords about the eight and twentieth day of May; and within twelve dayes thereafter, she directed new missives to the chief of the Nobility, desiring, or commanding them, to come to Saint Johnston the three and twentieth day of June following, to consult upon such things as concerned Religion, and other things, as her Majesty should propose; Which day was even the day before that the Generall Assembly should have been held in Edinburgh. This last Letter uttered the effect of the former; so that the Protestants thought themselves sufficiently warned. Always as the Earle of Murray was passing to Saint Johnston to have kept the said day, he chanced to fall sick of the fluxes in Lochleven, where he remained till the Queen came forth of Saint Johnston to Edinburgh, where the Generall Assembly of the whole Church of Scotland was held the four and twentieth day of July.[1075] The Earles of Argyle and Glencarne assisted the Church, with a great company of Lods, Barons, and others: It was there ordered and concluded, That certain Gentlemen, as Commissioners from the Church National, should passe to the Queen's Majestie, with certain Articles, to the number of six, desiring her most humbly to ratifie and approve the same in Parliament.

And because the said Articles are of great weight, and worthy of memory, I thought good to insert the same word by word.[1076]

Imprimis, That the Papisticall and blasphemous Masse, with all Papisticall idolatry, and Papall jurisdiction, be universally supprest and abolisht thorowout this Realme, not only in the subjects, but also in the Queen's own person, with punishment against all persons that should be deprehended to transgresse and offend in the same: And that the sincere word of God, and Christ's true Religion, now at this present received, be established, approved, and ratified, thorowout the whole Realme, as well in the Queen's own person as in the subjects: And that the people be [astricted] to resort upon the Sundays at the least, to the prayers and preaching of God's word, even as they were before to the idolatrous Masse: And these Heads to be provided by Act of Parliament, and ratified by the Queen's Majesty.

Secondly, That [sure] provision be made for sustentation of the Ministry, as well for the time present, as the time to come: And that such persons as are presently admitted to the Ministry, may have their livings assigned unto them, in places where they travell in their calling, or at least next adjacent thereto: And that the Benefices now vacant, or hath been vacant since the month of March 1558, or that hereafter shall happen to be vacant, be disponed to qualified and learned persons, able to preach God's Word, and discharge the vocation concerning the Ministry, by tryall and admission of the Superintendents and Overseers: And that no Benefice or Living, having many Churches annexed thereunto, be disponed altogether in any time to come, to any [one] man, but at the least the Churches thereof be severally disponed, and that to severall persons; so that every man having charge may serve at his own church according to his vocation: And to that effect, likewise the Gleebs and the Manses be given to the Ministers, that they may make residency at their Churches, whereby they may discharge their consciences according to their vocation; and also, that the Kirks may be repaired accordingly; and that a law be made and established hereupon by Act of Parliament, as said is.

Thirdly, That none be permitted to have charge of Souls, [Schools,] Colledges, or Universities, neither privately or publickly to teach and instruct the youth, but such as shall be tried by the Superintendents or Visitors of churches, and found sound and able in doctrine, and admitted by them to their charges.

Fourthly, For the Sustentation of the Poor, That all lands founded for hospitality of old be restored again to the same use; and that all lands, annual-rents, or any other emoluments, pertaining any ways sometimes to the Friers, of whatsoever Order they had been of; as likewise the annuities, alterages, obits, and other duties pertaining to Priests, to be applied to the sustentation of the poor, and uphold of the town-schools in towns, and other places where they lie.

Fifthly, That such horrible crimes as now abound within this Realme, without any correction, to the great contempt of God and his Word; such as Idolatry, blasphemie of God's name, manifest breaking of the Sabbath-day, witchcraft, sorcery, inchantment, adultery, manifest whoredome, maintenance of bordals, murther, slaughter, oppression, with many other detestable crimes, may be severely punished; and Judges appointed in every province and diocesse, for execution thereof, with power to do the same, and that by Act of Parliament.

Lastly, That some order be devised and established for ease of the poor labourers of the ground, concerning the [un]reasonable payment of the tythes, who are oppressed by the leasers of the tythes set over their heads, without their own consent and advice.

The persons who were appointed by the Church to carry these Articles, and present them to the Queen's Majestie, were the Lairds of Cunninghamhead, Lundie, Spot, and Grange of Angus, and James Baron for the Broughs:[1077] These five past from Edinburgh to Saint Johnston, where they presented the said Articles to the Queen's Majestie, desiring and requiring her Highnesse most humbly to advise therewith, and to give them answer. The next day, ere they were aware, the Queen departed to Dunkeld, and immediately they followed; and after they had gotten audience, they desired the Queen's Majestie most humbly to give their dispatch. She answered, That her Councell was not there present, but she intended to be in Edinburgh within eight dayes, and there they should receive their answer.

At the same time, as the Generall Assembly was holden in Edinburgh, the Brethren perceiving the Papists to brag, and trouble like to be, they assembled themselves at Saint Leonard's Craig,[1078] where they concluded they would defend themselves; and for the same purpose, elected eight persons of the most able, two of every quarter, to see that the Brethren should be ready armed.

And when the five Commissioners above named had waited upon the Court four or five days after her Majesties coming to Edinburgh, there the matter was proposed in Councell: And after long and earnest reasoning upon these Articles, at length it was answered to the Commissioners by the Secretary, That the Queen's Majesties command was, That the matter should be reasoned in her presence; which for the gravitie of the same, there could nothing be concluded at that time, albeit the Queen's Majestie had heard more in that matter then ever she did before: But within eight days thereafter, she understood that a great part of the Nobilitie should be present in Edinburgh, where they should have a final answer.

At length, the one and twentieth of August, they received the answer in writing in her presence, according to the tenour hereof, as followeth:—

The Queen's Majesties Answer to the Articles presented to Her Highnesse, by certain Gentlemen, in the Name of the whole Assemblie of the Church.

To the first, Desiring the Masse to be suppressed and abolished, as well in the head as in the members, with punishment against the contraveners; as also, the Religion professed to be Established by Act of Parliament: It was answered first, for her Majesties part, That her Highness is no way yet perswaded in the said Religion, nor yet that any impiety is in the Masse; and therefore believeth, that her loving subjects will not press her to receive any Religion against her conscience, which should be unto her a continuall trouble by remorse of conscience, and therewith a perpetuall unquietness. And to deal plainly with her subjects, her Majesty neither will nor may leave the Religion wherein she hath been nourished and brought up, and believeth the same to be well-grounded; knowing, besides the grudge of conscience that she should receive, upon the change of her own Religion, that she should lose the friendship of the King of France, the married Allia of this Realme, and of other great Princes her friends and confederates, who would take the same in evil part, and of whom she may look for their great support in all her necessities. And having no assured consideration that may countervail the same, she will be loth to put in hazard all her friends at an instant; praying all her loving subjects, seeing they have had experience of her goodness, that she hath neither in times past, not yet intends hereafter, to press the conscience of any [man,] but that they may worship God in such sort, as they are preswaded in their conscience to be best, that they will also not presse her conscience.

As to the establishing of Religion in the body of the Realme, they themselves know, as appears by their Articles, that the same cannot be done only by consent of her Majestie, but requires necessarily the consent of the [three] States in Parliament; and therefore so soon as the Parliament holds, those things which the [three] States agree upon amongst themselves, her Majestie shall consent unto the same; and in the mean time shall make sure, that no man be troubled for using [themselves in] religion according to conscience; so that no man shall have cause to doubt, that for religion's sake men's lives and heritage shall be in any hazard.

To the second Article, it is answered, That her Majestie thinks it no wayes reasonable, that she should defraud her self of so great a part of the patrimony of the Crowne, as to put the Patronage of Benefices forth of her own hands; for her owne necessity in bearing of her port and common charges will require the retention thereof, and that in a good part, in her owne hands: Neverthelesse her Majestie is well pleased, that consideration being bad of her owne necessity, and what may be sufficient for [her, and for] the reasonable sustentation of the Ministers, a speciall assignation he made to them in places most commodious and meet: with which her Majesty shall not meddle, but suffer the same to come to them.

To the third Article, it is answered, That her Majestie shall do therein as shall be agreed by the States in Parliament.

To the fourth Article, Her Majesties liberality towards the poore shall alwayes be so far extended, as can be reasonably required at her hands.

To the fifth and sixth Articles, Her Majesty will refer the taking order therein unto the States assembled in Parliament.[1079]

As the Queen's Majestie came from Saint Johnston, over Forth to the Callender, she was conveyed to the water side of Forth with two hundred spears: For at that time it was bruted, that there was some lying in wait at the Path of Dron.[1080] In the mean time the Earle of Murray was in Lochlevin, and the Earle of Argyle with him. Now in the Callender[1081] the Lord Levingston had desired the Queen's Majestie to be witnesse to the christning of a child; for his Lady was lately delivered and brought to bed: And when the Minister made the sermon and exhortation concerning baptisme, the Queen's Majestie came in the end, and said to the Lord Levingston, "That she would shew him that favour that she had not done to any other before;" that is, that she would give her presence to the Protestant sermon, which was reckoned a great matter.

The Queen being in the Callender, was informed both by word and letters by false brethren, That a great part of the Protestants of Edinburgh had lately convened upon Saint Leonard's Craigs, and there made a conspiration against her; and had chosen for the same purpose certain Captains to governe the rest: And without any tryall, or perfect notice taken in the case, she sent to the Provest and Bayliffs of Edinburgh, commanding them to take and apprehend Alexander Guthrie, Alexander Clerke, Gilbert Lawder, and Andrew Sclater, and put them in prison in the Castle.[1082]

This new and unaccustomed fashion of proceeding seemed to be very strange: And because the said four persons were not apprehended, she sent the next day a charge to the Provest and Bayliffs, and to her owne great Treasurer, to passe to the houses of the said foure men, and likewise to their booths or shops, and there to take inventory of all their goods and chattells; and commanded the said Treasurer to take the keyes of the said houses and booths, together with the said inventory; which was executed in effect, especially upon the said Alexander Guthrie his wife, he being then common Clerke, and one of the greatest in estimation within the towne: his wife and children were shut out of their house, and compelled to seek some other lodging in the town.

By this manner of proceeding, the hearts of all men of spirit and judgement were wonderfully abashed and wounded, seeing and perceiving these things so furiously handled upon sinister and wrong information, men never called to their answer, nor heard, nor any triall taken therein. Immediately thereafter, as she came to Edinburgh, she called to counsell such as pleased her Majestie, and there complains of the said matter, alleadging it to be a conspiracy and manifest treason. And another matter likewise was complained upon, that the Earle of Argile (as the Queen was surely informed,) was riding with a great army to invade the Earle of Athole and his lands. For the first matter it was concluded by the Councell, that diligent inquisition should be made in the matter, and to that purpose appointed the Queen's Advocates, Master John Spence of Condie,[1083] and Master Robert Crichton, to examine such as they would; and when the said Advocates had called before them, and examined a sufficient number, and their depositions subscribed and delivered to the Queen, there was nothing found worthy of death nor treason: At length the said four persons were summoned to answer at law.

For the [other] matter, That the Queen's Majestie should send to the Earles of Argyle and Athole some of her Councell or familiar servants to take order touching it.[1084] And when the Secretary, the Justice Clarke, and Lord of Saint Colme[1085] had past to the said Earl of Argyle, they found no such thing; but in Athole there was great fear come of a sudden fray; for after many proclamations, the Fire-crosse (which they made use of in lieu of beacons) was raised in Athole.

Now as the day of Parliament approached, the Lords pretending to consult before what should be done, as well in Religion, as for the Commonwealth, the fifteenth day of July there convened at Sterlin the Duke, the Earles of Argyle, and Murray, Rothes, and other Lords and Barons; and as they were devising and consulting, the Queen's Majesty taking their meeting in evill part, sent her Advocates, Master John Spence and Master [Robert] Crichton, to them at Sterlin, requiring the cause of their meeting. They answered, That the speciall occasion of their meeting was for the cause of Religion and the assurance thereof, according as they had lately written to the Queen's Majesty in Seaton from the town of Edinburgh, they desiring then to prorogate the day.

Finally, when the said Advocates could by no means perswade them to come to Edinburgh, they returned again to Edinburgh, and declared to the Queen's Majestie according as they had found.

In the mean time the Parliament was prorogated at the Queen's Majesties command to the first of September next after following; for it was thought, that the least part and principall of the chief Nobility being absent, there could no Parliament be holden: at the same time the Queen's Majestie perceiving that the matter was already come to a maturity and ripenesse, so that the minds and secrecy of men's hearts must needs be disclosed, she wrote to a great number of Lords, Barons, Gentlemen, and others that were nearest in Fife, Angus, Lowthian, Mers, Tevidale, Perth, Lithgow, Clidsdall, and others to resort to her, in this form of words hereafter following:—

The Queen's Letter.

"Trusty friend, We greet you well: We are grieved indeed by the evill bruite spread amongst our lieges, as that we should have molested any man in the using of his Religion and conscience freely, a thing which never entred into our minde; yet since we perceive the too easie beleeving such reports hath made them carelesse, and so we think it becomes us to be carefull for the safety and preservation of our State; wherefore we pray you most affectionately, that with all possible haste, (after the receipt of this our Letter,) you with your kindred, friends, and whole force, well furnished with armes for warre, be provided for, fifteen dayes after your coming, addresse you to come to us, to write and attend upon us, according to our expectation and trust in you, as you will thereby declare the good affection you bear to the maintenance of our authoritie, and will do us therein acceptable service.

Subscribed with Our hand at Edinburgh, the seventeenth day of July, 1565."

There was likewise Proclamation made in Edinburgh, That the Queen minded not to trouble nor alter the Religion; and also Proclamations made in the Shires above mentioned, for the same purpose, That all freeholders and other gentlemen should resort, (in the aforesaid manner,) to Edinburgh, where the Earl of Rosse was made Duke of Rothesay, with great triumph, the 23rd day of July. The same afternoon the Queen complained grievously upon the Earl of Murray, in open audience of all the Lords and Barons; and the same day the bans of the Earl of Rosse and Duke of Rothesay and the Queen's marriage were proclaimed. About this time the Lord Arskin was made Earl of Marre. In the mean time there were divers messages sent from the Queen's Majestie to the Lord of Murray, first, Master Robert Crichton, to perswade him by all means possible to come and resort to the Queen's Majestie: His answer was, That he would be glad to come to her self, according to his bounden duty; yet for as much as such persons as were most privie in her company were his capitall enemies, who also had conspired his death, he could no wayes come so long as they were in Court.

Soon after my Lord Erskin, and the Master Maxwell, past to him to St. Andrews, rather suffered and permitted by the Queen, then sent by her Highness; after them the Laird of Dun, who was sent by the means of the Earl of Mar; but all this did not prevail with him; and when all hope of his coming was past, an herald was sent to him, charging him to come to the Queen's Majesty, and answer to such things as should be laid to his charge, within eight and fourty hours next after the charge, under pain of rebellion; and because he appeared not the next day after the eight and fourty hours, he was denounced rebell, and put to the horne. The same order they used against the Earl of Argyle; for the Queen said she would serve him and the rest with the same measure they had mete to others, meaning the said Argyle.

In the mean while, as the fire was well kindled and enflamed, all means and ways were sought to stir up enemies against the chief Protestants that had been lately at Sterlin; for the Earl of Athole was ready bent against the Earl of Argyle: the Lord Lindesay against the Earl Rothesse in Fyfe, they both being Protestants; for they had contended now a long time for the heir ship of Fyfe: And that no such thing should be left undone, the Lord Gordon,[1086] who now had remained neer three yeers in prison in Dumbar, was, after some little travell of his friends, received by the Queen; and being thus received into favour, was restored first to the Lordship of Gordon, and soon after to the Erldom of Huntley, and to all his lands, honours, and dignities, that he might be a bar and a party in the North to the Earl of Murray.

The Dispensation being come from Rome for the Marriage: Before which, according to the Romish law, it was unlawful to marry, being Cousin-Germans, brother and sister's children, and so the degree of consanguinity forbidden.

The 28. of July,[1087] late in the evening, neer an hour after the sun's going down, there was a Proclamation made at the Market-Cross of Edinburgh, containing in effect:

"That forasmuch as at the will and pleasure of Almighty God, the Queen had taken to her husband a right excellent illustrious Prince, Harry Duke of Rothesay, Earl of Rosse, Lord Darnley, Therefore it was her will, that he should be holden and obeyed, and reverenced as King: Commanding all letters and proclamations to be made in the names of Henry and Mary in times coming."

The next day following, at six hours in the morning, they were married[1088] in the Chappell Royall of Halyrud-House, by the Dean of Restalrig; the Queen being all clothed in mourning: But immediately, as the Queen went to Masse, the King not with her, but to his pastime. During the space of three or four days, there was nothing but balling, and dancing, and banquetting.
of Halyrudhous, at sex houris
in the mornyng, be Mr. Johne Sinclare, Deane of Restalrig, wilh greit magnificence, accompanyit with the haill Nobilitie of this Realme." (Diurnal of Occurrents, p. 80.)

In the mean time, the Earl Rothesse, the Laird of Grange, the Tutor of Pitcur, with some gentlemen of Fyfe, were put to the horne, for non-appearance; and immediately the swash, tabron, and drums were stricken or beaten, for men of war to serve the King and Queen's Majestie, and to take their pay. This sudden alteration and hasty creation of Kings, moved the hearts of a great number.

Now, amongst the people there were divers bruits; for some alleadged, That the cause of this alteration was not for Religion, but rather for hatred, envie of sudden promotion or dignity, or such worldly causes: But they that considered the progress of the matter, according as is heretofore declared, thought the principall cause to be only for Religion.

In this mean time, the Lords past to Argyle, taking, apparently, little care of the trouble that was to come: Howbeit they sent into England Master Nicolas Elphinston for support, who brought some moneys in this countrey, to the sum of ten thousand pounds sterlin. There came one forth of England to the Queen, who got presence the seventh of August in Halyrud-House. He was not well, &c.[1089]

Note this for our time.

About the fifteenth of August, the Lords met at Aire, to wit, the Duke of Hamilton, the Earls Argyle, Murray, Glencarne, Rothesse, the Lord Boyd and Ochiltrie, with divers Barons and Gentlemen of Fyfe and Kyle, where they concluded to be in readiness with their whole forces the four and twentieth day of August. But the King and Queen with great celerity prevented them; for their Majesties sent thorow Lowthian, Fife, Angus, Strathern, Tividaile, and Cliddisdaile, and other shires, making their Proclamations in this manner, "That forasmuch as certain Rebels, who, (under colour of Religion,) intended nothing but the trouble and subversion of the Commonwealth, were to convene with such as they might perswade to assist them; therefore they charged all manner of men, under pain of life, lands, and goods, to resort and meet their Majesties at Linlithgow, the 24. day of August."

The King, to make himself more popular, and to take from the Lords of the Congregation the pretext of Religion, he went to the Kirk to hear John Knox preach.

This Proclamation was made in Lowthian the third day of the said month. Upon Sunday, the nineteenth of August,[1090] the King came to the High Kirk of Edinburgh, where John Knox made the Sermon: his text was taken out of the six and twentieth chapter of Esayas his Prophesie, about the thirteenth verse, where, in the words of the Prophet, he said, "O Lord our God, other lords then thou have ruled over us." Whereupon he took occasion to speak of the government of wicked Princes, who, for the sins of the people, are sent as tyrants and scourges to plague them: And amongst other things, he said, "That God sets in that room, (for the offences and ingratitude of the people,) boys and women." And some other words which appeared bitter in the King's ears, as, "That God justly punished Ahab and his posterity, because he would not take order with that harlot Jezabel." And because he had tarried an hour and more longer than the time appointed, the King, (sitting in a throne made for that purpose,) was so moved at this Sermon, that he would not dine; and being troubled, with great fury he past in the afternoon to the hawking.

Immediately John Knox was commanded to come to the Councell, where, in the Secretaries chamber, were convened the Earl of Athole, the Lord Ruthven, the Secretary, the Justice Clark, with the Advocate. There passed along with the Minister a great number of the most apparent men of the Towne. When he was called, the Secretary declared, "That the King's Majestie was offended with some words spoken in the Sermon, (especially such as are above rehearsed,) desiring him to abstain from preaching for fifteen or twenty days, and let Master Craig supply the place."

In answering he said more than he had preached, for he added, That as the King had (to pleasure the Queen) gone to Masse, and dishonoured the Lord God, so should God in his justice make her an instrument of his ruin; and so it fell out in a very short time; but the Queen being incensed with these words, fell out in tears, and to please her, John Knox must abstain from preaching for a time.

He answered, "That he had spoken nothing but according to his text; and if the Church would command him either to speak or abstain, he would obey, so far as the Word of God would permit him."

Within four days after, the King and Queen sent to the Councell of Edinburgh, commanding them to depose Archibald Douglas,[1091] and to receive the Laird [of] Craigmiller for their Provest, which was presently obeyed.

The five and twentieth of August, the King and Queen's Majesties past from Edinburgh to Linlithgow, and from thence to Sterlin, and from Sterlin to Glasgow. At their [first] arrival their whole people were not come. The next day after their arrivall to Glasgow, the Lords came to Paisley, where they remained that night, being in company about one thousand horses. On the morrow they came to Hamilton, keeping the high passage from Paisley hard by Glasgow, where the King and Queen easily might behold them. The night following, which was the penult of August, they remained in Hamilton with their company; but for divers respects moving them, they thought it not expedient to tarry; especially, because the Earl of Argyle was not come: for his diet was not afore the second of September following, to have been at Hamilton.

Finally, They took purpose to come to Edinburgh, the which they did the next day.[1092] And albeit Alexander Areskin,[1093] Captain under the Lord his brother, caused to shoot forth of the Castle two shot of cannon, they being near the town; and likewise that the Laird [of] Craigmiller, Provest, did his endeavour to hold the Lords forth of the town, in causing the common bells to be rung, for the convening of the town to the effect aforesaid; yet they entred easily at the West-Port or Gate, without any molestation or impediment, being in number, as they esteemed themselves, one thousand three hundred horses. Immediately they dispatched messengers southward and northward to assist them; but all in vain: And immediately after they were in their lodgings, they caused to strike or beat the drum, desiring all such men as would receive wages for the defence of the glory of God, that they should resort the day following to the Church, where they should receive good pay: But they profited little that way; neither could they in Edinburgh get any comfort or support, for none or few resorted unto them; yet, they got more rest and sleep when they were at Edinburgh then they had done in five or six nights before.

The Noblemen of this company were, the Duke, the Earls Murray, Glencarne, and Rothesse; the Lords Boyd and Uchiltrie; the Lairds of Grange, Cunninghamhead, Balcomie, and Lawers; the Tutor of Pitcur; the Lairds of Barr, Carnell,[1094] and Dreghorn; and the Laird of Pittarow, Comptroller, went with them. Some said merrily, That they were come to keep the Parliament; for the Parliament was continued till the first day of September: Upon the which day they wrote to the King and Queen's Majesties a letter, containing in effect, That albeit they were persecuted most unjustly, which they understood proceeded not of the King and Queen's Majesties own nature, but only by evil counsell, yet notwithstanding they were willing and content to suffer according to the laws of the Realme, providing that the true Religion of God might be established, and the dependants thereupon be likewise reformed: beseeching their Majesties most humbly to grant these things; but otherwise, if their enemies would seek their blood, they should understand it should be dear bought. They had written twice, almost to the same effect, to the King and Queen's Majesties, after their passing from Edinburgh; for the Laird of Preston presented a letter to the King and Queen's Majestie, and was therefore imprisoned, but soon after released; nevertheless they got no answer.

The same day that they departed out of Hamilton, the King and Queen's Majesties issued out of Glasgow in the morning betimes, and passing towards Hamilton, the army met their Majesties near the Bridge of Cadder. As they mustered, the Master of Maxwell sat down upon his knees, and made a long oration to the Queen, declaring what pleasure she had done to them, and ever laid the whole burden upon the Earl Murray. Soon after, they marched forward in battell array: The Earl of Lenox took the vanguard, the Earl of Mortoun the middle battell, and the King and Queen the rear: The whole number were about five thousand men, whereof the greatest part were in the vanguard.

As the King and Queen's Majesties were within three miles of Hamilton, they were advertised that the Lords were departed in the morning; but where they pretended to be that night, it was uncertain. Always, soon after their return to Glasgow, the King and Queen were certainly advertised that they were past to Edinburgh; and therefore caused immediately to warn the whole army to pass with them to Edinburgh the next day, who, early in the morning, long before the sun was risen, began to march: But there arose such a vehement tempest of wind and rain from the west, as the like had not been seen before in a long time; so that a little brook turned incontinent into a great river; and the raging storm being in their face,[1095] with great difficulty went they forward: And albeit the most part waxed weary, yet the Queen's courage encreased man-like so much, that she was ever with the foremost. There was divers persons drowned that day in the water of Carron; and amongst others, the King's master, a notable Papist, who, for the zeal he bare to the Masse, carried about his neck a round god of bread, well closed in a case, which always could not serve [save] him.

Before the end of August, there came a post to the Queen's Majestie, sent by Alexander Areskin, who declared, That the Lords were in the town of Edinburgh, where there was a multitude of innocent persons, and therefore desired to know if he should shoot. She commanded incontinent, that he should return again to the said Alexander, and command him, in her name, That he should shoot so long as he had either powder or bullet, and not spare for any body.

At night, the King and Queen came well wet to the Callender, where they remained that night. And about eight hours at night, the first of September, the post came again to the Castle, and reported the Queen's command to Alexander Areskin, who incontinently caused to shoot six or seven shot of cannon, whereof the marks appeared, having respect to no reason, but only to the Queen's command.

The Lords perceiving that they could get no support in Edinburgh, nor souldiers for money, albeit they had travelled all that they could; and being advertised of the Queen's returning with her whole company, they took purpose to depart. And so the next day betimes, long before day, they departed with their whole company, and came to Laurik,[1096] and from thence to Hamilton, where the Master of Maxwell came to them, with his uncle, the Laird of Dumlanrick. And after consultation, the said Master wrote to the Queen's Majestie, that being required by the Lords as he was passing homeward, he could not refuse to come to them; and after that he had given them counsell to disperse their army, they thought it expedient to pass to Dumfreis to repose them, where they would consult and make their offers,[1097] and send to their Majesties; and thus beseeching their Majesties to take this in good part. The town of Edinburgh sent two of the Councell of the town to make their excuse.

The next day the King and Queen past to Sterlin, and sent to Edinburgh, and caused a Proclamation to be made, commanding all men to return to Glasgow, where, having remained three or four days, and understanding that the Lords were past to Dumfries, they returned to Sterlin, and from thence to Fyfe; and in their passage, caused to take in Castle Campbell, which was delivered without impediment to the Lord of Sanquhar.

Before the King and Queen went out of Sterlin, there came from Edinburgh two ensignes of footmen, to convey them into Fyfe. In the meantime, the Burroughs were taxed in great sums unaccustomed, for the payment of the souldiers: Farther, there was raised divers troops of horsemen, to the number of five or six hundred horse. The souldiers had taken two poor men that had received the Lords wages; which two men being accused and convinced of, at the Queen's command, were hanged at Edinburgh, the third day after the Lords departing. At this time, Master James Balfour, Parson of Flesk,[1098] had gotten all the guiding in the Court.

The third day after the Queen's coming to Fyfe, the whole Barons and Lairds of Fyfe convoyed her Majestie, till she came to Saint Andrews, where the said Lairds and Barons, especially the Protestants, were commanded to subscribe to a Band, containing in effect, That they obliged themselves to defend the King and Queen's persons, against Englishmen and rebells: and in case they should come to Fyfe, they should resist them to their utmost power; which charge every man obeyed.

The second night after the Queen's coming to Saint Andrews, she sent a band, or troop of horsemen, and another of foot, to Lundie, and at midnight took out the Laird, being a man of eighty years old; then they past to Fawside, and took likewise Thomas Scot, and brought him to Saint Andrews; where they, with the Laird of Bavard,[1099] and some others, were commanded to prison. This manner of handling and usage being onkend and strange, were heavily spoken of, and a great terrour to others, who thought themselves warned of greater severity to come.

In the meantime the houses of the Earls of Murray, Rothesse, and the houses of divers gentlemen, were given in keeping to such as the Queen pleased, after that their children and servants had been cast out.

At the same time the Duke, the Earls of Glencairn and Argyle, the Lords Boyd and Uchiltrie, with the Laird of Cunninghamhead, and the rest, were charged to come and present themselves in Saint Andrews, before the King and Queen's Majesties, to answer to such things as should be laid to their charge, within six days, under the pain of rebellion: And the day being expired, and they not appearing, were denounced rebells, and put to the horn.

As the Queen remained in Saint Andrews, the inhabitants of Dundie, being sore afraid, because of some evil report made of them to the Queen, as if they had troubled the Queen, in seeking men of war, and suffered some to be raised in their town for the Lords; for there was nothing done in Dundie, but it was revealed to the Queen; especially that the Minister[1100] had received a letter from the Lords, and delivered the same to the Brethren, perswading them to assist the Lords; which being granted by the Minister, the Queen remitted it [for trial.] After great travell and supplication made by some Noblemen, at length, the King and Queen being in the town, they agreed for two thousand marks, five or six of the principall left out, with some others, that were put to their shift. After the King and Queen had remained two nights in the town of Dundie, they came to Saint Andrews;[1101] and soon after they came over Forth, and so to Edinburgh. During this time the Master of Maxwell wrote to the King and Queen, making offers for, and in the name of the Lords.

The next day after the King and Queen's coming to Edinburgh, there was a Proclamation made at the Market Cross: And because the same is very notable, I thought good to insert it here word by word, albeit it be somewhat long.

"Henry and Mary, by the Grace of God, King and Queen of Scots; To all and sundry, our Lieges and Subjects whom it may concern, and to whose knowledge these letters shall come, greeting.

Note how this agrees with our times.

Let this be conferred with our times.

Note diligently.

"Forasmuch as in this uproar lately raised up against us, by certain rebels and their assistants, the authors thereof, (to blind the eyes of the simple people,) have given them to understand, that the quarrell they have in hand is only Religion, thinking with that cloke to cover their ungodly designs, and so, under that plausible argument, to draw after them a large train of ignorant persons, easy to be seduced. Now, for the preservation of our good subjects, whose case were to be pitied, if they blindly should suffer themselves to be induced and trapped in so dangerous a snare, it hath pleased the goodness of God, by the utterance of their own mouths and writings to us, to discover the poison that before lay hid in their hearts, albeit to all persons of clear judgment the same was evident enough before: For what other thing[1102] might move the principal raisers of this tumult to put themselves in arms against us so unnaturally, upon whom We had bestowed so many benefits; but that the great honour We did them, they being thereof unworthy, made them misknow themselves; and their ambition could not be satisfied with heaping riches upon riches, and honour upon honour, unless they retain in their hands us and our whole Realme, to be led, used, and disposed at their pleasure. But this could not the multitude have perceived, if God, (for disclosing their hypocrisy,) had not compelled them to utter their unreasonable desire to govern; for now by letters, sent from themselves to us, which make plain profession, that the establishing of Religion will not content them, but We must be forced to govern by Councell, such as it shall please them to appoint us; a thing so farre beyond all measure, that We think the only mention of so unreasonable a demand is sufficient to make their nearest kinsfolks their most mortall enemies, and all men to run on them without further scruple, that are zealous to have their native country to remain still in the state of a kingdom: For what other thing is this, but to dissolve the whole policie; and, (in a manner,) to invert the very order of nature, to make the Prince obey, and subjects command. The like was never demanded by [of] any of our most noble progenitors heretofore, yea, not of Governors and Regents; but the Prince, and such as have filled their place, chose their Councell of such as they thought most fit for the purpose. When We ourselves were of less age, and at our first returning into this our Realme, We had free choice of our Councell at our pleasure, and now when We are at our full maturity, shall We be brought back to the state of pupills, and be put under tutory? So long as some of them bore the whole sway with us, this matter was never called in question; but now when they cannot be longer permitted to do and undoe all at their pleasure, they will put a bridle into our mouthes, and give us a Councell chosen after their fantasie. This is the quarrell of Religion they made you beleeve they had in hand: This is the quarrell for which they would have you hazard your lands, lives, and goods, in the company of a certain number of rebels against your naturall Prince. To speak in good language, they would be Kings themselves, or at the least leaving to us the bare name and title, and take to themselves the credit and whole administration of the kingdome.

"We have thought good to make publication hereof, to shew, that you suffer not yourselves to be deceived under pretence of Religion, to follow them, who prefering their particular advancement to the publike tranquilitie, and having no care of you, in respect of themselves, would (if you would hearken to their voice) draw you after them, to your utter destruction. Assuring you, that you have heretofore good experience of our clemency, and under our wings enjoyed in peace the possession of your goods, and lived at liberty of your conscience, so may you be in full assurance of the like hereafter, and have us alwayes your good and loving Princes, to so many as shall continue your selves in due obedience, and do the office of faithfull and naturall subjects.

"Given under our Signet at Saint Andrews, the tenth of
December [September], and of our Reigns the first
and twentie three years, 1565."

Now, the Lords desired, next the establishing of Religion, that the Queens Majesty, in all the affairs of the Realme and Commonwealth, should use the counsell and advice of the Nobility, and ancient blood of the same; whereas in the mean time the councell of David, and Francisco, the Italians,[1103] with Fowler the Englishman, and Master James Balfour, parson of Flisk, was preferred before all others, save only the Earle of Athole, who was thought to be a man of grosse jugement, but neverthelesse in all things given to please the Queen. It was now finally come to this point, that instead of law, justice, and equity, only will ruled in all things.

There was thorow all the countrie set out a Proclamation in the King and Queen's names, commanding all persons to come and meet them at Sterlin, the first day of October following, with twenty dayes provision, under pain of life, lands, and goods. It was uncertain whether their Majesties intended to passe from Sterlin or not, and I beleeve the principall men knew not well at that time; for a report was, that by reason the Castles of Hamilton and Draffen were kept fortified and victualled at the Duke's command, that they would passe to siege the said houses, and give them some shot of a canon: others said, they would passe towards my Lord of Argile, who had his people alwayes armed, whereof his neighbours were afraid, especially the inhabitants of Athole and Lenox; but at length it was concluded that they should passe to Dumfries, as shall be declared.

During this time there were propositions made continually to the King and Queen by the Lords, desiring alwayes their Majesties most humbly to receive them into their hands. Their Articles tended continually to these two heads, viz., To abolish the Masse, root out Idolatry, and establish the true Religion: And that they and the affaires of the Realm should be governed by the advice and counsell of the true Nobility of the same; offering themselves, and their cause, to be tried by the lawes of the countrey. Yet nothing could be accepted nor taken in good part, albeit the Master of Maxwell laboured by all means to redresse the matter, who also entertained the Lords most honourably in Dumfreis, for he had the goverment of all that country. But he himself incurred the Queen's wrath so, that he was summoned to present himself, and appear before the King and Queens Majesties, after the same form that the rest of the Lords were charged with; and also commanded to give over the house of Lochmaben, and the Castle, which he had in keeping for the Queen. And albeit he obeyed not, yet was he not put to the horn, as the rest. Nevertheless there was no man that doubted of his good will and partaking with the Lords, who in the mean time sent Robert Melvin to the Queen of England, and declared their state to her Majesty, desiring support.

Now, the chief care and solicitude that was in the Court, was, by what means they might come to have money; for notwithstanding this great preparation for war, and eminent appearance of trouble, yet were they destitute of the sinewes of war:[1104] Albeit the Treasurer, and now Comptroller,[1105] to wit, the Laird of Tillibardin, had disbursed many thousands; yet there was no appearance of payment of souldiers, nor scarcely how the King and Queen's houses and pompous trains should be upholden:[1106] there was about 600 horsemen, besides the guard and three ensignes of footmen. The charge of the whole would amount to £1000 sterling, every month; a thing surpassing the usuall manner of Scotland.

So was the Citie of London, for warre against Scotland, vexed for the leavie money.

At this time arrived the Earl of Bothwell,[1107] who was welcome, and graciously received by the Queen, and immediately placed in Councell, and made Lieutenant of the West and Middle Marches. Now as every one of the Burrows[1108] compounded to be exempted from this meeting; the Earl of Athole demanded of Edinburgh £200 sterling, but they refused to pay it; notwithstanding, October 27th, there was a certain number of the principall and rich persons of the town warned by a Macer to pass to the Palace of Hallyrudhouse to the King and Queen, who declared to them by their own mouth's speaking that they had use for money, and therefore knowing them to be honest men, and the inhabitants of the best citie in their countrey, they must needs charge them; and for security they should have other men bound for pledges, or any hand therefore. The sum that they desired was £1000 sterling, and no less. They being astonished, made no answer; but Parson Flisk standing by, said, that seeing the King and Queens Majesties desired them so civilly, in a thing most lawfull in their necessitie, they did shew themselves not honest to keep silence and give no answer to their Majesties, for that must needs be had of them which was required; and if they would not, they should be constrained by the laws, which they would not abide; for some of them had deserved hanging, (said he,) because they had lent large sums of money to the King and Queen's enemies and rebels; and therefore, they must shortly suffer great punishment.

Soon after they were called in one by one, and demanded how much they would lend? Some made this excuse, and some that, by reason there were that offered to lend money; amongst whom there was one offered to lend £20. To him the Earle of Athole said, thou art worthy to be hanged that speakest of £20, seeing the Princes charge thee so easily. Finally, they were all imprisoned, and souldiers set over them, having their muskets ready charged, and their match lighted, even in the house with them, where they remained all that night, and the next day till night; and then being changed from one prison to another, there were six chosen out and sent in the night to the Castle of Edinburgh, convoyed with musketteers round about them, as if they had been murtherers or most vile persons. At length, (the third day,[1109]) by means of the Laird of Craigmiller, Provest, and some others, the summe was made more easie, to wit, a 1000 marks sterling, to be paid immediately, and to have the superioritie of Leith in pledge, (to wit,) upon condition of redemption.[1110] And besides the said sum of 1000 marks sterling, they paid £1000 sterling for the meeting at Dumfries. At the day appointed, for electing the officers, the Queen sent in a ticket, such as she would have them chuse for Provest, Bailiffs, and Councell, whereof there was a number of Papists, the rest not worthy. Of the number given in by the Queen, they named such as should rule for that year; notwithstanding, without free election, the Laird [of] Craigmiller remained Provest,[1111] who shewed himself most willing to set forward Religion, to punish vice, and to maintain the Commonwealth. All this time the Ministers cried out against the Masse, and such idolatry; for it was more advanced by the Queen then before.

The first day of October, met in Edinburgh the Superintendant of Lothian, with all the Ministers under his charge, according to their ordinary custom; for every Superintendant used to convene the whole Ministry, and there it was complained on, that they could get no payment of their stipends, not only about the city, but thorow the whole Realm. Therefore, after reasoning and consultation taken, they framed a Supplication, directed to the King and Queen, and immediately presented the same to their Majesties, by Master John Spottswood, Superintendant of Lothian, and Master David Lindsey, Minister of Leith: It contained in effect, that forasmuch as it had pleased the King and Queen's Majesties, (with advice of the Privy Councell,) to grant unto the Ministers of the Word their Stipends, to be taken of the Thirds of the Benefices, which Stipends are now detained from the said Ministers by reason of the troubles, and changing of the Comptroller, whereby they are not able to live; and therefore most humbly craved the King and Queen's Majesty to cause them to be paid. Their answer was, That they would cause order to be taken therein to their contentment.

Soon after the Lord Gordon came to Edinburgh, and left the most part of his people at Sterlin with his carriage; the King and Queen, for hope of his good service to be done, restored him to his father's place, to the Earldom of Huntley, the lands and heritage thereof.

October 8. the King and Queen marched forth of Edinburgh towards Dumfries, and as they passed from the Palace of Hallyrud-house, all men were warned with jack and spear. The first night they came to Sterlin, and the next to Craford. The day after, the Lairds of Drumlanrick and Lochinvar met the Queen, albeit they had been with the Lords familiar enough.

The Lords perceiving that all hope of reconciliation was past, they rode to Ednam [Annan], where they remained till the Queen came to Dumfries, and then they past to Carlile. Now the Master of Maxwell, who had entertained the Lords familiarly, and subscribed with them, and had spoken as highly against their enemies as any of themselves, and had received large money by that means, to wit, £1000, to raise a band or troup of horsemen; and that the same day the King and Queen came to Dumfries; the third day after their coming, he came to them, conveyed by the Earl Bothwell, with divers other Noblemen. At length the Earls of Athole and Huntley were sureties for him, and all things past remitted, upon condition that he should be a faithfull and obedient subject hereafter. The same day they made musters; the next day the army was dispersed, being about 18,000 men: the King and Queen past to Lochmaben, where the Master of Maxwell gave a banquet, and then forthwith marched to Tweddall, so to Peblis, and then to Edinburgh.

Note diligently.

Note diligently Queen Elizabeth.

Here mark either deep dissimulation, or a great inconstancy.

The best and chief part of the Nobility of this Realm, who also were the principal instruments of the Reformation of Religion, and therefore were called the Lords of the Congregation, in manner above rehearsed, were banished and chased into England: they were courteously received and entertained by the Earl of Bedford, Lieutenant, upon the Borders of England. Soon after the Earle of Murray took post towards London, leaving the rest of the Lords at Newcastle; every man supposed that the Earl of Murray should have been graciously received of the Queen of England, and that he should have gotten support according to his heart's desire; but far beyond his expectation, he could get no audience of the Queen of England: But by means of the French Ambassadour, called Monsieur De Four, his true friend, he obtained audience. The Queen, with a fair countenance, demanded, "How he, being a rebel to her Sister of Scotland, durst take the boldness upon him to come within her Realm?" These, and the like words got he, instead of the good and courteous entertainment expected. Finally, after private discourse, the Ambassadour being absent, she refused to give the Lords any support, denying plainly that ever she had promised any such thing as to support them, saying, "She never meant any such thing in that way;" albeit her greatest familiars knew the contrary. In the end, the Earl of Murray said to her, "Madam, whatsoever thing your Majesty meant in your heart, we are thereof ignorant; but thus much we know assuredly, that we had lately faithfull promises of aid and support by your Ambassadour, and familiar servants, in your name: and further, we have your own hand-writting, confirming the said promises." And afterward he took his leave, and came northward from London, towards Newcastle. After the Earl of Murray his departure from the Court, the Queen sent them some aid, and writ unto the Queen of Scotland in their favour: Whether [it was] she had promised it in private to the Earl of Murray, or whether she repented her of the harsh reception of the Earl of Murray.

At this time David Rizio, Italian, began to be higher exalted, insomuch as there was no matter or thing of importance done without his advice. And during this time, the faithfull within this Realm were in great fear, looking for nothing but great trouble and persecution to be shortly. Yet supplications and intercessions were made thorowout all the congregations, especially for such as were afflicted and banished, that it would please God to give them patience, comfort, and constancy; and this especially was done at Edinburgh, where John Knox used to call them that were banished, the best part of the Nobility, Chief members of the Congregation: Whereof the Courtiers being advertised, they took occasion to revile and bewray his sayings, alledging, He prayed for the rebels, and desired the people to pray for them likewise. The Laird of Lethington, chief Secretary, in presence of the King and Queen's Majesties and Councell, confessed that he heard the sermons, and said, There was nothing at that time spoken by the minister, whereat any man need to be offended: and further, declared plainly, That by the Scripture it was lawfull to pray for all men.

In the end of November, the Lords, with their complices, were summoned to appear the fourth day of February, for treason, and Lœse-majestie: But in the mean time, such of the Nobility as had professed the evangell of Christ, and had communicate with the Brethren at the Lord's Table, were ever longer the more suspected by the Queen, who began to declare her self, in the months of November and December, to be maintainer of the Papists; for at her pleasure the Earls of Lennox, Athole, and Cassels, with divers others, without any dissimulation known, went to the Masse openly in her chappell: Yet, nevertheless, the Earls of Huntley and Bothwell went not to Masse, albeit they were in great favour with the Queen. As for the King, he past his time in hunting and hawking, and such other pleasures as were agreeable to his appetite, having in his company gentlemen willing to satisfy his will and affections.

About this time, in the beginning of[1112] [the year 1565-6,] as the Court remained at Edinburgh, the banished Lords, by all means possible, by writings and their friends, made suit and means to the King and Queen's Majesties, to be received into favour.

At this time the Abbot of Kylwinning came from Newcastle to Edinburgh, and after he had gotten audience of the King and Queen, with great difficulty he got pardon for the Duke and his friends and servants, upon this condition, that he should pass into France; which he did soon after.[1113]

The five and twentieth of December convened in Edinburgh the Commissioners of the churches within this Realm, for the Generall Assemblie: There assisted to them the Earls of Morton and Marr, the Lord Lindsay, and Secretary Lethington, with some Barons and gentlemen. The principall things that were agreed and concluded, were, That forasmuch as the Masse, with such idolatry and Papisticall ceremonies, were still maintained expressly against the Act of Parliament, and the proclamations made at the Queen's arrivall; and that the Queen had promised that she would hear conference and disputation; that the Church therefore offered to prove by the Word of God, that the doctrine preached within this Realm was according to the Scriptures; and that the Masse, with all the Papisticall doctrine, was but the invention of men, and mere idolatry. Secondly, That by reason of the change of the Comptroller, who had put in new collectors, forbidding them to deliver any thing to the Ministry, and by these means the Ministry was like to decay and faill, contrary to the ordinance made in the yeer of God 1562, in favour and support of the Ministry.

During this time, as the Papists flocked to Edinburgh for making court, some of them that had been Friers, as black Abercrommy and Roger, presented supplication to the Queen's Majesty, desiring in effect, that they might be permitted to preach; which was easily granted. The noyse was further, that they offered disputation: For as the Court stood, they thought they had a great advantage already, by reason they knew the King to be of their Religion, as well as the Queen, with some part of the Nobility, who with the King after declared themselves openly: And especially the Queen was governed by the Earls of Lennox and Athole; but in matters most weighty and of greatest importance, by David Rizio, the Italian afore mentioned, who went under the name of the French Secretary; by whose means, all grave matters, of what weight soever, must pass; providing always, that his hands were anoynted. In the mean time he was a manifest enemy to the Evangell, and therefore a greater enemy to the banished Lords. And at this time, the principall Lords that waited at Court were divided in opinions; for the Earl of Morton, Chancellor, with the Earl of Marr, and Secretary Lethington, were on the one part; and the Earls of Huntley and Bothwell on the other part, so that a certain drynesse was amongst them; nevertheless, by means of the Earl of Athole, they were reconciled. Now, as there was preparation made by the Papists for Christmas, the Queen being then at Masse, the King came publikely, and bare company; and the Friers preached the days following, always using another stile then they had done seven years before, during which time they had not preached publikely: they were so little esteemed, that they continued not long in preaching.

At the end of this Book you shall finde this.

At the same time, convened in Edinburgh the Generall Assembly[1114] of the Ministers, and Commissioners of the Churches Reformed within this Realm: There assisted them of the Nobility, the Earls of Morton and Marr, the Lord Lindsay, and Secretary Lethington, with others. The chief things that were concluded in this Assembly, were, That for the avoyding of the plagues and scourges of God, which appeared to come upon the people for their sins and ingratitude, there should be proclaimed by the Ministers a Publike Fast,[1115] to be universally observed thorowout all the Reformed Churches; which manner of Fasting was soon after devised by John Knox, at the command of the Church, and put in print, wherefore needs not here to be recited in this place. What followed upon the said Fast, shall be plainly, God willing, declared. The second thing that was ordained in this Assembly, was, concerning the Ministers, who, for want of payment of their stipends, were like to perish, or else to leave their Ministry; wherefore it was found necessary, that Supplication should be made to the King and Queen's Majesties: And for the same purpose, a certain number of the most able men were elected to go to their Majesties aforesaid, to lament and bemoan their case; which persons had commission to propose some other things, as shall be declared.

The names of them that past from the Church to the King and Queen's Majesties, were, Master John Spotswood, Superintendent of Lowthian; John Winrame, Superintendent of Fyfe; Master John Row, Minister of Perth; Master David Lindsay, Minister of Leith; who easily obtained audience of the King and Queen's Majesties: And after their reverence done, Master John Row, in name of the rest, opened the matter, lamenting and bewailing the miserable state of the poor Ministers, who by publike command had been reasonably satisfied three years or more, by virtue of the Act made with advice of the Honourable Privie Councell, for the taking up of the Thirds of the Benefices, which was especially made in their favours: Nevertheless the Laird of Tillibardin, new Comptroller, would answer them nothing; wherefore, they besought their Majesties for relief.

Secondly, Seeing that in all supplications made to the King and Queen's Majesties by the Church at all times, they desired most earnestly that all idolatry and superstition, and especially the Masse, should be rooted out and abolished quite out of this Realm; and that in the last Generall Assembly of the Church, by their Commissioners, they had most earnestly desired the same; and that their answer was then, that they knew no impediment in the Masse; therefore, the Assembly desired, That it might please their Highnesses to hear disputation, to the end that such as now pretend to preach in the Chappell Royall, and maintain such errours; the truth being tryed by disputation, that they might be known to be abusers, submitting themselves always to the word of God written in the Scriptures.

To this it was answered by the Queen, That she was always minded that the Ministers should be paid their stipends; and if there was any fault therein, the same came by some of their own sort, meaning the Comptroller Pittarow,[1116] who had the handling of the Thirds: Always by the advice of her Councell she should cause such order to be taken therein, that none should have occasion to complain. As to the second, She would not jeopard her Religion upon such as were there present; for she knew well enough that the Protestants were more learned.

The Ministers and Commissioners of Churches perceiving nothing but delay, and driving off time in the old manner, went home every one to their own churches, waiting upon the good providence of God, continually making supplication unto Almighty God, that it would please him of his mercy to remove the apparent plague. And in the mean time the Queen was busied with banquetting about with some of the Lords of the Session of Edinburgh, and after with all men of law, having continually in her company David Rizio, who sat at table near to her self, sometimes more privately then became a man of his condition, for his over-great familiarity was already suspected; and it was thought, that by his advice alone the Queen's sharpness and extremity towards the Lords was maintained.

In the end of January, arrived an Ambassadour from France, named Monsieur Rambullet,[1117] having with him about fourty horse in trayn, who came thorow England. He brought with him the Order of the Cockle from the King of France, to the King, who received the same at the Masse, in the Chappell of the Palace of Halyrud-house. There assisted the Earls of Lenox, Athole, and Eglington, with diverse such other Papists as would please the Queen; who, three days after, caused the herald to convene in Councell, and reasoned what armes should be given to the King: some thought he should have the Armes of Scotland; some others said, Seeing it was not concluded in Parliament, that he should have the Crown Matrimoniall, he could have armes but only as Duke of Rothesay, Earl of Rosse, &c. The Queen bade give him only his due; whereby it was perceived her love waxed cold towards him. Finally, his armes were left blank; and the Queen caused put her own name before her husband's in all writs; and thereafter she caused to leave out his name wholly: And because formerly he had signed every thing of any moment, she caused to make a seal like the King's, and gave it to David Rizio, who made use of it by the Queen's command, alleadging, That the King being at his pastime, could not always be present.

About the same time, the Earle of Glencarne came from Barwicke to his own country. Soon after the Earle of Bothwell was married unto the Earle of Huntley his sister. The Queen desired that the marriage might be made in the Chappell at the Masse; which the Earle Bothwell would in no wise grant. Upon Sunday, the third day of March, began the fasting at Edinburgh. The seventh day of March, the Queen came from the Pallace of Hallirud-house to the Town, in wondrous gorgious apparell, albeit the number of Lords and train was not very great. In the mean time the King, accompanied with seven or eight horse, went to the Leith to pass his time there, for he was not like to get the Crown Matrimoniall.

In the Tolbooth was devised and named the heads of the Articles that were drawn against the banished Lords. Upon the morrow, and Saturday following, there was great reasoning concerning the Attainder: some alleadged, that the summons was not well libelled or dressed; others thought the matter of treason was not sufficiently proved; and indeed they were still seeking proof, for there was no other way but the Queen would have them all attainted, albeit the time was very short; the twelfth day of March should have been the day, which was the Tuesday following.

Now, the matter was stayed by a marvellous tragedy, for by the Lords, (upon the Saturday before, which was the ninth of March, about supper-time,) David Rizio the Italian, named the French Secretary, was slain in the gallery, below stairs, (the King staying in the room with the Queen, told her, that the designe was only to take order with that villain,) after that he had been taken violently from the Queen's presence, who requested most earnestly for the saving of his life: which act was done by the Earle of Morton, the Lord Ruthven, the Lord Lindsay, the Master of Ruthven, with divers other Gentlemen. They first purposed to have hanged him, and had provided cords for the same purpose; but the great haste which they had, moved them to dispatch him with whingers or daggers, wherewith they gave him three and fifty strokes. They sent away, and put forth all sich persons as they suspected.

The Earles Bothwell and Huntley hearing the noise and clamour, came suddenly to the Close, intending to have made work, if they had had a party strong enough; but the Earle Morton commanded them to pass to their chamber, or else they should do worse: At the which words they retyred immediately, and so past forth at a back window, they two alone, and with great fear came forth of the town to Edmistone, on foot, and from thence to Crichton.

This David Rizio was so foolish, that not only he had drawn unto him the managing of all affaires, the King set aside, but also his equipage and train did surpass the King's; and at the Parliament that was to be, he was ordained to be Chancellour; which made the Lords conspire against him: They made a bond to stand to the religion and liberties of the countrey, and to free themselves of the slavery of the villain David Rizio: The King and his father subscribed to the Bond,[1118] for they durst not trust the King's word without his signet.

There was a French priest (called John Daniot) who advised David Rizio to make his fortune, and be gone, for the Scots would not suffer him long. His answer was, That the Scots would bragg but not fight. Then he advised him to beware of the bastard. To this he answered, That the bastard should never live in Scotland in his time; (he meant the Earl Murray,) but it happened that one George Dowglas, bastard son to the Earl of Angus, gave him the first stroke. The Queen, when she heard he was dead, left weeping, and declared she would study revenge, which she did.

Immediately it was noised in the town of Edinburgh, that there was murther committed within the King's Palace, wherefore the Provest caused to ring the common bell, or, Sonner le toksain, (as the French speaks,) and straightway past to the Palace, having about four or five hundred men in warlike manner; and as they stood in the utter court, the King called to the Provest, commanding him to pass home with his company, saying, The Queen and he were merry. But the Provest desired to hear the Queen speak her self; whereunto it was answered by the King, "Provest, know you not that I am King? I command you to pass home to your houses;" and immediately they retired.

The next day (which was the second Sunday of our Fast in Edinburgh) there was a proclamation made in the King's name, subscribed with his hand, That all Bishops, Abbots, and other Papists should avoid and depart the town; which proclamation was indeed observed, for they had "a flea in their hose." There were letters sent forth in the King's name, and subscribed with his hand, to the Provest and Bailiffs of Edinburgh, the Bailiffs of Leith and Canongate, commanding them to be ready in armour to assist the King and his company, and likewise other private writings directed to divers Lords and gentlemen, to come with all expedition. In the mean time, the Queen, being above measure enraged, offended, and troubled, as the issue of the matter declared, sometime railing upon the King, and sometime crying out at the windows, desired her servants to set her at libertie; for she was highly offended and troubled.

This same tenth of March, the Earl of Murray, with the rest of the Lords and Noblemen that were with him, having received the King's letter, (for after the Bond, above named, was subscribed, the King wrote unto the banished Lords to return into their countrey, being one of the articles of the said Bond,) came at night to the Abbey, being also convoyed by the Lord Hume, and a great company of the Borderers, to the number of 1000 horses. And first, after he had presented himself to the King, the Queen was informed of his sudden coming, and therefore sent unto him, commanding him to come to her; and he obeying, went to her, who, with a singular gravitie received him, after that he had made his purgation, and declared the over-great affection which he bore continually to her Majestie. The Earles of Athole, Cathnes, and Sutherland, departed out of the town, with the Bishops, upon the Munday, the third day after the slaughter of David Rizio. The Earls of Lenox, Murray, Morton, and Rothes, Lords Ruthven, Lindsay, Boyd, and Ochiltrie, sitting in Councell, desired the Queen, that forasmuch as the thing which was done could not be undone, that she would (for avoiding of greater inconveniences) forget the same, and take it as good service, seeing there were so many Noblemen restored. The Queen dissembling her displeasure and indignation, gave good words, nevertheless she desired, That all persons armed or otherwise, (being within the Palace at that time,) should remove, leaving the Palace void of all, saving only her domestick servants. The Lords being perswaded by the uxorious King, and the facile Earl of Murray, condescended to her desire, who finally, the next morning, two hours before day, past to Seaton, and then to Dumbar, having in her company the simple King, who was allured by her sugred words. From Dumbar immediately were sent pursuivants with letters thorowout the countrey; and especially letters to the Noblemen and Barons, commanding them to come to Dumbar, to assist the King and Queen within five days. In the mean time the Lords being informed of the [Queen's] sudden departure, they were astonished, and knew not what were best for them to do: But because it was the self-same day (to wit, the twelfth day of March) that they were summoned unto; therefore, having good opportunity, they past to the Tolbooth, which was richly hung with tapistry, and adorned, (but not for them,) and set themselves, making protestations, the Earl of Glencarne, and some others being present. The Earl of Argyle, who was written for by the King, came to Lithgow; and being informed of the matter, he remained there.

After this manner above specified, to wit, by the death of David Rizio, the Noblemen were relieved of their trouble, and restored to their places and rooms: And likewise the Church Reformed, and all that professed the Evangell within this Realm, after fasting and prayer, was delivered and freed from the apparent dangers which were like to have fallen upon them; for if the Parliament had taken effect, and proceeded, it was thought by all men of the best judgement, that the true Protestant Religion should have been wrackt, and Popery erected; and for the same purpose, there were certain woodden altars made, to the number of twelve, found ready in the Chappell of the Palace of Halyrud-House, which should have been erected in Saint Gyles his Church.

The Earls Bothwell and Huntley being informed of the King and Queen's sudden departure forth of Edinburgh, came to Dumbar, where they were most graciously received by the Queen's Majesty; who consulting with them and the Master of Maxwell, together with Parson Owin[1119] and Parson Fliske,[1120] chief Councellors, what was best to be done, and how she should be revenged upon the murtherers. At first they did intend to go forward, and leaving no manner of cruelty unpractised, putting to death all such as were suspected: This was the opinion of such as would obey their Queen's rage and fury for their own advantage; but in the end they concluded, that she should come to Edinburgh with all the force and power she could make, and there proceed to justice: and for the same purpose, she caused to summon, by open proclamation, all persons of defence, and all Noblemen and Gentlemen, to come to her in Dumbar incontinent. In the mean time, the Captains laboured by all means to take up, and enroll men and women. The Earles of Morton, Murray, Glencarne, Rothesse, with the rest that were in Edinburgh, being informed of the Queen's fury and anger towards the committers of the slaughter; and perceiving they were not able to make any party, thought it best to give place to her fury for a time; for they were divided in opinions, and finally, departed out of Edinburgh, upon Sunday the seventeenth of March, every one a severall way; for the Queen's Majesty was now bent only against the slayers of David Rizio; and to the purpose she might be the better revenged upon them, she intended to give pardon to all such as before had been attainted, for whatsoever crime.

The eighteenth day of March, the King and Queen came to Edinburgh, having in their company horse and foot to the number of 8000 men; whereof there were four companies of foot-men of war. The Town of Edinburgh went out to meet them, for fear of war. And finally, coming within the town, in most awfull manner they caused to place their men of war within the town, and likewise certain field-pieces against their lodging, which was in the middle of the town, over against the Salt Trone: Now, a little before the Queen's entrance into the town, all that knew of her cruell pretence and hatred towards them, fled here and there, and amongst others, Master James Macgill the Clerk Register, the Justice Clerk, and the common Clerk of the town:[1121] The chief Secretary Lethington was gone before; likewise John Knox past west to Kyle: The men of war likewise kept the ports or gates. Within five days after their entry, there was a proclamation made at the Market-Cross, for the purgation of the King from the aforesaid slaughter; which made all understanding men laugh at the passages of things, since the King not only had given his consent, but also had subscribed the bond afore-named; and the business was done in his name, and for his honour, if he had had wisdom to know it.

After this proclamation, the King lost his credit among all men, and so his friends, by this his inconstancy and weakness. And in the mean time, the men of war committed great outrages in breaking up doors, thrusting themselves into every house: And albeit the number of them were not great, yet the whole town was too little for them. Soon after, the King and Queen past to the Castle, and caused to warn all such as had absented themselves, by open proclamation, to appear before their Majesties and the Privy Councell within six days, under pain of rebellion; which practice was devised in the Earl of Huntley's case, before the battle of Corrichy. And because they appeared not, they were denounced rebells, and put to the horne, and immediately thereafter, their escheats given or taken up by the Treasurer. There was a certain number of the townsmen charged to enter themselves prisoners in the Tolbooth, and with them were put in certain gentlemen: where, after they had remained eight days, they were convoyed down to the Palace by the men of war, and then kept by them eight days more: And of that number was Thomas Scot,[1122] Sheriff-depute of Saint Johnston, who was condemned to death, and executed cruelly, to wit, hanged and quartered, for keeping the Queen in prison, as was alleadged, although it was by the King's command: And two men likewise were condemned to death, and carried likewise to the ladder foot; but the Earl Bothwell presented the Queen's ring to the Provest, which then was justice, for safety of their life. The names of those two were John Mowbray, merchant, and William Harlow, sadler. About the same time, notwithstanding all this hurliburly, the Ministers of the Church and professors of Religion ceased not; as for the people, they convened to publike prayers and preaching with boldness; yea, a great number of Noblemen assisted likewise. The Earl Bothwell had now, of all men, greatest access and familiarity with the Queen, so that nothing of any great importance was done without him; for he shewed favour to such as liked him; and amongst others, to the Lairds of Ormeston, Hawton, and Calder,[1123] who was so reconciled unto him, that by his favour they were relieved of great trouble.

The Earls of Argyle and Murray, at the Queen's command, past to Argyle, where, after they had remained about a month, they were sent for by the Queen; and coming to Edinburgh, they were received by the Queen into the Castle, and banquetted, the Earls of Huntley and Bothwell being present. At this time the King grew to be contemned and disesteemed, so that scarcely any honour was done to him, and his Father likewise.

About Easter, the King past to Sterlin, where he was shriven after the Papist manner: and in the meane time, at the Palace of Halyrud-house, in the Chappell, there resorted a great number to the Masse, albeit the Queen remained still in the Castle, with her Priests of the Chappell Royall, where they used ceremonies after the Popish manner.

At the same time departed this life, Master John Sinclair, Bishop of Rosse [Brechin], and Dean of Restalrig, of whom hath been oft mention, President of the Colledge of Justice, called the Session; who also succeeded in the said office and dignity after the decease of his brother, Master John [Henry] Sinclair, Bishop of Rosse, Dean of Glasgow, who departed this life at Paris, about a year before. They were both learned in the laws, and given to maintain the Popish religion, and therefore great enemies to the Protestants. A little before died Master Abraham Crichton, who had been President likewise.[1124] Now, in their rooms, the Queen placed such as she pleased, and had done her service, (always very unfit.) The patrimony of the Kirk, Bishopricks, Abbeys, and such other Benefices, were disposed by the Queen to courtiers, dancers, and flatterers. The Earl Bothwell, whom the Queen preferred above all others, after the decease of David Rizio, had for his part Melrosse, Hadington, and New Battell; likewise the Castle of Dumbar was given to him, with the principall lands of the Earldom of Merche, which were of the patrimony of the Crown.

At the same time, the Superintendents, with the other Ministers of the Churches, perceiving the Ministery like to decay for lack of payment of stipends to Ministers, they gave this Supplication at Edinburgh.

The Supplication of the Ministers to the Queen.

"Unto your Majesty, and your most honourable Councel, most humbly and lamentably complains your Highnesse poor Orators, the Superintendents, and other Ministers of the Reformed Church of God, travelling thorowout all your Highnesse Realm, in teaching and instructing your lieges in all quarters, in the knowledge of God, and Christ Jesus his Sonne; That where your Majesty, with the advice of the Councell and Nobility aforesaid, moved by godly zeal, concluded and determined, that the travelling ministry thorowout this Realm, should bee maintained upon the rents of the Benefices of this Realm of Scotland; and for that cause your Majestie, with the advice of the Counsell and Nobility aforesaid, upon the 15. day of December 1562, in like manner concluded and determined, That if the said part of the rents of the whole Benefices Ecclesiasticall within this Realm would be sufficient to maintain the Ministers thorowout the whole Realm, and to support your Majesty in the setting forward of your common affaires, should be employed accordingly: Failing thereof, the Third part of the said fruits, or more, to be taken up yearly in time comming, untill a generall order be taken therein; as the act made thereupon at more length bears: Which being afterward considered by your Majestie, the whole Thirds of the fruits aforesaid were propounded to the uses aforesaid, by Act of Councell. And we your Majestie's poore Orators, put in peaceable possession of the part assigned by your Majestie to us, by the space of three years, or thereabouts, which we did enjoy without interruption; notwithstanding all this, now of late, we your Majestie's poore Orators aforesaid, are put wrongfully and unjustly from their aforesaid part of the above specified Thirds, by your Majestie's officers, and thereby brought to such extreme penury, and extreme distress, as we are not able any longer to maintain our selves. And albeit we have given in divers and sundry complaints to your Majestie herein, and have received divers promises of redress, yet have we found no relief: Therefore, we most humbly beseech your Majesty to consider our most grievous complaint, together with the right above specified, whereon the same is grounded. And if your Majesty, with the advice of your Councell aforesaid, finds our right sufficient to continue us in possession of our part assigned to us, while, and untill a generall order be taken; which possession was ratified by the yearly allowance of your Majesties Exchequer's accompt, that your Majestie would grant us letters upon the aforesaid Act and Ordinance past thereupon, against all intromettors and medlers with the aforesaid Thirds, to answer and obey, according to the aforesaid Act and Ordinance of our possession proceeding thereupon; and likewise, that we may have letters, if need be, to arrest and stay the aforesaid Thirds in the possessor's hands, while, and untill sufficient caution be found to us for our part aforesaid. And your Answer most humbly we beseech."

This Supplication being presented by the Superintendent of Lowthian, and Master John Craig, in the Castle of Edinburgh, was graciously received by the Queen, who promised that she would take sufficient order therein, so soon as the Nobility and Councell might convene.

The 19. of June, the Queen was delivered of a man childe, (the Prince in the aforesaid Castle,) [who after was named James,][1125] and immediately sent into France and England her posts, to advertise the neighbour Princes, and to desire them to send gossips or witnesses to the Prince's baptisme. In the mean time, there was joy and triumph made in Edinburgh, and such other places where it was known, after thanks and praises given unto God, with supplications for the godly education of the Prince; and principally, wishing that he should be baptized according to the manner and forme observed in the Reformed Churches within this Realm.

[The order Of Paul Methven's repentance.]

About the same time, to wit, the 25. of June, the Generall Assembly of the whole Church convened at Edinburgh. The Earles of Argyle and Murray assisted at the Assembly: Paul Methven, who before, as we heard, was excommunicate, gave in his Supplication, and desired to be heard, as he had done divers times; for the said Paul had written oft times out of England to the Laird of Dun, and to divers others, most earnestly desiring to be received again into the fellowship of the Church. After reasoning of the matter, it was finally granted, that he should be heard: And so being before the Assembly, and falling upon his knees, burst out with teares, and said, He was not worthy to appeare in their presence; alwayes he desired them, for the love of God, to receive him to the open expression of his repentance. Shortly after, they appointed certaine of the ministers to proscribe to him the forme of his declaration of repentance, which was thus in effect; First, That he should present himselfe bare-foot and bare-head, arayed in sack-cloth, at the principall entry of Saint Gyles Kirk in Edinburgh, at seven hours in the morning, upon the next Wednesday, and there to remain the space of an hour, the whole people beholding him, till the prayer was made, psalmes sung, and [the] text of Scripture was read, and then to come into the place appointed for expression of repentance, and tarry the time of sermon; and to do so likewise the next Friday following, and also upon the Sunday; and then, in the face of the whole church, to declare his repentance with his owne mouth. The same forme and manner he should use in Jedwart and Dundie: And that being done, to present himself again at the next Generall Assembly following in winter, where he should be received to the communion of the Church. When the said Paul had received the said Ordinance, he took it very grievously, alleadging, they had used over-great severity: Neverthelesse, being counselled and perswaded by divers notable personages, he began well in Edinburgh to proceed, whereby a great number were moved with compassion of his state; and likewise in Jedwart: but he left his duty in Dundie, and passing againe into England, the matter, not without offence to many, ceased.

See in what sense proud ambitious men takes the name of Bishop.

As is said before.

The Ministers complaining that they could not be payed their stipends, were licensed by the Assembly to passe to other churches to preach, but in no wise to leave the ministery. And because that the Queen's Majesty had promised often before to provide remedy, it was thought expedient that supplication should be yet made, as before, That the Queen's Majestie should cause such order to be taken, that the poore ministers might be payed their stipends. The Bishop of Galloway, who was brother to the Earle of Huntley, and now a great man in the Court, travelled much with the Queen's Majesty in that matter, and got of her a good answer, and faire promises. A few years before, the said Bishop of Galloway desired of the Generall Assembly to be made Superintendent of Galloway; but now being promoted to great dignity, as to be of the number of the Lords of the Privy Councell, and likewise one of the Session,[1126] he would no more be called Over-looker, or Over-seer of Galloway, but Bishop: Alwayes truth it is, that he laboured much for his nephew the Earle of Huntley, that he might be restored to his lands and honours; for the said Earle was new Chancellor,[1127] since the slaughter of David Rizio, and had for his clawback the Bishop of Rosse, Master John Lesley, one of the chief Councellors to the Queen: But of all men the Earle Bothwell was most in the Queen's favour, so far, that all things past by him; yea, by his meanes the most part of all those that were partakers in the slaughter of David Rizio, got remission and relief. But from that day he was not present at any sermon, albeit before he professed the Evangel by outward speaking, yet he never joyned to the Congregation. But this time the Earle of Cassils[1128] was contracted with the Lord of Glames sister, by whose perswasion he became a Protestant, and caused, in the moneth of August, to reforme his churches in Carrick, and promised to maintaine the doctrine of the Evangell.

The Queen, not yet satisfied with the death of her man David, caused in August to be apprehended a man called Hary,[1129] who sometime had been of her Chapell-Royall, but afterward became an exhorter in a Reformed Church; and for want of stipend, or other necessaries, past in service to my Lord Ruthven, and chanced that night to be present when the said David was slaine; and so, finally, he was condemned, and hanged, and quartered.

This inconstant young man sometimes declared himselfe for the Protestant; witnesse his last band. And now for the Papists. And as he left God, so he was left by him.

The King being now contemned of all men, because the Queene cared not for him, he went sometime to the Lenox to his father, and sometime to Sterlin, whither the Prince was carried a little before. Alwayes he was destitute of such things as were necessary for him, having scarcely six horses in trayn. And being thus desolate, and halfe desperate, he sought means to go out of the countrey: and, about the same time, by the advice of foolish cagots, he wrote to the Pope, to the King of Spaine, and to the King of France, complaining of the state of the countrey, which was all out of order, all because that Masse and Popery were not againe erected, giving the whole blame thereof to the Queen, as not managing the Catholike cause aright. By some knave, this poore Prince was betrayed, and the Queen got a copie of these letters into her hands, and therefore threatened him sore; and there was never after that, any appearance of love betwixt them.

The Churches of Geneva, Berne, and Basill, with other Reformed Churches of Germany and France, sent to the whole Church of Scotland the sum of the Confession of their Faith,[1130] desiring to know if they agreed in uniformity of doctrine, alleadging, that the Church of Scotland was dissonant in some Articles from them: Wherefore the Superintendents, with a great part of the other most qualified Ministers, convened in September in Saint Andrews, and reading the said letters, made answer, and sent word again, That they agreed in all points with those Churches, and differed in nothing from them: albeit in the keeping of some Festivall days, our Church assented not; for only the Sabbath-day was kept in Scotland.

In the end of this month, the Earl Bothwell, riding in pursuit of the theeves in Liddisdale, was ill hurt, and worse terrified by a thief; for he believed surely to have departed forth of this life, and sent word thereof to the Queen's Majestie, who soon after past forth of Jedwart to the Hermitage to visit him,[1131] and give him comfort: And within a few days after, she took sickness in a most extreme manner, for she lay two hours long cold dead, as it were without breath, or any sign of life: at length she revived, by reason they had bound small cords about her shackle bones, her knees, and great toes, and speaking very softly, she desired the Lords to pray for her to God. She said the creed in English, and desired my Lord of Murray, if she should chance to depart, that he would not be over extreme to such as was of her Religion; the Duke and he should have been Regents. The bruit went from Jedwart in the month of October 1565, that the Queen was departed this life, or, at least, she could not live any time, wherefore there was continually prayers publikely made at the Church of Edinburgh, and divers other places, for her conversion towards God, and amendment. Many were of opinion that she should come to the preaching, and renounce Popery; but all in vain, for God had some other thing to do by her. The King being advertised, rid post from Sterlin to Jedburgh, where he found the Queen somewhat convalesced, but she would scarce speak to him, and hardly give him presence or a good word; wherefore he returned immediately to Sterlin, where the Prince was, and after to Glasgow to his father.

There appeared great trouble over the whole Realm, and especially in the countreys near the Borders, if the Queen had departed at that time. As she began to recover, the Earl Bothwell was brought in a charriot from the Hermitage to Jedburgh, where he was cured of his wounds; in whose presence the Queen took more pleasure then in all the rest of the world: always by his means, most part of all that were outlawed for the slaughter of David Rizzio, got relief, for there was no other means, but all things must needs pass by him; wherefore, every man sought to him, where immediately favour was to be had, as before to David Rizio.

Soon after, the Queen passing along the Borders, she came within the bounds of Barwick, where she viewed the town at her pleasure afar off, being within half a mile and less. All the ordnance within Barwick were discharged; the Captain came forth, with fourscore horses bravely arrayed, to do her honour, and offer her lawfull service. Then she came to Craigmiller, where she remained in November, till she was advertised of the coming of the Ambassadors to the baptisme of the Prince; and for that purpose there was great preparation made, not without the trouble of such as were supposed to have money in store, especially of Edinburgh; for there was borrowed a good round summe of money for the same businesse. All her care and solicitude was for that triumph. At the same time arrived the Counte de Briance, Ambassadour of the King of France, who had a great train. Soon after the Earl of Bedford went forth of England, with a very gorgious company, to the number of fourscore horses, and passing to Sterlin, he was humanly received of the Queen's Majestie, and every day banquetted. The excessive expences, and superfluous apparell, which was prepared at that time, exceeded farr all the preparation that ever had been devised or set forth afore that time in this countrey.

The 17. of December 1566, in the great hall of the Castle of Sterling, was the Prince baptized[1132] by the Bishop of Saint Andrews, at five a clock at even, with great pomp, albeit with great pain could they find men to beare the torches, wherefore they took boyes. The Queen laboured much with the Noblemen to bear the salt, grease, and candle, and such other things, but all refused; she found at last the Earls of Eglington, Athole, and the Lord Seaton, who assisted at the baptisme, and brought in the said trash. The Counte de Briance, (being the French Ambassadour,) assisted likewise. The Earl of Bedford brought for a present from the Queen of England a font of gold, valued to be worth three thousand crowns. Soon after the said baptisme, as the Earl was in communing with the Queen, who entertained him most reverently, he began to say merrily to her, amongst other talking, "Madame, I rejoyce very greatly at this time, seeing your Majestie hath here to serve you so many Noblemen, especially twelve Earls, whereof two only assist at this baptisme to the superstition of Popery." At the which saying the Queen kept good countenance. Soon after they banquetted in the said great hall, where they wanted no prodigality. During the time of the Earl of Bedford's remaining at Sterlin, the Lords, for the most part, waited upon him, and conveyed him every day to the sermon, and after to banquetting.

The King, who remained at Sterlin all that time, (never being present,) kept his chamber: His father hearing how he was used, writ to him to repaire unto him; who soon after went (without good-night) toward Glasgow, to his father. He was hardly a mile out of Sterlin, when the poyson (which had been given him) wrought so upon him, that he had very great pain and dolour in every part of his body. At length, being arrived at Glasgow, the blisters brake out, of a blewish colour; so the Physitians presently knew the disease to come by poyson: He was brought so low, that nothing but death was expected; yet the strength of his youth at last did surmount the poison.

During the time of this triumph, the Queen was most liberall in all things that were demanded of her: amongst other things, she subscribed a writing for the maintenance of the Ministers in a reasonable proportion, which was to be taken up of the Thirds of Benefices: which writing being purchased by the Bishop of Galloway, was presented at the Generall Assembly of the Church at Edinburgh, the five and twentieth day of December 1566, where were conveened the Superintendents, and other Ministers in reasonable number, but very few Commissioners. The first matter that was there proposed, was concerning the said writing lately obtained; and the most part of the Ministers being demanded their opinions in the matter, after advice, and passing a little aside, they answered very gravely, That it was their duty to preach to the people the word of God truly and sincerely, and to crave of the auditors the things that were necessary for their sustentation, as of duty the Pastour might justly crave of their flock; and, further, it became them not to have any care. Nevertheless, the Assembly taking into consideration, that the said gifts granted by the Queen's Majestie was not to be refused, they ordained, That certain faithfull men of every Shire should meet, and do their utmost diligence for gathering and receiving the said corn and money; and likewise appointed the Superintendent of Lowthian, and Master John Row,[1133] to waite upon the Bishop of Galloway, and concurre and assist him for further expedition in the Court, that the said gift might be dispatched through the Seales.

In the same Assembly, there was presented a remonstrance by writ, by some gentlemen of Kyle, containing in effect, That inasmuch as the Tythes ought to be given only to the Ministers of the Word, and Schools, and for maintenance of the poore, that therefore the Assembly would statute and ordain, That all the Professors of the Evangell should keep the same in their own hands, to the effects aforesaid, and no way permit the Papists to meddle therewith. This writing took no effect at that time, for there was none else but the gentlemen of Kyle of that opinion. It was statuted in the said Assembly, That such publike fornicators, and scandalous livers, as would not confesse their offences, nor come to declare their repentance, should be declared by the Minister to be out of the Church, and not of the body thereof, and their names to be declared publikely upon the Sunday.

The Queen intending vengeance upon the poor King, and being in love with the Earl Bothwell, grants to the Protestants their petitions, that they may be quiet and not trouble her plots.

After this Assembly, the Bishop of Galloway (with the Superintendent of Lowthian and Master John Row) passing to Sterlin, obtained their demands in an ample manner at the Queen's Majesties hand, according to their desire; and likewise, they obtained for every borough, a gift or donation of the altarages, annuals, and obites, which before were given to the Papists, now to be disposed for the maintenance of the Ministers and Schools within the boroughs, and the rest to the Poor, or hospitall.

[It was ordained[1134] that humble supplication should be made to the Lords of Secret Councell concerning the Commission of Jurisdiction supposed to be granted to the Bishop of Saint Andrews, to the effect their honours may stay the same, in respect that the causes for the most part judged by his usurped authoritie, pertaine to the true Kirk; and also, because in respect of that coloured Commission, he might assume againe his old usurped authoritie, and the same might be a mean to oppresse the whole Kirk. The tenour of the Supplication followeth.

"The Generall Assembly of the Kirk of Scotland conveened at Edinburgh the 25. of December 1566, to the Nobilitie of this Realme that professe the Lord Jesus with them, and have renounced that Romane Antichrist, Desires constancie in faith, and the spirit of righteous judgement.

John Knox his supplication to the Councell, to recall the commission granted to the Archbishop of Saint Andrews.

"Seeing that Satan, by all our negligences, (Right Honourable,) hath so far prevailed within this Realme of late dayes that we do stand in extream danger, not onely to losse our temporall possessions, but also to be deprived of the glorious Evangell of Jesus Christ, and so we and our posterity to be left in damnable darknesse; We could no longer contain our selves, nor keep silence, lest by so doing we might be accused as guilty of the blood of such as shall perish for lack of admonition, as the Prophet threatneth. We therefore, in the fear of our God, and with grief and anguish of our heart, complain unto your Honours, (yea, we must complain unto God, and to all his obedient creatures,) that that conjured enemie of Jesus Christ, and cruell murtherer of our dear brethren, most falsly styled Archbishop of Saint Andrews, is reponed and restored, by signature past, to his former tyrannie: For not only are his ancient jurisdictions (as they are termed) of the whole Bishoprick of Saint Andrews granted unto him, but also the execution of judgement, confirmation of testaments, and donation of benefices, as more amply in his signature is expressed. If this be not to cure the head of that venomous beast, which once within this Realm, by the potent hand of God, was so broken downe and banished, that by tyranny it could not have hurt the faithfull, judge ye. His ancient jurisdiction was, that he with certaine colleagues collaterals, might have damned of heresie upon probation as pleased him, and then to take all that were suspected of heresie. What they have judged to be heresie heretofore, ye cannot be ignorant of; and whether they remaine in their former malice or not, their fruits and travels openly declare. The danger may be feared, say ye. But what remedie? It is easie, and at hand, (Right Honourable,) if ye will not betray the cause of God, and leave your brethren, who will never be more subject to that usurped tyrannie then they will be to the Devill himselfe. Our Queene belike is not well informed: She ought not, nor justly may not break the laws of this Realm; and so consequently, she may not set up against us, without our consents, that Romane Antichrist againe: For in a lawfull and the most free Parliament that ever was in this Realm before, was that odious beast deprived of all jurisdiction, office and authority within the Realm. Her Majestie at her first arryvall, and by divers proclamations sensyne, hath expressly forbidden any other forme and face of Religion, then that which she found publikely established at her arryvall: Therefore she may not bring us (the greatest part of the subjects of this Realm) back again to bondage, till that as lawfull and free a Parliament as justly damned that Antichrist and his usurped tyranny, hath given decision betwixt us and him. If hereof, and of other things which no lesse concerne your selves then us, ye plainly and boldly admonish our Soveraigne, and without tumult only crave justice, the tyrants dare no more be seen in lawfull judgment, then dare the owles in day light. Weigh this matter as it is, and ye will finde it more weighty then it appeareth to many. Farther at this present we complain not, but humbly crave of your Honours a reasonable answer what ye will doe, in case such tyrants and devouring wolves begin to invade the flocke of Jesus Christ within this Realm, under what title soever it be: For this we boldly professe, That we will never acknowledge such either pastors to our soules, or yet judges to our causes. And if [that], for denyall thereof, we suffer either in body or in goods, we doubt not but we have not only a Judge to punish them that unjustly trouble us, but also an Advocate and strong Champion in Heaven to recompense them, who for his name's sake suffer persecution: Whose Holy Spirit rule your hearts in his true fear to the end.

"Given in the Generall Assembly and third Session thereof,
at Edinburgh, the 27. of December, 1566."

Besides this Supplication of the Assembly to the Nobility penned (as appeareth by the style) by John Knox, a Letter was written by John Knox in particular to the Professors, to advertise them of the danger of this commission or power granted to the said bastard, Bishop of Saint Andrews, the tenor whereof doth follow.

"The Lord cometh, and shall not tarrie; Blessed shall he
be whom he shall finde fighting against impietie.

John Knox his Letter to the Professors,

"To deplore the miseries of these our most wicked dayes (Beloved Brethren) can neither greatly profit us, neither yet relieve us of our present calamities; and yet utterly to keep silence, cannot lack the suspicion of apostacie, and plain defection from God, and from his truth, once by us publikely professed. For now are matters (that in years bypast have been denyed) so far discovered, that he who seeth not the plaine subversion of all true Religion within this Realm to be concluded, and decreed in the hearts of some, must either confesse himselfe blinde, or else an enemie to the Religion which we professe: For besides the open erecting of Idolatry in divers parts of this Realme, and besides the extreame povertie wherein our Ministers are brought, (by reason that idle bellies are fed upon that which justly appertaineth to such as truely preach Jesus Christ, and rightly and by order minister his blessed Sacraments,) that cruell murtherer of our brethren, falsly called Archbishop of Saint Andrews, most unjustly, and against all law, hath presumed to his former tyrannie, as a signature past for his restitution to his ancient jurisdiction (as it is termed) more fully doth proport. What end may be looked for of such beginnings, the halfe blinde may see, as we suppose. And yet, we have heard, that a certaine summe of money and victuals should be assigned by the Queen's Majestie for sustentation of our Ministrie. But how that any such assignation, or any promise made thereof, can stand in any stable assurance, when that Roman Antichrist (by just laws once banished from this Realme) shall be intrused above us, we can no wise understand. Yea, farther, we cannot see what assurance any within this Realme that have professed the Lord Jesus can have of life or inheritance, if the head of that odious beast be cured amongst us. And therefore we yet again, in the bowels of Christ Jesus, crave of you to look into this matter, and to advertise us again, with reasonable expedition of your judgements, that in the feare of God, and with unitie of minds, we may proceed to crave justice, and oppone our selves to such tyrannie, as most unjustly is intended against us: For, if we think not that this last erecting of that wicked man, is the very setting up againe of that Romane Antichrist within this Realme, we are deprived of all right judgement. And what is that else, but to separate us and our posteritie from God; yea, and to cut our selves from the freedome of this Realme. We desire therefore that the wisest amongst you may consider the weight of this cause, which long hath been neglected, partly by our slouth, and partly by believing faire promises, by which to this hour we have been deceived. And therefore we ought to be the more vigilant and circumspect, especially seeing a Parliament is proclaimed.

"We have sent to you the forme of a Supplication and Articles, which we would have presented to the Queen's Majestie. If it please you, we would ye should approve it by your subscriptions; or if you would alter it, we desire you so to do, and we shall allow whatsoever you shall propound, not repugnant to God. If it shall be thought expedient that Commissioners of Countries shall conveene, to reason upon the most weighty matters that now occurr, the time and place being appointed by you, and due advertisement being given to us, by God's grace, there shall no fault be found in us; but as from the beginning we have neither spared substance nor life, so minde we not to faint unto the end, to maintaine the same, so long as we can finde the concurrence of brethren; of whom (as God forbid) if we be destitute, yet are we determined never to be subject to that Roman Antichrist, neither yet to his usurped tyrannie. But when we can doe no further to suppresse that odious beast, we minde to scale with our blood to our posteritie, that the bright knowledge of Jesus Christ hath banished that man of sinne, and his venomous doctrine, from our hearts and consciences. Let this our Letter and request beare witnesse before God, before his angels, before the world, and before our own consciences, that we require you that have professed the Lord Jesus within this Realme, as well Nobilitie, as Gentlemen, Burgesses, and Commons, to deliberate upon the estate of things present; and specially whether that this usurped tyrannie of that Romane Antichrist shall be any longer suffered within this Realme, seeing that by just law it is already abolished. Secondly, Whether that we shall be bound to feed idle bellies upon the patrimonie of the Kirk, which justly appertaineth unto Ministers. Thirdly, Whether that Idolatrie, and other abominations, which now are more then evident, shall any longer by us be maintained and defended. Answer us as ye will answer to God, in whose feare we send these letters unto you, lest that our silence should be counted for consent unto such impietie. God take from our hearts the blinde love of our selves, and all ungodly feare. Amen. Let us know your mindes with expedition.">[

Notwithstanding the domestick troubles that the Church of God had in Scotland in this turbulent time within the kingdome, yet they were not unmindfull of the affliction of Jacob every where upon the face of the earth; namely, they had before their eyes the state and condition of the Church of God in England: Witnesse this Letter from the Generall Assembly to the Rulers of the Church of God in England; [wherein they intreat them to deal gently with the preachers their brethren about the Surplice and other apparell. John Knox formed the Letter in name of the Assembly, as follows.[1135]]

"The Superintendents, with other Ministers and Commissioners of the Church of God in the Kingdome of Scotland, to their Brethren, the Bishops and Pastours of God's Church in England, who profess with us in Scotland the truth of Jesus Christ.

"By word and letters it is come to our knowledge, (Reverend Brethren, Pastors of God's word in the Church of England,) that divers of our Brethren (of whom some be of the most learned in England,) are deprived from all Ecclesiasticall function, namely, are forbidden to preach, and so by you are stopped to promote the Kingdom of God, because they have a scruple of conscience to use at the command of Authority such garments as idolaters in time of greatest darknesse, did use in their superstitious and idolatrous service; which report cannot but be very grievous to our hearts, considering the sentence of the Apostle, 'If ye bite and devour one another, take heed ye be not consumed one of another.' We intend not at this present to enter into the question, which we hear is agitated and handled with greater vehemency by either partie, then well liketh us, to wit, Whether such Apparell be accounted amongst things indifferent or not; wherefore, (through the bowels of Jesus Christ,) we crave that Christian charitie may so farr prevaile with you, who are the pastors and guides of Christ's flock in England, that ye doe one to another, as ye desire others to do to you. You cannot be ignorant what tendernesse is in a scrupulous conscience, and all that have knowledge are not alike perswaded; the consciences of some of you stirres not, with the wearing of such things; on the other side, many thousands (both godly and learned) are otherwayes perswaded, whose consciences are continually strucken with these sentences, 'What hath Christ to doe with Beliall?' 'What fellowship is there betwixt light and darknesse?' If surplice, corner-cap, and tippet, have been the badges of idolaters in the very act of their idolatry, what hath the preachers of Christian libertie, and the rebukers of superstition to do with the dregs of that Romish Beast? Yea, what is he that ought not to fear, either to take in his hand, or on his forehead, the prints and mark of that odious Beast? The brethren that refuse such unprofitable apparell, do neither condemn nor molest you who use such trifles. On the other side, if ye that use these things will do the like to your brethren, we doubt not but therein you shall please God, and comfort the hearts of many, which are wounded to see extremitie used against these godly brethren. Humane arguments or coloured rhetorick, we use none to perswade you, only in charity we desire you to mind the sentence of Peter, 'Feed the flock of Christ which is committed to your charge, caring for it, not by constraint, but willingly; not being as lords of God's heritages, but being examples to the flock.' We further desire you to meditate upon that sentence of Paul, 'Give no offence, neither to Jews, nor Gentiles, nor to the church of God.' In what condition you and we both travell, at least are bound to travell for the promoting of Christ's kingdom, you are not ignorant; therefore we are the more bold to exhort you to deal more wisely, then to trouble the godly for such vanities; for all things which seem lawfull, edifie not. If Authority urge you farther than your consciences can bear, we pray you remember, that the Ministers of the Church are called the 'Light of the world,' and 'Salt of the earth;' all civill authority hath not alwayes the light of God shining before their eyes, in statutes and commands, for their affections savour too much of the earth and worldly wisdom: therefore we tell you, that ye ought to oppose your selves boldly, not only to all power that dare extoll it self against God, but also against all such as dare burthen the consciences of the faithfull, farther than God chargeth them in his own word. But we hope you will excuse our freedom in that we have entered in reasoning farther than we intended in the beginning. Now, again we return to our former request, which is, That the brethren among you, who refuse the Romish rags, may find of you, who use and urge them, such favour as our Head and Master commandeth each one of his members to shew to another, which we look to receive of your courtesie, not only because you will not offend God in troubling your brethren for such vain trifles, but also because you will not refuse the earnest request of us your Brethren, and fellow Ministers; in whom, although there appear no worldly pomp, yet we are assured, you will esteem us as God's servants, travelling to set forth his glory against the Roman Antichrist. The dayes are evill, iniquitie aboundeth, and charitie (alas) waxeth cold; wherefore we ought to walk diligently, for the hour is uncertain when the Lord shall come, before whom we must all give an account of our administration. In conclusion, yet once more we desire you to be favourable one to another; the Lord Jesus rule your hearts in his fear unto the end, and give to you and us victorie over that conjured enemy of true Religion, (the Pope,) whose wounded head Sathan by all means strives to cure again; but to destruction shall he go, and all his maintainers, by the power of our Lord Jesus, to whose mighty protection we commit you.

"From our Generall Assembly, Decemb. 27. 1566."

[When John Knox, the penner of this letter wrote thus of the superstitious Apparell as a supplicant for the afflicted Brethren, what would he have written, think you, in another case. It is to be observed, that at the same time our worthy Brethren in England made their state known to Master Beza, who, upon their complaint, wrote a letter in their behalf at the same time to Doctor Grindall, Bishop of London, wherein he findeth fault with the manner of Apparrell appointed for Ministers with kneeling at the communion, and all significant ceremonies; which letter is the eight in order, among his Epistles. But obtaining no favour, he wrote the year following, (which was in Anno 1567,) another letter to this purpose, which is the twelfth in order amongst his Epistles, wherein he giveth his beloved brethren this advice; that rather then they should give their consents to the order of ordaining their Ministers to use the cope and surplice, and to the manner of excommunication that was used in the Church of England, that they should give place to manifest violence, and live as privat men. It is also to be observed, that the sincerer sort of the Ministrie in England had not yet assaulted the jurisdiction and Church government, (which they did not till the year 1572, at which time they published their first and second Admonition to the Parliament,) but only had excepted against superstitious apparell, and some other faults in the Service Booke. By the former Assembly, the Reader of Bathgate was censured for baptizing of infants, and solemnizing of marriage, he being but a simple Reader, and for taking silver for the same from such as were without the parish. Hear you may see that they acknowledge not Reading Ministers, that is, that any administer the Sacraments, but he that was able to preach the word.][1136]

As she had lately gratified the Protestants by granting their Petition, so at this time she yeelds unto the Papists their demands also, that she might be stopped by neither of them in her designe of vengeance and new love.

At the same time, the Bishop of Saint Andrews, by means of the Earl Bothwell, procured a writing from the Queen's Majesty, to be obeyed within the diocese of his jurisdiction, in all such causes as before in time of Popery were used in the Consistory, and therefore to discharge the new Commissioners; and for the same purpose came to Edinburgh in January, having a company of one hundred horses, or more, intending to take possession, according to his gift lately obtained. The Provest being advertised thereof by the Earl of Murray, they sent to the Bishop three or four of the Councell, desiring him to desist from the said matter, for fear of trouble and sedition that might rise thereupon; whereby he was perswaded to desist at that time.

Soon after, the Queen came to Edinburgh, where she remained a few days. In the moneth of January she was informed that the King was recovered of the poyson given him at Sterlin, and therefore she past to Glasgow to visit him, and there tarried with him six days, using him wonderfully kindely, with many gracious and good words; and likewise his father, the Earl of Lenox, insomuch that all men marvelled whereto it should turn, considering the great contempt and drynesse that had been before so long together. The Queen, notwithstanding all the contempt that was given him, with a known design to take away his life, yet by her sweet words gains so far upon the uxorious husband, and his facile father, that he went in company with her to Edinburgh, where she had caused to lodge him at the Church of Field,[1137] in a lodging, lately bought by Master James Balfour, Clerk Register, truely very unmeet for a King. The Queen resorted often to visit him, and lay in the house two nights by him, (although her lodging was in the Palace of Halyrud-house.) Every man marvelled at this reconciliation and sudden change. The ninth of February, the King was murthered, and the house where he lay burned with powder, about twelve of the clock in the night: his body was cast forth in a yard, without the town wall, adjoining close by. There was a servant likewise murthered beside him, who had been also in the chamber with him. The people ran to behold this spectacle; and wondering thereat some judged one thing, some another.

Shortly thereafter, Bothwell came from the Abbey with a company of men of war, and caused the body of the King to be carryed to the next house; where, after a little, the chirurgions being convened at the Queen's command to view and consider the manner of his death; most part gave out, to please the Queen, that he was blown in the ayre, albeit he had no mark of fire; and truly he was strangled. Soon after,[1138] he was carryed to the Abbey, and there buryed.

[When many of the common people had gazed long upon the King's corpse, the Queen caused it to be brought down to the Pallace by some pioners. She behold the corpse without any outward shew or signe of joy or sorrow. When the Lords had concluded amongst themselves that he should be honourablie buried, the Queen caused his corpse to be carried by some pioners in the night without solemnitie, and to be layed beside the sepulchre of David Rizio. If there had been any solemn buriall, Buchanan had wanted wit to relate otherwise, seeing there would have been so many witnesses to testifie the contrair. Therefore the contriver of the late Historie of Queen Marie[1139] wanted policie here to convoy a lee.

The Queen, according to the ancient custom should have keeped herself 40. days within, and the doores and windowes should have been closed in token of mourning; but the windowes were opened, to let in light, the fourth day. Before the twelfth day, she went out to Scatoun, Bothwell never parting from her side. There she went out to the fields to behold games and pastimes. The King's armour, horse, and household stuffe, were bestowed upon the murtherers. A certain taylour, when he was to reforme the King's apparel to Bothwell, said jestingly, He acknowledged here the custom of the country, by which the clothes of the dead fall to the hangman.][1140]

This tragicall end had Henry Steward, after he had been King eighteen moneths. A Prince of great linage, both by mother and father: He was of a comely stature, and none was like unto him within this island; he died under the age of one and twenty years; prompt and ready for all games and sports; much given to hawking and hunting, and running of horses, and likewise to playing on the lute, and also to Venus chamber: He was liberall enough: He could write and dictate well; but he was somewhat given to wine, and much feeding, and likewise to inconstancy; and proud beyond measure, and therefore contemned all others: He had learned to dissemble well enough, being from his youth misled up in Popery. Thus, within two years after his arriving in this Realm, he was highly by the Queen alone extolled; and, finally, had this infortunate end by her procurement and consent. To lay all other proofs aside, her marriage with Bothwell, who was the main executioner of the King, notwithstanding all the advices and counsells that the King of France, and the Queen of England, did earnestly and carefully give her, as other friends did likewise, witness anent their guilt. Those that laid hands on the King to kill him, by Bothwell's direction, was Sir James Balfour, Gilbert Balfour, David Chalmers, black John Spense, Francis, Sebastien, Jo. de Bourdeau, and Joseph, the brother of David Rizio: These last four were the Queen's domesticks, and strangers. The reason why the King's death was so hastened, because the affection or passion of the Earl Bothwell could not bear so long a delay, as the procurement of a bill of divorce required, although the Romish clergie offered their service willingly to the business, namely, Bishop Hamilton, and so he came great again at Court; and he for the advancement of the business, did good offices to increase the hatred betwixt the King and Queen; yea, some that had been the chief instruments of the marriage of the King and Queen, offered the service for the divorce, seeing how the Queen's inclination lay: So unhappy are Princes, that men, for their own ends, further them in all their inclinations and undertakings, be they never so bad or destructive to themselves.

The Earl of Lenox, in the mean time, wrote to the Queen, to cause punish Bothwell, with his other complices, for murthering the King. The Queen, not daring openly to reject the Earl of Lenox his solicitation, did appoint a day for the triall of Bothwell, by an assize;[1141] the members whereof was the Earl of Cathnes, President, the Earl of Cassels, (who at the first refused, but thereafter, being threatened to be put in prison, and under the pain of treason, was present by the Queen's command,) John Hamilton, Commendator of Aberbrothok, Lord Rosse, Lord Semple, Lord Boyd, Lord Hereis, Lord Olyphant; the Master of Forbes, the Lairds of Lochinvar, Langton, Cambusnetham,[1142] Barnbougel, and Boyne: They, to please the Queen, and for fear, did pronounce Bothwell not guilty, notwithstanding the manifest evidences of the cruell fact committed by Bothwell, who, before the tryall, did make himself strong by divers means; namely, by the possession of the Castle of Edinburgh, so that the accusers durst not appear, not being strong enough. The Earl of Marr did retire to Sterlin, and had committed to his charge the young Prince. All this was done in February.

In April, Bothwell called together sundry of the Lords, who had come to Edinburgh, to a meeting that was there; and having gained some before, made them all, what by fear, what by fair promises, first of their private state, and then of advancing the Papist's Religion, to consent by their subscriptions to the marriage with the Queen. Then the Queen goes to Sterlin, to see her son: Bothwell makes a shew as if he were going to the Borders to suppresse robbers, and so he raiseth some men of war; which, when he had done, he turneth towards the way to Sterlin, where he meets the Queen, according to appointment betwixt them, and carrieth her to Dumbar, as it had been by force, although every one knew it was with the Queen's liking. The prime Nobility convened at Sterlin, and from thence sent to her, to know whether or not she was taken against her will: She answered, That it was true she was taken against her will, but since her taking, she had no occasion to complain; yea, the courteous entertainment she had, made her forget and forgive all former offences. Those expressions were used by way of preface to the pardon, which was granted immediately thereafter to Bothwell; for, by Letters Patents, he was pardoned by the Queen, for laying violently hands upon her Majestie, and for all other crimes. So by this, &c.,[1143] the murther of the King was pardoned. During the Queen's abode in Dunbar, there was letters of divorce demanded and granted unto Bothwell from his Lady, (who afterward was married to the Earl Sutherland,) she was sister to the Earl of Huntley. The ground of divorce was, the parties being within the degrees prohibited, could not be lawfully joyned: Next, because Bothwell was an adulterer, the marriage was voyd. The bill of divorce was granted by the Papisticall Court of the Archbishop of Saint Androis. And here mark how they juggle in sacred things; for when it pleaseth them, they untie the bond of marriage, as now, and as we have seen in the First Book of this History. When the Queen fell in distaste of the late King her husband, it was proposed unto her to have divorce upon the same ground from the King: To which, first ear was given, but after second thoughts, a bill of divorce was too tedious, (as we have now said,) and could not be stayed for, therefore the King must be dispatched.

Note.

The Queen, when Bothwell had obtained by the Archbishop a letter of divorce from his lawfull wife, sent a letter signed with her own hand to Master John Craig, minister of Edinburgh, commanding him to publish the band of matrimony betwixt her and Bothwell. Master John Craig, the next sermon day thereafter, declared in full congregation, that he had received such a command, but in conscience he could not obey it; the marriage was altogether unlawfull; and of that he would declare the reasons to the parties, if he had audience of them, otherwise he would make known his just reasons in the hearing of the people. Immediately thereafter, Bothwell sends for Master Craig to the Councell, where Master Craig told, first, That by an Act of the Assembly, it was forbidden to allow the marriage of any divorced for adultery: The divorce of Bothwell from his lawfull wife, was by collusion, witnesse the quick dispatch thereof; for it was sought and had within ten days, and his contracting with the Queen instantly thereafter; then his rapt of the Queen, and the guilt of the King's death, which was confirmed by this marriage: withall, he desired the Lords to stop the Queen[1144] from that infamous marriage. The Sunday after, he told publikely to the people, what he had said to the Councell; and he took heaven and earth to witnesse, that he detested that scandalous and infamous marriage; and that he discharged his conscience unto the Lords, who seemed unto him, as so many slaves, what by flattery, what by silence, to give way to that abomination. Upon this, he was called to the Councell again, and was reproved, as if he had exceeded the bounds of his calling. Whereunto he answered, That the bounds of his commission was the word of God, right reason, and good laws, against which he had said nothing; and by all these, offered to prove this marriage to be scandalous and infamous. At this he was stopped by Bothwell, and sent from the Councell. Notwithstanding all this done and said by Master Craig, and the opposition of many that wished well to the Queen, and were jealous of her honour, the marriage went on, and they were married the 15. of May. This makes good the Latino proverb, Mala nubunt mense Maio; and a Bishop must bless the marriage: The good Prelat was Bishop of Orkney:[1145] If there be a good work to be done, a Bishop must do it. Here mark the difference betwixt this worthy minister Master Craig, and this base Bishop.

The Earl of Athole, immediately after the murther of the King, had retired home, waiting for the occasion to revenge the King's death: But seeing this abominable marriage, he went to Sterlin, where other honest Lords with him had a meeting, and made a bond, to defend the young Prince from the murtherers of his father; as already they had had one plot to cut him off, which God in his mercy did prevent. The Nobles that entred in this bond, were the Earls of Argyle, Athole, Morton, Marr, and Glencarne; the Lords Lindsey and Boyd. Argyle thereafter, seduced by some fair words, fell off; and Boyd became a great factionary for Bothwell in all things. The Queen, soon after the marriage, was advised to send abroad an Ambassadour to acquaint her forraigne friends and kindred; and this must be a Bishop: It is pity that any good work should be done without a Bishop: was not this a worthy employment for a pastor in God's Church.[1146]

Bothwell seeing the bond made at Sterlin, causeth the Queen to write to sundry of the Nobility. Divers repaired unto her, where they found a bond tendred unto them, by which they were to bind themselves to defend the Queen and Bothwell. Some that were corrupt, did willingly subscribe; others for fear did the same: and there was not one that went to Court that did refuse, but the Earl of Murray; who refusing absolutely to enter into a bond with Bothwell, said, It was not the part of a good subject; yet since he had been made friends with him some time before, he would keep his promise unto the Queen; and to enter into a bond with the Queen, it was needlesse and unfit, since he was to obey her in all lawfull and just things. Upon this, he gat leave, although with great difficulty, to go into France.

The Queen receives now Hamilton Archbishop of Saint Androis into favour since these changes; who was no less a faithfull Councellor to her, then he was a good pastor of Christ's flock; that is, he betrayed her, and disobeyed God. With this a Proclamation comes out in favour of the poor Protestants, whereby the Queen declares, That she will keep and confirm all that she had promised at her arrivall into Scotland: This was done to stop the people's mouthes; but all in vain, for the people were universally against the abomination of the Court.

Within few dayes, Bothwell and the Queen were raising men, under pretext to go to the Borders to represse the robbers there; but in effect to go to Sterlin, to have the Prince in their custody, that they might dispose of him according to their mind. Then a new Proclamation came out, That the Queen hereafter would rule only by the advice of the Nobles of the land, as her best predecessors had done. The Lords at Sterlin, hearing of this plot, strives to prevent it, and to this purpose they appointed with the Lord Hume, to besiege the Castle of Borthwicke, where the Queen and Bothwell was: But because the Earle of Athole did not come at the houre appointed, they had not men enough to environ and compass the Castle; so that Bothwell having notice given him of the business, escaped to Dumbar, and the Queen after him, in man's cloths. The Lords, failing of their designe at Borthwike Castle, went to Edinburgh, whereof they made themselves masters easily, having the affections of the people, notwithstanding the Earl Huntley and the Archbishop of Saint Androis perswasion to the contrary. These two, with their associates, were constrained to retire to the Castle, where they were received by Sir James Balfour, left there by Bothwell.

The twelfth of June, which was the next day following, the Lords at Edinburgh caused to publish a proclamation, whereby they declared, That the Earle Bothwell, who had been the principall author, deviser, and actor of the cruell murther of the late King, had since laid hand upon the Queen's person, and had her for the present in Dumbar in his power; and finding her utterly destitute of all good counsell, had seduced her to a dishonest and unlawfull marriage with himselfe; yea, that now he was gathering forces, and stirring himself to get the young Prince in his hands, that he might murther the child, as he had murthered the father. This wicked man the Nobles of the land resolved to withstand, and deliver the Queen out of his bondage; wherefore they did charge all lieges within the kingdom that could come to them, to be in readiness at three hours warning to assist them (the Nobles) for the freeing of the Queen from captivity, and bringing the said Earle Bothwell to a legall triall, and condigne punishment for the aforesaid murther and other crimes. All such that would not side with the Lords were by this Proclamation commanded to depart from Edinburgh within four hours, under the pain of being accounted enemies, &c.

Notwithstanding this Proclamation, the people did not joyn unto these Lords as was expected, for sundry of the Nobles were adversaries to the business, others stood as neuters; and withall, those that were convened together were not well provided of armes and munition for exploits of warr; so that they were even thinking to dissolve and leave off their enterprize till another time, and had absolutely done so; but God had ordained other wayes, as the event did shew, (if the Queen and Bothwell could have had patience to stay at Dumbar for three or four dayes without any stir;) but the Queen and Bothwell, having gathered together about four or five thousand men, trusting in their force, (the Queen being puft up by flatterers,) set forth and marched towards Leith: Being come forward as far as Glaidsmure, she caused publike Proclamation against the aforesaid Lords, calling them a number of conspirators, and that she now discerned their inward malice against her and her husband, the Duke of Orkney, (for so now they called Bothwell.) After they had endeavoured to apprehend her and her husband at Borthwick, and had made a seditious Proclamation, under pretence of seeking the revenge of the King her late husband, and to free her from captivity; giving out, that the Duke her husband had a minde to invade the Prince her sonne; all which was false, for the Duke her husband had used all means to clear himself, both by a legall way and by the offer of a combate to any that did accuse him, as they knew well enough: As touching her captivity, she was in none, but was in company with her husband, unto whom she was publikely married in the view of the world, and many of the Nobles had given their consent unto this her marriage: As for the Prince her sonne, it was but a specious pretence to the treason and rebellion against her their naturall Sovereign and her posteritie, which they intended to overthrow; wherefore she declared her self necessitated to take armes, hoping that all her faithfull subjects would adhere unto her, and that those who were already assembled with her, would with good hearts and hands stand to her defence; and for the recompence of their valour they should have the lands and goods of these unnaturall rebels. After this Proclamation, the army went on, and the Queen that night came to Seaton, where she lay.

About midnight the Lords of Edinburgh were advertised of the Queen's approach, presently they took armes, and at the sun rising they were at Musselburgh, where they refreshed themselves with meat and rest. The Queen's camp was not yet stirring. About mid-day the scouts that the Lords had sent out, brought word that the enemie was marching towards them; presently they put themselves in two batallias; the first was conducted by the Earle Morton and the Lord Hume; the second by the Earls Athole, Glencarne, the Lords Lindsay, Ruthven, Semple, and Sanchar, with the Lairds Drumlanrick, Tullibarden, Cesfoord, and Graunge, with divers others: their number was almost as great as the Queen's, their men better, being many of them expert men, that I say nothing of the cause. The Queen had gained a hill called Carbarry,[1147] which the Lords (by reason of the steepness of the ascent) could not well come at; wherefore they wheeled about to get a more convenient place to go to the hill, where the enemie was, and to have the sunne behind them in the time of the fight. At the first the Queen, seeing their thus going about, did imagine they were fleeing away to Dalkeith, but when she saw them come directly towards her, she found her self deceived.

The French Ambassador, seeing them ready to fight, strived to take up the business, and having spoken with the Queen, went to the Lords, telling them, that the Queen was disposed to peace, and to forgive and pardon this insurrection: wherefore it was very fit to spare blood, to agree in a peaceable way The Earle of Morton (in the name of all the rest) answered, That they had taken up armes, not against the Queen, but against the murtherer of the King; whom if she would deliver to be punished, or at least put from her company, she should find a continuation of dutifull obedience by them, and all other good subjects; otherwise no peace: besides, we are not to ask pardon for any offence done by us. The Ambassador, seeing their resolution to stand to the right of their cause, withdrew, and went to Edinburgh.

Note how God changeth things in a moment.

While the French Ambassadour was thus labouring for accommodation, Bothwell came out of the camp (which was in the trench that the Englishmen had left at their last being in these places, as we have said in the former Books,) well mounted, with a defie to any that would fight with him. James Murray, brother to the Laird of Tullibardin, who before had accepted of Bothwell's challenge, when he made the rodomontade at Edinburgh, immediately after the King's death; but then James Murray did not make known his name. Bothwell refused to fight with James Murray,[1148] alleadging he was not his equall. Upon this the elder brother, William Murray, Laird of Tullibardin, answered, That he would fight with him, as being his better in estate, and in antiquitie of house many degrees above him; yet Bothwell refused him, saying, That he was not a Peer of the Kingdom, as he was; then sundry Lords would have gone to fight with Bothwell; but the Lord Lindsey namely, who said to the rest of the Lords and Gentlemen, That he would take it as a singular favour of them, and as a recompence of his service done to the State, if they would suffer him to fight with the braggadocio. Bothwell seeing that there was no more subterfuge nor excuse, under-hand made the Queen to forbid him. After this challenge and answers, Bothwell's complices and followers were very earnest to fight, but others that had come only for the Queen's sake, became little cold, saying, That Bothwell would do well to fight himself, and spare the blood of divers gentlemen that were there. Some counselled to delay the battell till the Hamiltons came, whom they did expect. All this the Queen heard with anger; and riding up and downe, burst out in teares, and said, They were all cowards and traytors that would not fight. Immediately after thus vapouring, the Queen, perceiving sundry to leave her, she advised Bothwell to look unto himself, for she said to him, she would render her selfe unto the Noble-men.[1149] Upon this she sent for James Kirkaldie of Grange,[1150] with whom she kept discourse for a while, till that she was assured that Bothwell was out of danger. Then she went to the Lords, whom she did entertain with many fair words, telling them, That it was neither fear, nor want of hope of victorie, that made her come unto them, but a meer desire to spare shedding of innocent blood: withall she promised to be ruled and advised by them. With this she was received with all respect: But shortly after, declaring that she would go to the Hamiltons, with promise to returne, they restrained her liberty, and brought her along with them to Edinburgh at night: She was very slow in marching, looking to be rescued by the Hamiltons; but in vain. She lay that night in the Provest his house. The next day, the Lords sent the Queen to the Castle that is within an Isle of Lochlevin. Sir James Balfour, seeing the Queen committed, and Bothwell consequently defeated, he capitulated with the Lords for the deliverie of the Castle. Bothwell, finding himselfe thus in disorder, sent a servant to Sir James Balfour, to save a little silver cabinet which the Queen had given him. Sir James Balfour delivers the cabinet to the messenger, and under-hand giveth advice of it to the Lords. In this cabinet had Bothwell kept the letters of privacy he had from the Queen: Thus he kept her letters, to be an awe-bond upon her, in case her affection should change. By the taking of this cabinet, many particulars betwixt the Queen and Bothwell were clearly discovered. These letters were after printed:[1151] They were in French, with some sonnets of her owne making.

[About this time the Earle Bothwell was declared by open Proclamation not only the murtherer of the King, but also the committer of it with his owne hand; and a thousand crownes were offered to any man that would bring him in.][1152]

Few dayes after the commitment of the Queen, the Earl of Glencarne with his domesticks went to the Chappell of Halyrud-house, where he brake down the altars and the images: which fact, as it did content the zealous Protestants, so it did highly offend the Popishly affected. The Nobles, who had so proceeded against Bothwell, and dealt so with the Queen, hearing that the Hamiltons had a great number of men, and had drawn the Earls of Argyle and Huntley to their side, sent to Hamilton, desiring those that were there to joyn with them, for the redress of the disorders of the Kirk and State: But the Hamiltons, thinking now they had a faire occasion fallen unto them to have all again in their hands, and to dispose of all according to their own mind, did refuse audience to the message sent by the Lords.

Upon this, the Lords moved the Generall Assembly then met in Edinburgh,[1153] in the moneth of June, to write to the Lords that either were actually declared for the Hamiltons or were neuters: And so severall letters were directed to the Earls of Argyle, Huntley, Cathnes, Rothesse, Crauford, and Menteith; to the Lords Boyd, Drummond, Graham,[1154] Cathcart, Yester, Fleming, Levingston, Seaton, Glams, Uchiltry, Gray, Olyphant, Methven, Innermeth,[1154] and Somervile, as also to divers other men of note. Besides the letters of the Assembly, Commissioners were sent from the Assembly to the Lords above-named; to wit, John Knox, John Dowglas, John Row, and John Craig, who had instructions conforme to the tenour of the letters, to desire these Lords and others, to come to Edinburgh, and joyne with the Lords there, for the setling of God's true worship in the Church, and Policie reformed according to God's Word, a maintenance for the Ministers, and support for the Poor: But neither the Commissioners nor the letters did prevaile with these men; they excused, that they could not repair to Edinburgh with freedom, where there was so many armed men, and a garrison so strong: But for the Church affairs they would not be any wayes wanting, to do what lay in them.

The Lords at Edinburgh, seeing this, joyneth absolutely with the Assembly, (which had been prorogated to the 20. of July,[1155] upon the occasion of these Letters and Commissioners aforesaid,) and promiseth to make good all the Articles they thought fit to resolve upon in the Assembly: But how they performed their promises, God knows. Alwayes the Articles they agreed upon were these:[1156]

1. That the Acts of Parliament holden at Edinburgh the 24. of August 1560, touching Religion, and abolishing the Pope's authoritie, should have the force of a publike law; and consequently this Parliament defended as a lawfull Parliament, and confirmed by the first Parliament that should be kept next.

2. That the Thirds of the Tythes, or any more reasonable proportion of Benefices, should be allowed towards the maintenance of the Ministery; and that there should be a charitable course taken concerning the exacting of the tythes of the poor labourers. [Moreover, that nothing should pass in Parliament till the affaires of the Kirk be first considered, approven, and established.]

3. That none should be received in the Universities, Colledges, or Schooles, for instruction of the youth, but after due tryall both of capacitie and probitie.

4. That all crimes and offences against God, should be punished according to God's word; and that there should be a law made there anent, at the first Parliament to be holden.

5. As for the horrible murther of the late King, husband to the Queen, which was so haynous before God and man, all true professors, in whatsoever rank or condition, did promise to strive that all persons should be brought to condigne punishment, who are found guilty of the same crime.

6. They all promised to protect the young Prince against all violence, lest he should be murthered as his father was; and that the Prince should be committed to the care of four wise and godly men, that by a good education, he might be fitted for that high calling he was to execute one day.

7. The Nobles, Barons, and others, doth promise to beat down and abolish Popery, Idolatry, and Superstition, with any thing that may contribute unto it; as also to set up and further the true worship of God, his government, the Church, and all that may concern the purity of Religion and life; and for this to convene and take arms, if need require.

8. That all Princes and Kings hereafter in this Realm, before their Coronation, shall take oath to maintain the true Religion now professed in the Church of Scotland, and suppress all things contrary to it, and that are not agreeing with it.

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To these Articles[1157] subscribed the Earls of Morton, Glencarne, and Marr, the Lords Hume, Ruthven, Sanchar, Lindsey, Grame, Innermeth, and Uchiltrie, with many other Barons, besides the Commissioners of the Burroughs.

This being agreed upon, the Assembly dissolved. Thereafter the Lords Lindsay and Ruthven were sent to Lochlevin to the Queen, to present unto her two writs; the one contained a renunciation of the Crowne and Royall dignitie in favour of the Prince her son; with a Commission to invest him into the Kingdome, according to the manner accustomed: which after some reluctancy, with tears, she subscribed[1158] by the advice of the Earle of Athole, who had sent to her; and of Secretary Lethington, who had sent to her Robert Melvill[1159] for that purpose: So there was a procuration given to the Lords Lindsey and Ruthven, by the Queen, to give up and resign the rule of the Realm, in presence of the States.

The second writ was, To ordain the Earle of Murray Regent during the Prince's minority, if he would accept the charge: And in case he refused [to accept the said office upon his single person, that he with] the Duke Chattelarault, the Earles of Lenox, Argyle, Athole, Morton, Glencarne, and Marr, should govern conjunctly.

These writs were published the 29. of July 1567, at the Market Crosse of Edinburgh. Then at Sterlin was the Prince crowned King, where John Knox made the sermon. The Earle Morton and the Lord Hume took the oath for the King, that he should constantly live in the profession of the true Religion, and maintain it; and that he should govern the Kingdom according to [the] law thereof, and doe justice equally to all.

In the beginning of August, the Earle Murray being sent for, cometh home;[1160] in all haste he visits the Queen at Lochlevin, strives to draw the Lords that had taken part with the Hamiltons, or were neuters, to joyne with those that had bound themselves to stand for the King's authoritie: He was very earnest with divers, by reason of their old friendship, but to little purpose. The twentie of August, he received his Regency, after mature and ripe deliberation, at the desire of the Queen, and Lords that were for the King, and so was publikely proclaimed Regent, and obedience showed unto him by all that stood for the young King.

The end of the History of the Church of Scotland, till
the year 1567, and moneth of August.

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