The Manóbos of Mindanáo / Memoirs of the National Academy of Sciences, Volume XXIII, First Memoir

by John M. Garvan

PART IV. RELIGION

CHAPTER XXII

GENERAL PRINCIPLES OF MANÓBO RELIGION AND NATURE AND CLASSIFICATION OF MANÓBO DEITIES

INTRODUCTORY

The matter of Manóbo religious belief is so difficult of investigation, and withal so important, that I feel a certain amount of timidity in taking up the subject. The natural suspiciousness of the Manóbo and his inclination not to answer questions truthfully until he has assured himself of his interrogator's motives in asking it are the principal sources of this difficulty. Then again his fear of offending the divinities, coupled with his absolute subjection in spiritual affairs to his priests, do not render the undertaking easier. And finally his primitive, untutored mind is not capable of setting forth in a satisfactory manner the intricacies, and not infrequently, the numerous variations and apparent contradictions that arise at every step in the investigation. However, my sojourn among, and intimate dealings with, both laymen and priests give me hope that the following is in its essentials a true interpretation of this primitive religion.

GENERAL PRINCIPLES OF RELIGION

SINCERITY OF BELIEF

The life of a Manóbo is as deep an expression of his religious beliefs as that of any man I know. Belief in the supernatural seems to be instinctive with him. He undertakes no action out of the ordinary routine without consulting the powers above, and when he has assured himself of their disapprobation, he refrains most sacredly from his intended project, even if it should be one so cherished as vengeance on an enemy. But if these higher powers manifest their approbation he carries out his project with full assurance of success.

To the Manóbo his deities and demons, spirits, giants, ghouls, and goblins are as real as his own existence, and his belief in them seems to him entirely rational and well founded, because for authority he has tradition and revelation--tradition handed down from generation to generation, revelation imparted to priests while manifesting all the indications of what he considers supernatural influence.

BASIS OF RELIGIOUS BELIEF

I have had occasion to study the working of the Manóbo mind when brought into contact with phenomena which it had never contemplated before and I observed that when the phenomenon impressed him as being not prejudicial nor unintelligible it was ascribed to a beneficent supernatural agency, but when it produced the impression of being unintelligible or detrimental it was at once condemned as being the work of evil spirits. On one occasion a Manóbo of the upper Agúsan accompanied me to Talakógon and, upon seeing the government launch, made inquiries as to its nature. His questions being answered to his satisfaction, he made his comments, praised its form, and finally declared it to be the work of a god. But when it began to move, giving forth its shrill whistle and producing the noise characteristic of a gasoline launch, he at once condemned it as being the work of evil agency.

I saw another instance illustrative of this tendency upon the arrival of the first phonograph in the Simúlau River district. My companion was a Manóbo of the upper Bahaían. Upon hearing the strains of the phonograph he concluded at once that there was an evil spirit within it. Notwithstanding the fact that I assured him to the contrary, he persisted in his belief, averring that no good spirit would give vent to such an unearthly noise.

Almost invariably my watch, cornet, compass, and barometer were condemned as being the work of malevolent spirits. Instances might be multiplied indefinitely, but the general conclusion is that anything that suggests the unintelligible, the unusual, the suspected, the gloomy, is at once attributed to inimical powers. Hence a crow that caws at night is thought to be an evil spirit. The crashing of a falling tree in the forest is the struggle of mighty giants. The rumbling of thunder, the flash of lightning, the tempest's blast, and all the other phenomena of nature are the operations of unseen agencies. The darkness is peopled with hosts of spirits. On the desolate rocks, in the untrodden jungle, on the dark mountain tops, in gloomy caves, by mad torrents, in deep pools, dwell invisible powers whose enmity he must avoid or whose good will he must court, or whose anger he must placate.

Fear then seems to be the foundation of the Manóbo's religious beliefs and observances. Untutored as he is, he fails to understand occurrences which the average trained mind can easily explain. On one occasion I was at the headwaters of the Abagá River, a tributary of the Tágo River. I had to cross the river at a point where a mighty rock stood in midstream, dividing the river in two. I noticed that each of my Manóbo carriers deposited a little stone near an aperture in the rock. I asked them why they had made their tribute to the spirit dweller of the rock, and I could not convince them that the rock was not placed there by the spirit, but was a natural result of the action of the water. They would never, they said, be able to return to the Agúsan unless they showed their good will to the spirit lord of Abagá.

MEANS OF DETECTING SUPERNATURAL EVIL

In all the concerns of life the Manóbo must secure immunity from the ill will of the multitudinous spirits that surround him. But this alone is not sufficient. He must be able to detect future evil, otherwise how can he avoid it? His ancestors for long bygone generations, have taught him how to foresee and avoid evil, for they have learned, often after bitter experience, the signs of present and approaching evil and the means of effectively avoiding it. These signs are embodied in a system of augury, that forms one of the most important parts of Manóbo religion. Hence, before all important undertakings, and, above all, whenever there is any suspicion of bodily danger or any apprehension of supernatural ill will, the omens must be sedulously consulted and the machinations of evil or of inimical spirits thereby detected.

BELIEF IN AN HIERARCHY OF BENEFICENT AND MALIGNANT DEITIES

Now it happens that at times these omens can not be observed, so that it might seem that the Manóbo is left exposed to, and defenseless against, a host of spirit enemies.¹ However, he knows a means of defense, for the good old people of yore have handed down the belief that there is an hierarchy of beneficent divinities called diwáta that are ever ready to be his champions against the powers of evil. The old, old, people found this faith justified and experienced the help of the beneficent gods. Why should not he?

¹Búsau.

How then is he to communicate with these invisible champions? Evidently through those who have been chosen by the deities themselves for that purpose--the order of priests called Italian. And so, following out the practice of his forefathers, he has recourse to the priests in more important concerns in which he can not otherwise ascertain the schemes of malignant spirits or determine the pleasure of the gods. The priest, in answer to his call, either by means of divination, or by ecstatic communion with his tutelary deity, or by appropriate offerings, learns the means to ward off the impending or suspected evil.

Living in a "land of terror," as he had up to about 35 years ago, surrounded on all sides by mortal enemies, and in constant warfare with them, the Manóbo, like his forebears, felt the necessity of having recourse to spiritual agents for protection against his enemies and for assistance in conquering them. Herein is involved another feature of Manóbo religion--the belief in a multitude of warlike spirits called tagbúsan with whom communication is held through the mediation of warrior chiefs called bagáni.

OTHER TENETS OF MANÓBO FAITH

Other points of importance in the religious ideas of the Manóbos are the belief in a future life and in the existence, immortality, and duality of the soul.² An inordinate fear of the dead and of all connected with them, a host of religious and of other taboos, and a belief in the efficacy of charms, talismans, and sympathetic magical means complete the summary of Manóbo religion. For champions the Manóbo has the tutelary diuáta; for mediators, the bailán; for guides, dreams, divination, auguries, and omens; for propitiation, prayers, invocations, oblations, and sacrifice; for proof of faith, tradition, revelation, and personal experience.

²Not the metaphysical soul that is maintained in biblical and theological belief, but a material counterpart of each individual.

SPIRIT COMPANIONS OF MAN

The umágad,³ or spirit companions of man, as understood by the Manóbo, may be defined as his material invisible counterparts without whose presence he would cease to live. He attributes to these spirits or souls invisibility, power of locomotion, and to at least one of them immortality. He invests not only men, but also animals and such plants as are cultivated by man for his sustenance, with souls or spirits. He will tell you that the soul of rice is like rice, and exists as a separate invisible form beside the visible material entity known as rice. I was given to understand that trees once had souls and in proof of the assertion the narra tree was cited, for even yet, it was explained, it bleeds when cut.⁴ No other explanation is offered in the case of animals, than that they live and die and dream, therefore they must have a spirit or soul.

³From á-gad, accompany.

⁴The sap of the narra tree bears a very striking resemblance to blood. Narra is one of the Pterocarpus species.

Vegetable souls in such plants as are used for the nourishment of man, are explained in the following way: The offerings of rice and drink which are set out for the deities, tutelary or other, are partaken of and after repast of the gods the offerings become insipid, because they have lost their "soul." I frequently tested the substantial remains of the spirits' feast and found that they had still retained their pristine savor and strength. No argument of mine, however, could convince my Manóbo friends to the contrary. The spirits had consumed the soul, and there remained, according to their staunch belief, nothing but the outward form and inert bulk of the former offerings.

The Manóbo supposes himself to have been endowed by Mandáit with two invisible companions and he is convinced that without their attendance he could not exist. These souls or spirits are not indwelling principles of life but are two separate indeterminate entities that differ only in two respects from the person whose associates they are. The first difference is that of size, for it is the general belief that they are a trifle smaller than their bodily associates. Besides being smaller, they are invisible. No mortal eye, it is said, except the priest's, has seen a man's spirit companion, and yet it is only for brief intervals that they are absent from their corporal companions. At times they crouch upon the shoulders. When the man is making ready for a journey, they do likewise. When he sets out upon his travels they follow him, one on each side in somewhat the same way as the "guardian angels" of other creeds accompany their wards. I once witnessed a little incident illustrative of this belief. It was on the middle Agúsan, when a mother was about to leave the house of birth. At the last moment she addressed the spirits of her little one, conjuring them to follow and to care for their tender ward.

Hence our souls are as our shadows, our other selves. Notwithstanding the close association between them and their human companions, they are seldom invoked. They are considered to have little, if any, power to help. It is thought that without their presence man would become mad, and in proof of this I was informed of cases where persons, on being awakened rudely and hurriedly, had recourse to the bolo, in a fit of madness due as it was thought, to the absence of their souls.⁵

⁵This belief explains the reluctance that the Manóbo, like members of other Philippine tribes, feels in arousing a person hurriedly from sleep.

It is said that when we sleep these spirits wander off for a brief space on their own mystic errands, and their doings are mirrored in our dreams. Hence the strong and abiding belief of the Manóbo in dreams. These strange companions of man have no material wants yet they lead an insecure existence, exposed, as they are, to the insidious attacks of the common foes of mortals. Hence it comes to pass that one of them, while away on its random rambles some unlucky day, is mysteriously kidnaped and finally "devoured" by a ruthless evil spirit.⁶ As soon as the surviving soul realizes what has taken place, it bemoans the loss of its companion and leaving its corporal companion unattended wends its way, sad and solitary, to the land of Ibú. I have been assured by priests that this companionless soul frequently returns to the scene of sickness and there bemoans with piteous cries the loss of its companion, heaping horrid imprecations on the head of the foul spirit that wrought the evil. Only the priest can hear its wild wail of woe and see its piteous face, all suffused with tears. Upon seeing the spirit's grief the priest renews at once his supplications to his tutelary deities, beseeching them to rescue the captured soul from the clutches of its enemy and thereby save the life of the patient. Should the prayers of the priest prove unavailing, the soul wends its way to the region of Ibú, where, free from the agressions[sic] of earthly enemies, it begins its second and unending existence in the company of its spirit relatives.

⁶The "souls" of an ordinary priest and of war priests, as also those of the slain, are not subject to such attacks, being under the protection of numerous dieties[sic].

GENERAL CHARACTER OF THE DEITIES

Manóbo religion consists primarily of a belief in an innumerable number of deities called úmli and of secondary deities called diuáta. In contradistinction to these is a multitudinous host of demons known as búsau, waging incessant and ruthless war against the Manóbo world. In addition to these there is a numerous array of spirits known as tagbánua to whom is assigned the ownership of the forests, hills, and valleys, while the various other divisions and operations of nature are thought to be under the superintendence of other preternatural beings, beneficent or otherwise.

The conception which the Manóbo has of the supernatural world is very much like his idea of the world in which he lives. His gods, like his warrior chiefs, are great chiefs, no one of whom recognizes the sovereignty of the other. We find no idea of a supreme being as such. The priests of one settlement have their own special deities to whom they and their relatives have recourse, while the priests of another settlement have another set of deities for their tutelaries, with whom they intercede, either for themselves or for such of their friends as may need assistance. It is true that each priest has amongst his familiars a major divinity from whom he may have experienced more help, but in the spirit world there does not exist, according to Manóbo belief, one supreme universal being.⁷ Each priest declares the supremacy of his major deity over those of other priests, and Manóbos declare Manóbo deities to be superior to those of other tribes.

⁷During the great religious movement that was at its height in 1909, there was a general belief in the existence of a Magbabáya, or supreme being, that was to overthrow the world, but before my departure from the Agúsan in 1910, this supreme being was multiplied and was being sold to anyone of Manóbo belief who could afford to pay the equivalent of a human life. Thus one frequently heard that So-and-So had received one or more Magbabáya.

CLASSIFICATION OF DEITIES AND SPIRITS The following is a general classification of Manóbo deities and spirits.

BENEVOLENT DEITIES

(1) Úm-li, a class of higher beings who on special occasions, through the intercession of the diuáta, succor mortals.

(2) Diuáta, a minor order of benignant deities, with whom the priests hold communion on all occasions of impending danger, before all important undertakings, and whenever it is considered necessary to feast or to propitiate them.

GODS OF GORE AND RAGE

(1) Tagbúsau, a category of sanguinary gods who delight in blood and who incite their chosen favorites, the bagáni or warrior chiefs, to bloodshed and revenge, and ordinary laymen to acts of violence and madness.

(2) Panaíyang, a class of fierce deities related by ties of kinship, and subordinate to the tagbúsau or gods of gore. Their special function seems to be to drive men to madness.⁸

⁸They are called ma-ka-yáng-ug, i. e., "can make mad."

(3) Pamáiya, retainers of the tagbúsau, and their emissaries, when it is desired to incite men to acts of rage.

MALIGNANT AND DANGEROUS SPIRITS

Bú-sau, an order of insatiable fiends, who, with some exceptions, occupy themselves wantonly in the destruction of human kind. The following are some of the classes and individuals who are commonly believed in but who, unlike most of the other búsau, are not of a perfidious nature unless aroused to anger.

(1) Tag-bánua, a class of spirits who are not unkind, if duly respected, and who live in all silent and gloomy places.

(2) Táme, a gigantic spirit, that dwells in the untraveled jungle and beguiles the traveler to his doom.

(3) Dágau, a mischievous, fickle spirit that delights in stealing the rice from the granary. If aroused to anger she may cause a failure of the rice crop.⁹

⁹She is called also Ma-ka-bún-ta-sái, i. e., "can cause hunger."

(4) Anit or Anítan, is the spirit of the thunderbolt, and one of the mightier class of spirits that dwell in the upper sky world.¹⁰

¹⁰In-ug-tú-han.

(5) Epidemic demons, who hail from the extremity of the world at the navel¹¹ of the ocean.

¹¹Pós'-ud to dá-gat.

AGRICULTURAL GODDESSES

(1) Kakiádan, the goddess of the rice, and its custodian during its growth.

(2) Tagamáling, the goddess of other crops.

(3) Taphágan, the harvest goddess, and guardian of the rice during its storage in the granary.

GIANT SPIRITS

(1) Mandáyangan, a harmless humanlike giant whose home is in the far-off mountain forests.

(2) Ápíla, an innocuous humanlike giant, the rival of Mandáyanñgan for the wrestling championship.

(3) Táme, the giant demon referred to above.

GODS OF LUST AND CONSANGUINEOUS LOVE

(1) Tagabáyau, a dangerous goddess, that incites to consanguineous love and marriage.

(2) Agkui, half diuáta, half búsau, who urges men to consanguineous love and to sexual excesses.

SPIRITS OF CELESTIAL PHENOMENA

(1) Inaíyau, an empyrean god, the wielder of the thunderbolt and the lightning, and the manipulator of the winds and storms.

(2) Tagbánua, who, besides being local gods reigning over the forest, have the power to produce rain.

(3) Umoúiuí, the cloud spirit.

OTHER SPIRITS

(1) Sugúdon or Sugújun, the god of hunters and trappers, under whose auspices are conducted the operations of the chase and all that pertains thereto. He is also the protector of the hunting dogs.

(2) Libtákan, the god of sunrise, sunset, and good weather; a god who dwells in the firmament and seems to have special power in the production of light and good weather.

(3) Mandáit, the soul spirit who bestows upon every human being two invisible, not indwelling, material counterparts.

(4) Yúmud, the water wraith, an apparently innocuous spirit, abiding in deep and rocky places, usually in pools, beneath the surface of the water.

(5) Ibú, the queen of the afterworld, the goddess of deceased mortals, whose abode is down below the pillars of the world.

(6) Manduyápit, the spirit ferryman, the proverbial ferryman who ferries the departed soul across the big red river on its way to Ibúland.

(7) Makalídung, the founder of the world, who set the world on huge pillars (posts).

NATURE OF THE VARIOUS DIVINITIES IN DETAIL

THE PRIMARY DEITIES¹²

¹²Called also úm-li or ma-di-góon-an no di-u-á-ta.

The primary diuáta are a class of supernatural beings that dwell in the upper heavens. It is generally believed that at one time they led a human existence in Manóboland but finally built themselves a stone structure up into the sky and became transformed into divinities of the first order. They stand aloft in a category by themselves and have no dealings with the Manóbo world. On occasions the minor diuáta or those of the second class, when they are unable to afford man the required help, have recourse to these greater deities. During my last trip to the Agúsan Valley, it was the common report that the diuáta of a certain Manóbo clan on the upper Umaíam River, having been unable to protect the people from military persecution had recourse to this higher hierarchy and that it was only a matter of time when the members of the clan would be taken up into the higher-sky regions where the supreme powers dwell and where they would themselves become úmli or madigónan no diuáta.

It is thought that these deities have brass intestines and that they can draw up a house into their ethereal abodes with a gold limbá,¹³ but the conception of them is so vague and so varying that I am unable to give further definite information.

¹³Lim-bá possibly means chain.

THE SECONDARY ORDER OF DEITIES

It is with the secondary order of divinities, however, that we have to deal more at length, for they are the guardians and champions of the Manóbo in all the vicissitudes and concerns of life.

They are thought to be beings that in the long forgotten past lived their earthly lives here below and after their mortal course was run were in some inexplicable way changed into diuáta. Though belonging now to a different and more powerful order, they still retain a fondness for the tribesmen who sojourn here below. Selecting certain men and women for their favored friends ¹⁴ they keep in touch with worldly affairs and at the call of their favorites hasten to the help of humankind.

¹³Lim-bá possibly means chain.

¹⁴These are the báilan or priests and priestesses of Manóboland.

In physical appearance these deities are human and Manóbo-like but they are described as being "as fair as the moon." Warriors they are, to a certainty, for they are said to carry their shield and all the insignia of a Manóbo warrior chief and to fare forth at times to punish some bold demon for his evil machinations against the tribe.

They are said to reside on the highest and most inaccessible mountains ¹⁵in the vicinity of their favorite priests but are ready to fly "on the wings of the wind" to any part of the world in answer to a call for help.

¹⁵We find several mountains and promontories in eastern Mindanáo named after these gods, notably Mount Magdiuáta to the southwest, and the Magdiuáta range to the northwest, of the town of Liañga. Point Diuáta also, to the west of Butuán, is reported as being the dwelling place of Manóbo divinities.

On these lofty heights they ordinarily lead a peaceful life. They are blessed with wives and children and have attendant spirits ¹⁶ to do their bidding. They have slaves, too, in their households, black ill-visaged demons captured in some great raid. They have few material wants, for betel nut is said to be their food but still they love to join in the feasts of mortals and to be regaled with all the good things of this world. They do not consume mortal offerings in a material way, for the offerings remain intact except for some slight fingerings that have been found at times on the surface of the rice and other offerings. It is only the "soul," or, as is held by others, the redolence of the viands that is partaken of. An exception, however, must be made in the case of the blood of victims, for this is actually consumed by the deities.

¹⁶These retainers are called lim-bó-tung.

So great is their desire for the savory things of life that they are said to plague their mortal friends into providing them. Thus Mandáit, the soul spirit, makes the babe restless, and even indisposed, with no other intention than to induce the people to provide a fatted fowl. It is believed too that Manaúg, the special patron of the sick, causes many a bodily ailment in order that his idol may be set up and that he may be treated to the various delicacies that he is fond of. And the bloodthirsty war lords, Tagbúsau, must have their blood libation periodically, whether it comes from a human being or from an animal victim. It is true that this blood offering is to all appearance taken by the warrior chief or by the priest, for they ravenously suck it from the gory wound, or gulp it down from the vessel in which it has been caught. But it is believed that neither the priest nor the warrior chief drinks it, but the familiar spirits of the former, or the gods of the latter, who at the moment of sacrifice have taken possession of them, and produce in them violent tremblings and other manifestations of preternatural possession. I could get no satisfactory explanation of the manner of this possession. It is said to be effected by a mysterious corporal transformation of the divinity such as even the demons are capable of when they desire to ply their malice on humankind.

It is during this period of ecstatic seizure that the priest reveals to the assembled tribesmen the directions and desires of his deities. Breaking forth with loud voice and great belching into a wild strain, he announces to the people the recovery of the sick one, or a plentiful harvest, but it is not the priest that utters these prophecies and instructions, but the diuáta that speaks through him.

THE GODS OF GORE, AND KINDRED SPIRITS

These warlike beings are an order of divinities under whose special protection the priest warrior chief performs his feats of valor, and for whose special veneration he makes sacrifices and other offerings.

The prevailing idea with regard to them is that they are a class of deities whose sole delight is the blood of the human race. This is said to be their choice food, though they are willing, on nearly all occasions, to accept as a substitute that of a pig or of a fowl.

They are said to dwell in high, rocky places on far-away mountains. In order to be supplied with the delicacies of which they are so fond, they select certain individuals for their favorites and servants, and accord to them an immunity from personal danger.

It is seldom that they leave their rocky dwelling places, but when they do it is because they consider themselves neglected by their servants or when they experience an inordinate craving for blood. In such cases they hasten to plague their favorites in divers ways into watchfulness and compliance, and thereby keep themselves supplied with the viands so acceptable to them.

They have messengers, too. These are called pamáiya and are sent by their masters to human haunts to incite men to anger, and thereby bring on an occasion for bloodshed, much as the proverbial devil is said to tempt humankind.

During all ceremonial feasts in their honor they are present and partake of the blood of the victim, human or animal. And when their favorite servants go forth to take revenge upon some long-standing enemy, they accompany him and during the attack are by his side, protecting him and inciting him to superhuman deeds. And when the enemy, men and women, lie bleeding all around and the captives have been bound, these terrible spirits eat, through their favorite's mouth, the heart and liver and the blood of one of the slain, preferably that of the chief enemy.

CHAPTER XXIII

MALEFICENT SPIRITS

THE ORIGIN AND NATURE OF MALIGNANT DEMONS

Standing out in strong antithesis to the benevolent divinities is an order of maleficent spirits corresponding to the proverbial devils of other cults. Throughout this paper they will be called, for want of a better name, búsau or demons; that is, evil agents holding an intermediate place between the higher divinities and men. No uniform tradition as to the origin of these spirits appears to exist. It is certain, however, from my investigation that the belief in such spirits antedates the recent partial Christian conquest of the Agúsan.¹ It is said that in the old, old days, these spirits were rather well disposed toward men, and that children used to be entrusted to their care during the absence of the parents. Be that as it may, at the present day they have acquired a degree of maleficence that causes them to be considered the implacable enemies of the human race.

¹The introduction of Catholicism among the pagan tribes of eastern Mindanáo was begun on a large scale by the Jesuits about the year 1877.

As frequently described to me by priests and by others who claimed to have seen them, these foul spirits are human in all other respects except that they are unusually tall, 2 fathoms being the average height accorded them. Black and hideous in appearance they are said to stalk around in the darkness and silence of the night. By day they retire to dark thickets, somber caves, and the joyless resting places of the dead.

They have no families nor houses, neither do they experience physical wants and so they wander around in wanton malice toward men. Seizing an unwary human "soul," they make it a prisoner and, sweeping away with it "on the wings of the wind," in some mysterious way devour it. Or, again, simulating the shape of a wild boar, an uncommon bird, or even a fish, they inflict bodily harm on their human victim.

The story of "Ápo Bóhon"² illustrates the belief in the metamorphosis of these demons. Ápo Bóhon was a Manóbo of the Kasilaían River. One day, in the olden time, he went forth to hunt but had no luck, though three times he had offered his tributes to the Lord of the Agibáwa marshland. Wearied with this hunt, he lay down to rest toward evening when lo! he spied a monkey and taking his bow and dart arrow he shot it. But he could not cook it. He piled wood upon the fire but still the flesh only blackened with soot and would not cook. In his hunger he ate the flesh raw but he never returned home, for the monkey was an evil spirit and Ápo Bóhon fell into his power. Thus it is that until this day he wanders around the woods of Kasilaían and may be heard toward evening calling his dogs together for his return to his home on Agibáwa marshland. Woe betide the unlucky mortal who may cross his path, for now his quest is human. But if, upon hearing his voice, the traveler calls upon him and offers him a quid, Ápo Bóhon will pass on his way and do no harm.

²A-po means "grandfather" and bo-on "ulcer."

METHODS OF FRUSTRATING THEIR EVIL DESIGNS

THROUGH PRIESTS

Naturally to the priest falls the task of opposing, through his influence with men's supernal friends, these malicious beings. Having got together the proper offerings he calls upon his friendly gods, one or several, and beseeches them to rescue and release the missing spirit or umagdd, and to punish the offending demons. Well pleased with the tokens of good will offered by the priest and by his earthly friends, the friendly deities are said to hasten to their home and gird themselves for the pursuit. With lance and shield and hempen coat³ they start off on the raid. They are described as having their hair bound up in small wooden hemispheres, their heads turbaned with the red kerchief, and their necks adorned with a wealth of charms, much like the great warrior chiefs of Manóboland. Guiding their footsteps by means of a powerful glass,⁴ and traveling with tremendous speed, they are said to overtake quickly the fleeing enemy, even though they may have to travel to the other side of the world. Then begins a fierce battle between them and the enemy for the recovery of a human soul, or for the purpose of punishing the demons for acts of malice.

³Lim-bo-tung.

⁴Called espiho. There is a universal belief among the Manóbos in an espiho (from the Spanish espejo, looking-glass) by which one can see into the bowels of the earth or to the extremities of the world.

This battle is described in minutest detail by the priests during the period of divine possession through which they pass in the course of the religious ceremonies. At times a hand-to-hand combat between a friendly deity and some more powerful demon is described at great length. Again the capture of many evil spirits is the theme of a story.

A common occurrence during these combats is the use of an iron ball by the friendly deities. The sight of this is said to inspire terror in the demons and leaves them at the mercy of their opponents. Shut up in this ball as in an iron prison they are brought back in triumph to the domains of their conquerors and the rescued companion spirit of man hurries joyously back to its mortal counterpart. These evil demons are said to be held as captives in the houses of the good spirits and to serve them in the capacity of slaves, accompanying and aiding them in their warlike expeditions against other evil spirits.

BY VARIOUS MATERIAL MEANS

Besides having recourse to the diuáta the Manóbos make use of a reed,⁵ or vine,⁶ of the branches of a wild lemon tree⁷ and other plants,⁸ in order to counteract the evil influence of these fiends. It may be remarked that 11 of these cause a painful wound on an ordinary human being but that they are said to be particularly irritating to evil spirits; this is especially true of the wound made by the sá sá reed. Hence, on occasions when these demons are expected to be present, the priest secures the above-mentioned plants and sets them in places where it is thought the demons may be enticed to enter. It is mostly on the occasion of a death or of a birth that these precautions have to be taken for the smell of death and of human blood seems to have a great attraction for these monsters. On such occasions branches of lemon trees or of the other plants above mentioned are hung under the house or at any opening in the wall. The priest, also, frequently carries a sharpened sá sá reed in the hope of encountering some overbold demon. Although the wound inflicted by the reed does not kill the demon, yet it is very slow to heal and is said to be at times incurable.

⁵Sá-sá.

⁶U-ág.

⁷Su-á and Ka-ba-yan-á.

⁸Ka-míli and Húás.

Such is the fear which the evil spirits have of these reeds, vines, and branches that the mere mention of them is believed to be sufficient to frighten the demons. Fire and smoke, also, are said to keep them away and for that reason a fire is often kept burning under the house during times of sickness and death. Great care is used to keep alive the fire at night on nearly all occasions of apprehension.

Loud shouts, too, are resorted to in order to intimidate the evil spirits. During funerals the yelling is particularly noticeable; the loud yells which one hears while traveling through solitary places in the mountains and down the rivers are intended as a menace to the malevolent spirits.

BY PROPITIATION

When all other means have proved unavailing, propitiation is resorted to. I witnessed the propitiatory ceremony during several cases of serious sickness. In each case, when the offerings had been set out for the benevolent divinities on the regular sacrificial stands,⁹ a corresponding offering of meat, rice, and other things was set out for the evil demons that were supposed to be responsible for the sickness. Their offerings were not placed in the house but outside, on a log or on the ground, and were not touched again, nor eaten by anyone, for the spirit of evil might have rendered them baneful.¹⁰

⁹Ban-ká-so and ta-lí-duñg.

¹⁰Compare with the customs in vogue in the case of offerings made to the diuáta.

After the various supplications have been made by the priests to the good deities, the evil ones are called upon but not in the same way, for they are not allowed within the precincts of the house, where various objects, like sá sá and lemon branches, have been placed to prevent their entrance. They are addressed from the opening around the house as if they were at a considerable distance, and no very endearing terms are used. During cases of sickness and especially during epidemics the custom of making a ceremonial raft is very common. I have heard numerous accounts both as to the uniformity of this practice and the reason for it.

Sickness of an unusual kind and especially of a contagious nature is supposed to be due to the agency of some very powerful epidemic spirits, who ascend the river, spreading the infection, and eluding at the same time, the diuáta in pursuit. When the priests decide that all efforts to secure aid of the good deities are unavailing, they determine to propitiate the evil epidemic spirits in the following manner: A small raft of bamboo, 1 meter by 5 meters in the instance I witnessed, is constructed. On this is securely bound a victim, such as a pig. Fowl also may be offered on similar occasions and more or less elaborate ceremonies may be performed, like the blood-unction and the fowl-waving rite. In the ceremony which I witnessed the demons in question were formally requested to accept the pig, not to molest the settlement further, and to take themselves and their pig "down the river." The sickness was then addressed and requested to transfer itself to the body of the pig. After this the raft was freed and in its seaward course floated into the hands of persons who had less fear of demons than their Manóbo friends.¹¹

¹¹I know that the pig in question was taken and consumed in a less religious way by a Bisáya trader.

THE "TAGBÁNUA" OR LOCAL FOREST SPIRITS

THEIR CHARACTERISTICS AND METHOD OF LIVING

The tagbánua¹² or lords of the mountains and the valleys, are a class of local deities, each one of whom reigns over a certain district. To them is assigned the ownership of the mountains and the deep forest and all lonely patches and uncommon places that give an impression of mystery and solitude.

¹²Tag a prefix denoting ownership, and bá-n-u-a, "uninhabited place," the open uninhabited country as distinguished from the territory in the immediate vicinity of the main rivers or of settled regions.

The tagbánua are thought to be neither kindly nor unkindly spirits, and without guile, provided a proper deference is shown them when we trespass upon their domains.

A tagbánua with his family selects a particular place for his habitation, sometimes a lonely mountain, sometimes a solitary glade or some high cliff or gloomy cavern. On one of my trips from Esperanza to the headwaters of the Tágo River, I saw the dwelling place of a tagbánua. It was a huge bowlder[sic], called Buhiísan, that stood at the junction of the two torrents that form the Abagá River, a tributary of the Tágo.

A favorite haunt of the tagbánua is a natural open place in the center of the forest. Here he builds a house, or more often makes his domicile in a balete tree. I have heard it said that he may at times select the lauán or any other lofty tree but that his choice is usually the baléte. Here he dwells with his family and is said to lead a quiet, peaceful life. Day by day he wanders through his realm and provides himself with the necessaries of life. Uncommon varieties of plants, such as ferns and ricelike growths, furnish him with the vegetable part of his meal, while venison and pork are obtained from the abundance of wild boars and deer. He and his family return home toward sunset and begin to prepare supper by pounding their rice. Many Manóbos have heard with their own ears, they assured me, not only the sound of the rice mortar but all the sounds that are customarily heard in any Manóbo home.

DEFINITE LOCALITIES TENANTED BY FOREST SPIRITS

There are in the vicinity of Talakógon two localities where tagbánua are said to reign. One is called Agibáwa and the other Kasawáñgan. Both of them are remote timberless places in the center of swampy regions. In the former the reigning deity had constructed a house, so I was told by one who claimed to have seen the posts while the house was still in the process of construction. According to other reports this deity had a herd of carabaos whose footprints had been seen by several of my friends and acquaintances.¹³

¹³These carabaos were evidently the remnant, or the offspring, of a small herd that escaped to the woods in the time of the Philippine insurrection.

The Kasawáñgan district was my hunting ground for nearly a year and I had occasion to observe the character and habits of its deity, as interpreted to me by Manóbo guides and companions.

It was with the very greatest fear and reluctance that my first guide introduced me to the marshland. No sooner had I set foot upon it than it began to rain and my guide requested permission to return. In answer to an inquiry as to why he wished to leave me he proffered the information that he was afraid of the tagbánua, who was evidently displeased, for had not this deity already sent down a shower of rain? The guide then went on to say that if we persisted in transgressing on the marshland some greater evil was sure to follow. As I told him that we would make friends with the diety[sic] he consented to remain with me.

After all preparations for camping had been completed, my companion set out an offering of betel nut on a rude stand and addressing the invisible owner of the marshland, requested him to accept the betel nut and not to be displeased. My guide offered in his own defense that he had come into this region unwillingly.

After a few hours' vain endeavors to procure game, my companion made another donation, requesting the lord of the marsh to forego his ill will and permit us to get a wild boar. His prayers were unavailing for no game was forthcoming. When I lost my compass shortly afterwards my guide assured me that the misfortune was due to the persistent ill will of the tagbánua toward me.

I continued to visit this region week after week and had considerable success in getting game, but it was attributed, partly to the fact that the lord of the marsh had taken a liking to me, and partly to the offerings of betel nut and eggs made by my Manóbo boys.

Illustrations similar to this of the fear and deference displayed toward this invisible ruler of solitary places might be multiplied indefinitely. Suffice it to say, however, that the belief in this class of spirits is widespread throughout all tribes of eastern Mindanáo, Bisáyas¹⁴ included.

¹⁴Among the Bisáyas who come from Bohol, the respect paid the tagbánua amounts almost to worship.

WORSHIP OF THE FOREST SPIRITS

The existence of a tagbánua in any particular locality is determined by a priest who, through his protecting deities, learns the name ¹⁵ of the spirit, ascertains the cause of his displeasure on a given occasion, and prescribes the offerings to be made to him either for reasons of propitiation or of supplication.

¹⁵Only the priests may pronounce the name.

Respect must be shown toward the tagbánua in various ways. His territory must not be trespassed upon, nor any of his property, such as trees, interfered with unless some little offering is made. His name, if known, as also the names of fish and of crocodiles, and of other things which are not indigenous to the region, must in no wise be mentioned. A violation of this taboo would be followed by a storm or by some other evil indicative of the tagbánua's displeasure, unless immediate measures were taken to appease his anger. Again, if one points the finger at places like a mountain where dwells a tagbánua, the displeasure of its owner is aroused and the transgressor is liable to feel the spirit's anger. It was explained to me by several Manóbos that pointing at the dwelling place of these spirits might result in petrifaction of the arm.

The occupation of a new site is almost invariably the occasion for an invocation to the tagbánua, especially if the site be in the vicinity of a balete tree tenanted by him, for to occupy the place without obtaining his good will and permission would expose the would-be occupant to numberless vicissitudes. During hunting and trapping operations supplication is resorted to, especially when the hunter finds that game is scarce.¹⁶

¹⁶In the chapter on hunting, the various observances on such occasions have been described.

In case it is decided by the priest, or even suspected by an individual that an adversity, such as bad weather or sudden floods, is a result of a tagbánua's animosity, and that the ordinary simple offerings are not sufficient to placate him, then a white chicken must be killed and the regular rites peculiar to a blood sacrifice must be performed.

It is rare, however, that a Manóbo has so far forgotten himself as to draw down the resentment of this kindly deity, and render propitiation necessary. I, however, witnessed a case wherein it was considered expedient to placate his anger; I was requested to take the necessary steps, as I was considered the object of his wrath. My Manóbo oarsmen desired to discontinue the journey at an early hour of the afternoon, but for several reasons I wished to reach a certain point before nightfall, so a little ruse was resorted to. I granted their request to rest and they very promptly went to sleep. Not long afterwards I struck a few blows on the outriggers with a piece of iron. The Manóbo could explain it in no other way except that the local tagbánua had been displeased with my demeanor, for had I not, they said, gone into the forest in the vicinity of his arboreal dwelling and, notwithstanding their advice to the contrary, given vent to loud and disrespectful vociferations. As we were in the vicinity of the baléte tree it was unanimously decided to push on. At the next few stopping places the ruse was repeated, so that no doubt was any longer entertained as to the supposed cause of the occurrence, the wrath of the tagbánua. Several little incidents, such as striking a hidden snag, and the increase of the flood, both of which were also attributed to this spirit's malign influence, heightened their fear. They finally begged me to stop for the purpose of sacrificing one of my chickens to the offended deity. We finally reached the desired spot and the supposed supernatural sounds were heard no longer.

CHAPTER XXIV

PRIESTS, THEIR PREROGATIVES AND FUNCTIONS

THE BAILÁN OR ORDINARY MANÓBO PRIESTS

THEIR GENERAL CHARACTER

The bailán¹ is a man or woman who has become an object of special predilection to one or more of those supernatural friendly beings known among the Manóbos as diuáta. This will explain why the word diuatahán is frequently used, especially by the mountain people, instead of bailán. I was frequently told by priests that this special predilection of the deities for them is due to the fact that they happened to be born at the same time as their divine protectors. This belief, however, is not general.

¹Bai-lán is probably a transformation of the Malay word be-li-an, a medicine man. (Mandáya, Bagóbo, and Subánun, ba-li-án.)

As a result of the favor in which the supernatural beings hold him, the priest becomes the favorite and familiar of spirits with whom he can commune and from whom he can ask favors and protection both for himself and for his friends. Hence he is regarded by his fellow tribesmen in the light of a mediator through whom they transact all their business with the other world. In the hour of danger the bailán is consulted, and after a brief communion with his spirit Mends he explains the measures to be adopted, in accordance with the injunctions of his tutelary deities. Should a baléte tree have to be removed from the newly selected forest patch, who else could coax its spirit dwellers not to molest the tiller of the soil, if not the bailán? Should a tribesman have a monstrous dream and no one of all the dream experts succeed in giving a satisfactory interpretation, the bailán is called in to consult the powers above and ascertains that the dream forebodes, perhaps, an impending sickness and that an offering of a white fowl must be made to Manáug, the protector of the sick. And should this offering prove unavailing, he has recourse to his supernal friends again and discovers that a greater oblation must be made to save the patient. And if there is a very unfavorable conjunction to omens, who else but the bailán could learn through his divine friends the significance thereof and whether the home must be abandoned or the project relinquished?

At every turn of life, whether the deities have to be invoked, conciliated, or appeased, the Manóbo calls upon the priest to intercede for himself, for his relatives, and for his friends.

The office of priest may be said to be hereditary. I found that with few exceptions it had remained within the immediate circle of the bailán's relatives. Toward the evening of life the aged priest selects his successor, recommending his choice to the diuáta. In one instance that I know of the mother, a bailán, instructed her daughter in the varieties of herbs which she had found to be acceptable to her familiars, and I was told that such is the usual procedure when the priest himself has a personal concern in the succession.

But no matter how proficient the bailán-elect may be in the sacred rites and legendary songs of the order, he is not recognized by his fellow tribesmen until he falls into the condition of what is known as dundan, a state of mental and physical exaltation which is considered to be an unmistakable proof of the presence and operation of some supernal power within him. This exaltation manifests itself by a violent trembling accompanied by loud belching, copious sweating, foaming at the mouth, protruding of the eyeballs, and in some cases that I have seen, apparent temporary loss of sight and unconsciousness. These symptoms are considered to be an infallible sign of divine influence, and the novice is accordingly recognized as a full-fledged priest ready to begin his ministrations under the protection of his spiritual friends. I know of one case on the lower Lamlíñga River, a tributary of the Kasilaían, where a certain individual² became a bailán without previous premonition and without any aspirations on his part. He was a person of little guile and one who had never had any previous training in the practices of his order.

²Báya (or Bório) is the young man referred to.

When he receives a familiar deity the new priest becomes endowed with five more spirits or soul companions, for his greater protection and for the prolongation of his life. It is evident that his duties as mediator create a deadly hate on the part of the evil spirits toward him; hence the need of greater protection, such as is said to be afforded by the increase in number of spirit companions. It is generally believed that, due also to this special protection, the priests are more long-lived than ordinary men. I was informed by some that with the increase of each familiar there was an addition of five more souls or spirit companions, but I did not find this to be the common belief.

THEIR PREROGATIVES

(1) The priest holds converse with his divine friends, whose form he sees and describes, whose words he hears and interprets, and whose injunctions, whether made known directly by personal revelation or through divination or through dreams, he announces. When under supernal influence he is not a voluntary agent but an inspired being, through whose mouth the deity announces his will and to whose eyes he appears in visible incarnation.

(2) By means of his friendship with these unseen beings he is enabled to discover the presence of the inveterate enemies of human kind, the búsau, and even to wound them. I investigated two³ cases of the latter kind and found that not a shadow of doubt as to the truth of the killing and as to the reality of this last-mentioned power was entertained by those who had been in a position to see and hear the facts.

³San Luis and San Miguel.

(3) As a result of the favor with which he is looked upon by the beneficent deities, he is enabled to discover the presence of various spirits in certain localities, and he knows the proper means of dealing with them. This statement applies to the spirits of "souls"⁴ of the departed whose wishes and wants he interprets; to the spirits of the hills and the valleys, the tagbánua, whose favor must be courted and whose displeasure must not be provoked, and to the whole order of supernatural beings that people the Manóbo world, with the exception of the blood spirits, the worship of whom falls to the war priests.

⁴Um-a-gád.

SINCERITY OF THE PRIESTS

On first becoming acquainted with the bailán system, I was very dubious, to say the least, of the sincerity and disinterestedness of these favorites of the gods. But long and careful observation and frequent dealings with them have thoroughly convinced me of their sincerity. They affect no austere practices, no chastity, nor any other observance peculiar to the order of priesthood in other parts of the world. They claim no high prerogatives of their own; they can not slay at a distance nor metamorphose themselves into animals of fierce aspect. They have no cabalistic rites nor magic formulas nor miraculous methods for producing wondrous effects. In a word, as far as my personal observation goes, they are not impostors nor conjurers, plying thrifty trade with their fellow tribesmen, but merely intermediaries, who avail themselves of their intimacy with powers unseen to solicit aid for themselves and for their fellows in the hour of trial or tribulation. "I will call on Si Inimigus" (her diuáta's pet name, his real name being Si Inámpo), said a priestess of the Kasilaían River to me once when I consulted her as to the sickness of a child, "and I will let you know his answer." On her return she informed me that the child had fallen under the influence of an evil spirit and that Si Inimigus required the sacrifice of a pig as a token of my good will towards him and also as a gratification of a desire that he felt for such nourishment. She departed as she came, never asking any compensation for her advice.

I might cite many cases of a similar nature that passed under my personal observation and in which I made every endeavor to discover mercenary motives. I frequently interrogated men of political and social standing as to the possibility of hypocrisy and deceit on the part of the priests. The invariable answer was that such could not be the case, as the deities themselves would be the first to resent and punish such deception. One shrewd Manóbo of the upper Agúsan assured me that the Manóbos themselves were wise enough to detect attempts at fraud in such matters.

Moreover, the fact that the priest incurs comparatively heavy expenses is another evidence of his sincerity, for, in order to keep his tutelary spirits supplied with the delicacies they desire, he must offer constant oblations of pig and fowl, since he believes that when these spirits are hungry they lose their good humor and are liable to permit some evil spirit to work malice on him or on some of his relatives. Of course his relatives and friends help to keep them supplied, but at the same time he probably undergoes more expense himself than any other individual.

Finally, as further proof of the absence of mercenary motives, it may be stated that the priest is not entitled to any share of the sacrificial victim except that which he eats in company with those who attend the sacrifice and the subsequent consumption of the victim.

THEIR INFLUENCE

The priest has no political influence as a rule. I am acquainted with none and have heard of very few priests, who have attained the chieftainship of a settlement, even among the conquistas, or Christianized Manóbos, who live within the pale of the established government. But in matters that pertain to the religious side of life their influence is paramount, for it is chiefly due to them that tribal customs and conditions are unflinchingly maintained. The following incident is an illustration of this influence:

During a visit which I made to the Lamiñga River, a western tributary of the Kasilaían River, I met Mandahanán, a warrior chief. Among other matters I referred to the ridiculously low price, 0.50 per sack, at which Manóbos were wont to sell rice to the Bisáya peddlers who at that time were swarming in the district. I suggested that they dispose of their rice at the current Bisáya rate of P2.50 per sack. He replied that he had been of that opinion for some time, but that the four priests of his following had decided that an increase of the customary value of rice would entail a mysterious lessening of the present crop and a partial or even total loss of that of next year, the reason assigned by them being that such an action would be displeasing to Hakiádan, the goddess of rice, and to Tagamáling, the protector of other crops. These deities, he assured me, were very capricious, and when they took umbrage at anything, they either caused the rice in the granaries to diminish mysteriously, or brought about a failure in the following year's crop.⁵

⁵The killing of Mr. Ickis, of the Bureau of Science, according to an account that I received, also demonstrates the influence exerted by the priests.

To the priests may be ascribed the rigid adherence to tribal practices and the opposition to modern innovations, even when the change confessedly would be beneficial to them.

THEIR DRESS AND FUNCTIONS

The priest has no distinctive dress, but while officiating garbs himself with all the wealth of beads, bells, and baubles that he may have acquired. As a rule he has an abundance not only of these but of charms, talismans, and amulets, all of which are hung from his neck, or girded around his waist. These charms have various mystic powers for the protection of his person and some of them are said to have been revealed to him by his favorite deities. While performing the invocation and the sacred dance on the occasion of a greater sacrifice, he always carries, one in each hand, a parted palm frond with the spikes undetached.

All the rites of the Manóbo ritual consist of one or more of the following elements: Invocation, petition, consultation, propitiation, and expiation. The priest is, in fact, either alone or aided by others of his kind, the officiant in nearly every religious ceremony; laymen merely sit round and take desultory interest in the ceremonial proceedings.

These rites are the following:

(1) The betel-nut offering.⁶
(2) The burning of incense.⁷
(3) Ceremonial omen taking.⁸
(4) Prophylactic fowl waving.⁹
(5) The death feast.¹⁰
(6) The sacrifice of a fowl or of a pig¹¹ to his own tutelaries in the event of sickness or in the hour of impending danger.
(7) The offering of a fowl or of a pig to Taphágan, the goddess of grain during the season of rice culture.
(8) The harvest ceremonies in honor of Hakiádan for the purpose of securing an abundant crop and of protecting the rice from sundry insidious enemies and dangers.
(9) The birth ceremony in honor of Mandáit for the protection of the recently born babe.
(10) Conciliatory offerings to the demons during epidemics, as also in cases where the power of the evil spirits is thought to predominate over that of the kindly deities. Madness and inordinate sexual passion, as also the continuance of an epidemic after incessant efforts have failed to secure the aid of the friendly spirits are illustrations of the power of the evil spirits.
(11) Lustration¹² either by anointing with blood or by aspersion with water.
(12) The betel-nut omen.¹³
(13) The invocation of the diuáta with the sacred chant.¹⁴

⁶Pag-á-pug.

⁷Pag-pa-lí-na.

⁸Ti-maí-ya.

⁹Kú-yab to má-nuk.

¹⁰Ka-ta-pú-san.

¹¹Hín-añg to ka-hi-mó-nan.

¹²Paí-as.

¹³Ti-maí-a to man-ó-on.

¹⁴Túd-um.

THE BAGÁNI OR PRIESTS OF WAR AND BLOOD

The bagáni or warrior priests are under the protection of preternatural beings called tagbúsau, whose bloodthirsty cravings they must satisfy.

This peculiar priesthood is not hereditary, but is a pure gift from warlike spirits, who select certain mortals for favorites, constantly guard them against the attacks of their enemies, teach them the use of various secret herbs whereby to render themselves invisible and invulnerable, bestow upon them an additional number of soul companions that in some indefinable way protect them against the ire of the resentful slain, and in general afford them an immunity from all dangers, material and spiritual.

It is believed that when the warrior priest dies his soul companions return to the war spirits from whom they proceeded, and with whom they take up their eternal abode upon the far-off mountain heights. Upon their return to these heights it is said that they are pursued by a monstrous crowd of inexorable demons and vexed spirits of those that have fallen victims to their arm, but that, owing to the power and vigilance of the mighty gods of war, they reach their last home unscathed.

Like the priest, a war chief is recognized as a priest when he falls into that state of paroxysm that is considered to be of preternatural origin. This condition is usually the result of a wild fight, in which, after slashing down one or more of the enemy, he eats the heart and liver of one of the slain and dances around in ungovernable fury. I have been frequently informed that the companions of a man thus possessed cautiously withdraw while he is under this influence, as he might do something rash. I witnessed the actions of several bagáni during ceremonial performances to the tagbúsau, and I felt no little fear as to what might be the outcome of the warrior chiefs fury.

What has been said of the sincerity of the ordinary priest and of his disinterestedness and freedom from mercenary motives applies equally to the war chief in his position as war priest.

In return for the protection accorded to his select ones the gods of war require frequent supplies of blood and other delicacies, the denial of which would render the favorite liable to constant plaguing by his protectors in their efforts to make him mindful of their needs. In another chapter we shall see the means whereby the bagáni keeps himself in the good graces of his inexorable deities.¹⁵

¹⁵For a full description of the rites peculiar to the warrior chief as priest the reader is referred to Chapter XXVI.

CHAPTER XXV

CEREMONIAL ACCESSORIES AND RELIGIOUS RITES

GENERAL REMARKS

The differences which I observed in the performance of ceremonies in different localities appear to be due to the vagaries and idiosyncrasies of the individual performers and not to any established system. But in the main these variations are not essential. For example, in certain localities the blood of the pig as it issues forth from the lance wound is sucked from the wound, while in others it is caught in convenient receptacles and then drank. In the following pages I will attempt to give a description of the accessories, the sacrifices, and their associated ceremonies which may be considered general for the Manóbos of the middle and upper Agúsan.

THE PARAPHERNALIA OF THE PRIEST

THE RELIGIOUS SHED¹ AND THE BAILÁN'S HOUSE

¹Ka-má-lig.

The priest has no special residence nor any special religious structure except a little wooden shed and a few ceremonial trays that will be described later. His house is not more capacious nor pretentious than that of anyone else, in fact it is often less so, but it may be recognized always by the presence of the drum and gong, by the little religious shed near by, and by the presence of a few lances, bolos, daggers, and various other objects that are considered heritages,² handed down from his predecessors in the priestly office. It is not unusual for the priest, especially among the Christianized Manóbos, to have two houses, one for the residence of his family and another which, by its seclusion, is better adapted for the celebration of religious rites. Hither he may repair, after assisting perhaps at the Catholic services in the settlement, to perform the pagan ceremonies that for him have more truth and efficacy than the Christian rites. While in the settlement and in contact with Christians, he is to all appearances a Christian, but in the moment of trial or tribulation he hies him to the seclusion of his other house and, in the presence of his fellow believers, performs the primitive rites in honor of beings who, to his mind, are more potent to help or to hurt than the hierarchy of Catholic belief.

²Án-ka.

In this second house, then, will be found, without fail, not only the priestly heirlooms, but all such objects as have been consecrated³ either by himself or by one of the settlement to the friendly deities. It may be remarked here that these consecrated objects can not be disposed of except by performing a sacrifice, or by making a substitution, usually in the form of pigs and fowl which ipso facto become consecrated, and are eventually sacrificed to the proper deity.

³Sin-ug-bá-han.

EQUIPMENT FOR CEREMONIES

The altar house is a rude bamboo structure consisting of four posts, averaging 1.8 meters high, upon which is a roof of palm thatch. About 45 centimeters beneath this are set one or two shelves for the reception of the oblation bowls and dishes. The whole fabric is decorated with a few fronds of palm trees,⁴ and covers a space of approximately 2.4 square meters.

⁴The fronds used are one or more of the following palms: Betel nut, anibung, kagyas, and coconut.

The ceremonial salver⁵ is a rectangular wooden tray, generally of iláñg-iláñg wood, usually decorated with incised, traced, or carved designs, and having pendants of palm fronds. It is the ceremonial salver on which are set out the offerings of pig, fowl, rice, betel nut, and other things for the deities.

⁵Ban-ká-so.

The sacrificial stand⁶ also is made out of iláñg-iláñg wood. It consists of a disk of wood set upon a leg, and is used for making the offerings of betel nut and other things.

⁶Ta-lí-dung.

When it is decided to make an offering of a pig, a sacrificial table⁷ of bamboo is set up close to the house that has been selected as the place of sacrifice. Upon this is bound the victim, lying on its side. Over it are arched fronds of betel-nut and other palms. This stand is used exclusively for the sacrifice of a pig. It is a rude, unpretentious structure.

⁷Áñg-ka.

CEREMONIAL DECORATIONS

Fronds of the coconut, betel nut and other palms are the only decorations used at ceremonies. The betel-nut fronds, however,⁸ enjoy a special preference, being used in every important ceremony when they are obtainable. No other leaves and no flowers, unless the bloom of the betel nut be considered such, are used as decorations.

⁸Known as ba-gaí-bai.

The consecrated objects, consisting of such things as lances, bolos, daggers, and necklaces, are frequently set out upon a ceremonial structure or put in the ceremonial shed in order to give more solemnity to the occasion, and it is not infrequent to find the structure draped with cloth, preferably red.

SACRED IMAGES⁹

⁹Man-á-ug.

Sacred images are of neither varied nor beautiful workmanship. At best they are but rudimentary suggestions of the human form, frequently without the lower extremities. Varying in length from 15 to 45 centimeters they are whittled with a bolo out of pieces of báyud wood, or of any soft white wood when báyud is not obtainable. More elaborate images are furnished with berries of a certain tree¹⁰ for eyes and adorned with tracings of sap from the kayúti or the narra tree, but the ordinary idol has a smearing of charcoal for eyes and mouth and a few tracings of the same for body ornamentation.

¹⁰Ma-gu-baí.

Images are made in two forms, one representing the male and distinguished by the length of its headpiece and occasionally by the representation of the genital organ, the other representing the female, and distinguished most frequently by the representation of breasts, though in a good image there is often a fair representation of a comb.

Images are intended for the same use as statues in other religions. They are not adored nor worshiped in any sense of the word. They are looked upon as inanimate representations of a deity, and tributes of honor and respect are paid not to them, but to the spirits that they represent. I have seen rice actually put to the lips of these images and bead necklaces hung about their necks; but in answer to my inquiries the response was always the same that not the images, but the spirits, were thereby honored.

It is principally in time of sickness that these images are made. They are placed somewhere near the patient, generally just under the thatch of the roof.

The priest almost invariably has one, or a set of better made ones, which he sets out during the more important ritual celebrations and before which he places offerings for the spirits represented. In a sacrifice performed for the recovery of a sick man on the upper Agúsan, I saw two images, one male and one female, carried in the hand by the presiding priests and made to dance and perform some other suggestive movements.

Occasionally one finds very crude effigies of deities carved on a pole and left standing out on the trail or placed near the house. These are supposed to serve for a resting place for the deities that are expected to protect the settlement or the house. This practice is very common when fear of an attack is entertained, and also during an epidemic.

CEREMONIAL OFFERINGS

Offerings consist, in the main, of the blood¹¹ and meat of pig and fowl, betel-nut quids, rice, cooked or uncooked, and an exhilarating beverage. But occasionally a full meal, including every obtainable condiment, is set out, even an allowance of water, wherewith to cleanse¹² the hand, being provided for the visiting deities. Such offerings are set out upon consecrated plates¹³ which are used for no other purpose and can not be disposed of.

¹¹No reference is here made to human blood, a subject which will be found treated in Chapter XXVI.

¹²Pañg-hú-gas.

¹³A-pú-gan.

As a rule the offerings must be clean and of good quality. The priest is very careful in the selection of the rice, and picks out of it all dirty grains. Cooked rice given in offering is smoothed down, and, after the deity has concluded his mystic collation is examined for traces of his fingering.

The color of the victims is a matter of importance, too, for the divinities have their special tastes. Thus Sugúdan, the god of hunters, prefers a red fowl, while the tagbánua display a preference for a white victim.

RELIGIOUS RITES

CLASSIFICATION

(1) The betel-nut offering.¹⁴
(2) The burning of incense.¹⁵
(3) The address or invocation.¹⁶
(4) The ceremonial omen taking.¹⁷
(5) The prophylactic fowl waving.¹⁸
(6) The blood unction.¹⁹
(7) The child ceremony.²⁰
(8) The death feast.²¹
(9) The sacrifice of fowl or pig.²²
(10) The rice planting.²³
(11) The hunting rite.²⁴
(12) The harvest feast.
(13) The conciliation of evil spirits.
(14) The divinatory rites.
(15) The warrior priest's rites.
(16) Human sacrifice.²⁵

¹⁴Pag-á-pug.

¹⁵Pag-pa-lí-na.

¹⁶Tawág-táwag.

¹⁷Pag-ti-ná-ya.

¹⁸Kú-yab to mán-uk.

¹⁹Pag-lím-pas.

²⁰Tag-un-ún to bá-ta'.

²¹Ka-ta-pú-san.

²²Ka-hi-mó-nan.

²³Täp-hag.

²⁴Pañg-o-múd-an.

²⁵Hu-á-ga.

A description of the more important of these ceremonies will be found distributed throughout this monograph under the various headings to which such ceremonies belong. Thus the child ceremony is placed under the heading "birth," the death feast in the chapter on death, the warriors' sacrifice in that portion of this sketch which treats of the warrior. For the present only the minor and more general ceremonies that may be performed separately, or that may enter into the major ceremonies as subrites, will be described.

METHOD OF PERFORMANCE

The betel-nut tribute.--In all dealings with the unseen world, the offering of betel nut is the first and most essential act, just as it constitutes in the ordinary affairs of Manóbo life the essential preliminary to all overtures made by one man to another. The ceremony may be performed by anyone, but partakes of only a semireligious character when not performed by a bailán.

The ceremony consists in setting out on a consecrated plate,²⁶ or in lieu of it on any convenient receptacle, the ordinary betel-nut quid, consisting of a slice of betel nut placed upon a portion of buyo leaf, and sprinkled with a little lime. The priest who has more than one divine protector, must give a tribute to each one of them. In certain ceremonies seven quids are invariably set out by him, always accompanied by an invocation, the strain of which is usually very monotonous and always couched in long periphrastic preambles. It is really an invitation to the spirit whose aid is to be implored to partake of the offering.

²⁶A-pú-gan.

Out in the lonely forest the hunter may set his offering upon a log for the spirit owner of the game, or if in the region of a balete tree, he may think it prudent to show his deference to its invisible dwellers by offering them this humble tribute. Again, should a storm overtake him on his way, and should he dread the "stony tooth" of the thunder, he lays out his little offering, quite often with the thought that he has in some unknown way annoyed Anítan, the wielder of the thunderbolt, and must in this fashion appease the offended deity.

The offering of incense.--This ceremony appears to be confined to priestesses. I have never seen a Manóbo priest offer incense. The resin²⁷ of a certain tree is used for the purpose, as its fragrance is deemed to be especially pleasing to the deities. The priestess herself, or anyone else at her bidding, removes from the pod²⁸ at her side, where it is always carried depending from the waist, a little of the resin and lights it. It is then set on the altar or in any convenient spot. The direction of its smoke is thought to indicate the approach and position of the deity invoked. As the smoke often ascends in a slanting direction, it frequently directs itself toward the suspended oblation trays. This is taken as an indication that the deity is resting or sitting upon the bankáso tray, in which case he is called bankasúhan, or on the talíduñg, when he is said to be talidúñgan. This ceremony is preliminary to the invocation.

²⁷Tú-gak to ma-gu-bái.

²⁸This is the pod of a tree called ta-bí-ki.

The deities are very partial to sweet fragrances like that of the betel nut frond and of the incense and seem to be averse to strange or evil smells. Hence fire and smoke are usually avoided during the celebration of regular sacrifices, as was stated before. On one occasion I wished to do a favor by lending my acetylene lamp during a ceremonial celebration, but it was returned to me with the information that the smell was not acceptable to the presiding deities.

Invocation.--The invocation is a formal address to the deities, and on special occasions even to the demons, when it is desired to make a truce with them. It is the prerogative of the priest in nearly all ceremonies. As a rule it begins in a long, roundabout discourse and extends itself throughout the whole performance, continuing at intervals for a whole night or longer in important ceremonies. It may be participated in by one priest after another, each one addressing himself to his particular set of divinities and beseeching them by every form of entreaty to be propitious.

The invocation to the good spirits is made at the discretion of the officiating priest, either in the house or outside, and in a moderate voice, but the invocation to the evil ones is shouted out in a loud voice usually from the opening around the walls of the house, as it is considered more prudent to keep the demons at a respectful distance.

In addressing his gods the Manóbo proceeds in about the same way as he does when dealing with his fellow men. He starts well back from the subject and by a series of circumlocutions slowly advances to the point. The beginning of the invocation is ordinarily in a laudatory strain; he reminds his divinities of his past offerings, descants on the size of the victims offered on previous occasions, and the general expenses of past sacrifices. He then probably recalls to their minds instances where these sacrifices had not been reciprocated by the deities. Having thus intimated to the invisible visitors, for they are thought to be present during these invocations, that he and his people are somewhat ill pleased, he goes on to express the hope that in the future and especially on this occasion they will show themselves more grateful. He next proceeds to enumerate the expenses which in their honor are about to be incurred. The fatness and price of the pig are set forth and every imaginable reason adduced why they should be well pleased with the offerings and make a bountiful return of good will and friendship. The spirits may be even bribed with the promise of a future sacrifice, or they may be threatened with desertion and the cessation of all worship of them.

After a long prologue the priest makes an offering of something, it may be a glass of brew, or a plate of rice, and confidentially imparts to his spirits the object of the ceremony. In this manner the invocation is continued, interrupted at intervals by the sacred dance or by periods of ecstatic possession of the priest himself.

Prophylactic fowl waving.--The fowl-weaving ceremony may be performed by one not of the priestly order. The performance is very simple. A fowl of no special color is taken in one hand and, its legs and wings being secured to prevent fluttering, it is waved over the person or persons in whom the evil influence is thought to dwell and at the same time a short address is made in an undertone to this same influence,²⁹ bidding it betake itself to other parts. The chicken may be then killed ceremonially and eaten, but if it is not killed it becomes consecrated and is given to the priest until it can be disposed of in a ceremonial way on a future occasion.

²⁹Ka-dú-ut.

This ceremony is very common, especially after the occurrence of a very evil dream or a bad conjunction of omens or in case of severe sickness or on the erection of a new house or granary. On one occasion it was performed on me under the impression, it is presumed, that I was the bearer of some malign influence.

I have never been definitely informed as to the reason for the efficacy of this rite, nor of its origin. Tradition handed down by the old, old folks and everyday experience are sufficient foundation for the popular belief in its efficacy.

Blood lustration.--When a fowl or a pig has been killed sacrificially, it is customary to smear the blood on the person or object from whom it is desired to drive out the sickness, or in order to avert a threatened or suspected danger, or when it is desired to nullify an evil influence. The ceremony is performed only by a priest and in the following way: Taking blood in a receptacle to the person for whose benefit it is intended, the priest dips his hand in it and draws his bloody finger over the afflicted part, or on the back of the hand and along the fingers in the case of a sick person, or on the post of the house, thereby leaving bloody stripes. During the operation he addresses the indwelling evil and bids it begone. This ceremony usually follows the preceding one and is performed in all cases where the previous ceremony is applicable, if the circumstances are considered urgent enough to call for its performance.

I once saw a variation of this ceremony. Instead of killing the fowl the priest made a small wound in one leg and applied the blood that issued to a sick man. The fowl then became the property of the priest and could never be eaten, for the evil influence that had produced the sickness in the man was supposed to have passed into the fowl.

Lustration by water.--Lustration by water is somewhat similar in its purpose to the preceding ceremony. It is performed as a subrite among the Christianized Manóbos of the lake region. I am inclined to think that it is only an imitation of an institution of the Catholic Church because I never saw it performed by non-Christian Manóbos.

The following is the cermony[sic]: When the divinities are thought to have eaten the soul or redolence³⁰ of the viands set out for them, and to have cleansed their hands in the water provided for that purpose, the priest seizes a small branch, dips it in this water and sprinkles the assembly. Though, on the occasions on which I witnessed this rite, the recipients did not seem to relish the aspersion, as was evinced by their efforts to avoid it, yet it was believed to have great efficacy in removing ill luck and malign influences.³¹

³⁰Bá-ho and um-a-gád.

³¹Paí-ad.

CHAPTER XXVI

SACRIFICES AND WAR RITES

THE SACRIFICE OF A PIG

Religion is so interwoven with the Manóbo's life, as has been constantly stated in this monograph, that it is impossible to group under the heading of religion all the various observances and rites that properly belong to it.¹ I will now give an account of the sacrifice of a pig that took place on the Kasilaían River, central Agúsan, for the recovery of a sick man. This sacrifice may be considered typical of the ordinary ceremony in which a pig is immolated, whether it be for the recovery of a sick man or to avert evil or to solicit any other favor.

¹The reader is referred to Chapter XV for a description of the important religious ceremonies and beliefs connected with the subject of death, to Chapter X for rice culture ceremonies, to Chapter XIV for the birth ceremony. Descriptions of various other ceremonies will be found scattered through this monograph, each under its proper heading.

I arrived at the house at about 4 p.m. Near the pole leading up to the house stood the newly erected rectangular bamboo stand.² On this, with a few palm fronds arched over it, was tightly bound the intended victim, a fat castrated pig. Within a few yards of this had been erected the small houselike structure,³ which has been described already. It contained several plates full of offerings of uncooked rice and eggs, which had been placed there previously. The ceremonies began shortly after my arrival. Three women of the priestly order sat down near the ceremonial house and prepared a large number of betel-nut quids for their respective deities, but the spectators never ceased for a moment to ask for a share of them. Finally, however, the quids were prepared and placed on the sacred plates, seven to each plate. Then one of the priestesses placed a little resin upon a piece of bamboo and, calling for a firebrand, placed it upon the resin. The other two priestesses, seizing in each hand a piece of palm branch, proceeded to dance to the sound of drum and gong. They were soon joined by the third officiant. All three danced for some five minutes until, as if by previous understanding, the gong and drum ceased, and one of the priestesses broke out into the invocation. This consisted of a series of repetitions and circumlocutions in which her favorite deities were reminded of the various sacrifices that had been performed in their honor from time immemorial; of the number of pigs that had been slain; of the size of these victims; of the amount of drink consumed; of the number of guests present; and of an infinity of other things that it would be tedious to recount. This was rattled off while the spectators were enjoying themselves with betel-nut chewing and while conversation was being carried on in the usual vehement way. Then the drum and gong boomed out again and the three priestesses circled about in front of the ceremonial shed for about five minutes, after which comparative quiet ensued and another priestess took up the invocation. During her prolix harangue to the spirits the other two busied themselves, one in rearranging the offerings in the little shed, the other in lighting more incense, while the spectators continued their prattle, heedless of the services. After an interval of some 10 minutes the sacred dance was continued, the priestesses circling and sweeping around with their palm branches waving up and down as they swung their arms in graceful movements through the air. This continued for several minutes, until one of them stopped suddenly and began to tremble very perceptibly. The other two continued their dance around her, waving their palm fronds over her. The trembling increased in violence until her whole body seemed to be in a convulsion. Her eyes assumed a ghastly stare, her eyeballs protruded, and the eyelids quivered rapidly. The drum and gong increased their booming in volume and in rapidity, while the dancers surged in rapid circles around the possessed one, who at this period was apparently unconscious of everything. Her eyes were shaded with one hand and a copious perspiration covered her whole body. When finally the music and the dancing ceased her trembling still continued, but now the loud belching could be heard. No words can describe the vehemence of this prolonged belching, accompanied as it was by violent trembling and painful gasping. The spectators still continued their loud talking with never a care for the scene that was being enacted, except when some one uttered a shrill cry of animation, possibly as menace to lurking enemies, spiritual or other.

²Añg-kan.

³Ka-má-lig.

It was some 10 minutes before the paroxysm ceased, and then the now conscious priestess broke forth into a long harangue in which she described what took place during her trance, prophesying the cure of the sick man, but advising a repetition of the sacrifice at a near date, and uttering a confusion of other things that sounded more like the ravings of a madman than the inspirations of a deity. During all this time frequent potations were administered to the spectators, so that in the early night everyone was feeling in high spirits.

After the first priestess had emerged fully from the trance the drum and gong resounded for the continuation of the dance. In turn the other priestesses fell under the influence of their special divinities and gave utterance to long accounts of what had passed between them. It was at a late hour of the night that the whole company retired to the house, leaving the victim still bound upon his sacrificial table.

The religious part of the celebration was then abandoned, for the priestesses took no further part. Social amusements, consisting of various forms of dancing, mimetic and other, were performed for the benefit of the attendant deities and finally long legendary chants⁴ by a few priests consumed the remainder of the night.

⁴Túd-um.

Next morning at about 7 o'clock the ceremonies were resumed by the customary offering of betel nut and by burning of incense, but instead of dancing before the small religious house the three priestesses, joined by a priest, took up their position near the sacrificial table on which the victim had remained since the preceding day. The invocations were pronounced in turn, followed by short intervals of dancing. During these invocations the victim was bound more securely, and a little lime was placed on its side just over the heart. The priest then placed seven betel-nut quids upon the body of the pig and made a final invocation. A rice mortar was placed at the side of the sacrificial table, a relative of the sick man stepped upon it, and, receiving a lance from the hands of the male priest, poised it vertically above the spot designated by the lime and thrust it through the heart of the victim.

One of the female priestesses at once placed an iron cooking pan under the pig and caught the blood as it streamed out from the lower opening of the wound. Applying her mouth to the pan she drank some of the blood and gave the pan to a sister priest.⁵ At the same time a little was given to the sick man, who drank it down with such eager haste that it ran upon his cheeks. One of the priestesses then performed blood lustration by anointing the patient's forehead with the remainder of the blood. A few others, of whom I was one, had these bloody ministrations performed on them.

⁵Not infrequently the blood is sucked from the upper wound. This is a custom more prevalent among the Mandáyas than among the Manóbos.

The priest and priestesses at this period presented a most strange spectacle. With faces and hands besmirched with clotted blood, they stood trembling with indescribable vehemence. Their jingle bells tinkled in time with the movement of their bodies. The priestesses recovered from their furious possession after a few minutes, but not so the male priest, for to prevent himself from collapsing completely he clutched a near-by tree, shading his eyes with his bloodstained hand. The drum and gong came into play again and the priestesses took up the step, circling around their entranced companion and addressing him in terms that on account of the rattle of the drum and the clanging of the gong could not be heard. He finally emerged, however, all dazed and covered with perspiration. Through him a diuáta announced the recovery of the patient, at which yells of approval rang out, and then began a social celebration consisting of dancing and drinking. This was continued till the hour for dinner, when the victim was consumed in the usual way.

In this instance, as in many others witnessed, the sick man recovered, and with a suddenness that seemed extraordinary. This must be attributed to the deep and abiding faith that the Manóbo places in his deities and in his priests. The circumstances of the sacrifice are such as to inspire him with confidence and, strong in his faith, he recovers his health and strength in nearly every case.

RITES PECULIAR TO THE WAR PRIESTS

(1) The betel-nut tribute to the gods of war.
(2) The supplication and invocation of the gods of war.
(3) The betel-nut offering to the souls of the enemies.
(4) The various forms of divination.
(5) The ceremonial invocation of the omen bird.
(6) The tagbúsau's feast.
(7) Human sacrifice.

The first two ceremonies differ from the corresponding functions performed by the ordinary priests in only two respects, first that they are performed in honor of the war spirits, and secondly that the invocation includes an interminable list of the names of those slain by the officiating warrior chief and by his ancestors for a few generations back.

The sacred dance for the entertainment of the attending divinities with which this invocation and supplication is repeatedly interrupted will be described later on.

THE BETEL-NUT OFFERING TO THE SOULS OF THE ENEMIES

The ceremony is performed only before an expedition, with a view to securing the good will of souls of the enemies who may be slain in the intended fray. As was set forth before, souls, or departed spirits, seem to have a grievance against the living, and are wont to plague them in diverse ways. Now, in order to avoid such ill will as might follow the separation of these spirits from their corporal companions, a ceremony is performed by the warrior priest in the following way: He orders an offering of rice to be set out upon the river bank, or on the trail over which the spirits are expected to wing their way, and hastens to invite them to a conference. Then a number of pieces of betel leaf are set out on a shield, so that each soul or spirit has his portion of betel leaf, his little slice of betel nut, and his bit of lime. Then the warrior chief, or some one else at his bidding, addresses the souls without making it known that an attack⁶ is soon to be made. It is then explained to these spirits that they are invited to partake of the offering in good will and peace, that the warrior priest's party has a grievance against their enemies, and that some day they may be obliged to redress the matter in a bloody way. The souls next are urged to forego their displeasure, should it become necessary at any time to redress the wrongs by force and possibly slay the authors of them. The invisible souls are then supposed to partake of the offering and to depart in peace as if they understood the whole situation.

⁶I was informed that a sometime friend or distant relative of the enemy is generally selected for this task.

There is an incident, which is said to occur during the above ceremony, that deserves special mention, as it illustrates very pointedly the spirit in which the ceremony is performed. All arms are said to be placed upon the ground and carefully covered with the shields in such a way that the spirit guests will be unable to detect their presence on their arrival. The betel-nut portions are placed upon one of the upper shields.

VARIOUS FORMS OF DIVINATION

The betel-nut cast.⁷--This form of divination is never omitted, according to all accounts. In the instance which I witnessed the procedure was as follows: The leader of the expedition invoked the tagbúsau, informing him that each of the quids represented one of the enemy, and beseeching him (or them) to indicate by the position of these symbols after the ceremony the fate of the enemy. The warrior priest or his representative, lifting up the shield with one hand under it, and one hand above it, turned it upside down with a rapid movement, thus precipitating the quids on the floor. Now those that fell vertically under the shield represented the number of the enemy who would fall into their clutches, while those that lay without the pale of the shield represented the individuals who would escape, and to whose slaughter accordingly they must devote every energy. There are numerous little details in this, as in most other forms of divination, each one of which has an interpretation, subject, it would appear, to the vagaries of each individual augur.

⁷Ba-lís-kad to ma-má-on.

Divination from the báguñg vine.--Before leaving the point from which it has been decided to begin the march two pieces of green rattan, the length of the middle finger and about 1 centimeter thick, are laid upon the ground parallel to each other and about 2.5 centimeters apart. One of these stands for the enemy and the other for the attacking party. A firebrand is then held over the two until the heat causes one of them to warp and twist to one side or the other. Thus if the strip that represents the enemy were to begin to twist over toward that of the aggressors, while that of the latter twists away from the former, the omen would be bad, for it would denote the flight of the assaulting party. Should, however, the rattan of the aggressors twist over and fall on the other, the omen would be auspicious and the march might be entered upon.

The various twists and curls of these strips of rattan are observed with the closest attention and interpreted variously. Should the omen prove ill, the tagbúsau must be invoked and other forms of divination tried until the party feels assured of success.

Divination from báya squares.--The báya is a species of small vine, a fathom of which is cut by the leader into pieces exactly the length of the middle finger. These pieces are then laid on the ground in squares. Should the number of pieces be sufficient to constitute complete squares without any remainder the omen is bad in the extreme, but should a certain number of pieces remain the omen is good. Thus if one piece remains the attack will be successful and of short duration. If two remain, the outcome will be the same, but there will be some delay; and if three remain, the delay will be considerable, as it will be necessary to construct ladders.⁸

⁸Pa-ga-hag-da-nán.

When any of the omens taken by one of the above forms of divination prove unpropitious, the tagbúsau must be invoked and other divinatory methods tried until the party is satisfied that a reasonable amount of success is assured. But should the omens indicate a failure or a disaster, the expedition must be put off or a change made in the party. Thus, for instance, the bad luck⁹ might be attributed to the presence of one or more individuals. In that case these persons are eliminated and the omens repeated. It is needless to say that the observance of all the omens necessary for an expedition, together with the concomitant ceremonies, may occupy as much as three days and nights.

⁹Paí-ad.

INVOCATION OF THE OMEN BIRD¹⁰

¹⁰Pan-áu-ag-táu-ag to li-mó-kon.

Though at the beginning of ordinary journeys the consultation of the omen bird is of primary importance, yet before a war expedition it acquires a solemnity that is not customary on ordinary occasions. This ceremony is the last of all those that are made preparatory to the march.

The warrior priest turns toward the trail and addresses the invisible turtledove, beseeching it to sing out from the proper direction and thereby declare whether they may proceed or not. In one of the instances that came under my personal observation a little unhulled rice was placed upon a log for the regalement of the omen bird, and a tame pet omen bird in an adjoining house was petted and fed and asked to summon its wild mates of the encircling forest to sing the song of victory. Many of the band imitate the turtle bird's cry¹¹ as a further inducement to get an answer from the wild omen birds that might be in the neighborhood.

¹¹This is done by putting the hands crosswise, palm over palm and thumb beside thumb. The cavity between the palms must be tightly closed, leaving open a slit between the thumbs. The mouth is applied to this slit and by blowing in puffs the Manóbo can produce a sound that is natural enough to elicit in many cases response from a turtledove that may be within hearing distance. In fact, I have known the birds to approach within shooting distance of the artificial sounds.

THE TAGBÚSAU'S FEAST

In the ceremonies connected with, the celebration in honor of his war lord the warrior priest is the principal personage, but he is usually assisted by several of the chief priests of the ordinary class. Such is the general account, and such was the procedure in the ceremony that I witnessed in 1907, of which the following are the main details and which will serve as a general description of the ceremony:

The appurtenances of the ceremony were identical with those described before under ceremonial accessories, except that a piece of bamboo, about 30 centimeters long, parted and carved into the form of a crude crocodile with a betel-nut frond hanging from it, was suspended in the diminutive offering house referred to so many times before. Objects of this kind, like this piece of bamboo, have a mouthlike form and vary from 30 to 60 centimeters in length. They are, as it were, ceremonial salvers on which are set the offerings of blood and meat and gíbañg¹² for the war deities.

¹²Gí-bañg is the nape of the neck, and here refers to that of a pig.

In the ceremony that I am describing I noticed a plate of rice set out on an upright piece of bamboo, the upper part of which had been spread out into an inverted cone to hold the plate. The pig had been bound already to its sacrificial table, but was ceaseless in its cries and in its efforts to release itself. Several war and ordinary priests, covered with all their wealth of charms and ornaments, were scattered throughout the assembly. The war priests particularly presented an imposing appearance, vested in the blood-red insignia of their rank. Around their necks were thrown the magic charm collars, with their pendants of shells, crocodile teeth, and herbs.

About 5 o'clock in the afternoon of the day in question the ceremony was ushered in in the usual way by several male and female priests. The warrior priests did not take part till the following day, though during the night they chanted legendary tales of great Manóbo fights and fighters. The following morning, however, they led the ceremonies.

During the whole performance there seemed to be no established system or order. Both warrior priests and others took up the invocation and the dance as the whim moved or as the opportunity allowed them. One noteworthy point about the ceremony was the ritual dance of the warrior priests in honor of their war deities. Attired as they were in the full panoply of war, with hempen coat and shield, lance, bolo, and dagger, they romped and pirouetted in turns around the victim to the wild war tattoo of the drum and the clang of the gong. Imagining the victim to be some doughty enemy of his, the dancer darted his lance at it back and forth, now advancing, now retreating, at times hiding behind his shield, and at others advancing uncovered as if to give the last long lunge. Under the inspiration of the occasion their eyes gleamed with a fierce glare and the whole physiognomy was kindled with the fire of war. The spectators on this particular occasion maintained silence and attention and manifested considerable fear. It is believed that the warrior priest, being under the influence of his war god, is liable to commit an act of violence.

At the time I did not understand the tenor of the invocations that followed each dance, but was informed that they are such as would be expected on such an occasion, namely, an invitation to the spirits of war to partake of the feast and a prayer to them to accompany the party and assist them in capturing their enemies.

When the moment for the sacrifice arrived the leader of the party, the chief warrior priest, danced the final dance and, stepping up to the pig, plunged his spear through its heart, and, applying his mouth to the wound, drank the blood. Several of the other priests caught the blood in plates and pans and partook of it in the same manner. The leader put the blood receptacle under the wound and allowed some of the blood to flow into it. He then returned it to the diminutive offering house. The ordinary priests fell into the customary trance, but the war-priest, together with several of the spectators, took the blood omen. Apparently this was not favorable, for they ordered the intestines to be removed at once and examined the gall bladder and the liver.

The priests emerged from their trance and no further ceremonies were performed except the taking of omens. This occupied several hours and was performed by little groups, even the young boys trying their hand at it.

When the pig had been cooked it was set out on the floor and was partaken of in the usual way. There was little brew on hand. I learned that on such occasions it is not customary to indulge to any great extent in drinking.

The party expected to begin the march that afternoon; but as the scouts had not returned they waited until the next morning.

When the march was about to begin, and while the party still stood on the river bank, the leader wrenched the head off a chicken and took observations from the blood and intestines. These were not as satisfactory as was desired, but were considered favorable enough to warrant beginning the march tentatively. Upon the entrance of the party into the forest the omen bird was invoked; its cry proved favorable, and the march began.

HUMAN SACRIFICE¹³

¹³Hu-á-ga.

I never witnessed a human sacrifice nor was I ever able to verify the facts in the locality in which one had occurred, but I have no doubt that such sacrifices were made occasionally by Manóbos in former times.

It is not strange that a custom of this kind should exist in a country where a human being is a mere chattel, sometimes valued at less than a good dog. When it is considered that in Manóboland revenge is not only a virtue but a precept, and often a sacred inheritance, it stands to reason that to sacrifice the life of an enemy or of an enemy's friend or relative would be an act of the highest merit. From what I have observed of Manóbo ways I can readily conceive the satisfaction and glee with which an enemy would be offered up to the war deities of a settlement, slowly lanced or stabbed to death, and then the heart, liver, and blood taken ceremonially. A very common expression of anger used by one Manóbo to another is "huagon ka," that is, "May you be sacrificed."

I find verbal evidences of human sacrifices in those regions only that are near to the territory of the Bagóbos and the Mandáyas. This leads me to think that the custom is either of Bagóbo or of Mandáya origin.

The Jesuit missionary Urios¹⁴ makes mention of the case of Maliñgáan who lived on the upper Simúlao, contiguous to the Mandáya country. In order to cure himself of a severe illness he had a little girl sacrificed. Urios describes the punitive expedition sent out against him, and the death of Maliñgáan by his own hand.

¹⁴Cartas de los PP. de la Compañía de Jesús, Cuaderno V, letter from Father Saturnine Urios, Patrocinio, Sept. 16, 1881.

I have heard of numerous cases, especially in the region at the headwaters of the Báobo, Ihawán, and Sábud Rivers. One particular case will illustrate the manner in which the ceremony is performed. My authority for the account is one who claimed to have participated in the sacrifice.

A boy slave, who belonged to the man that arranged the sacrifice, was selected. The slave was given to understand that the object of the ceremony was to cure him of a loathsome disease from which he was suffering.¹⁵ The preparatory ceremonies were described as being of the same character as those which take place in the ordinary pig sacrifice for the war spirit, namely, the offering of the betel-nub tribute, the solemn invocation of the war spirits and supplication for the recovery of the officiant's son, the sacred dance performed by the warrior priests, and the offering of betel nut to the soul of the slave that it might harbor no ill will against the participants in the ceremony.

¹⁵To-bu-káw.

The slave, the narrator informed me, was left unmolested, being entertained by companions of his age until the moment for the sacrifice arrived, when he was seized and quickly bound to a tree. The warrior priest, who was the father of the sick one, then shouted out in a loud voice to his war spirits asking them to accept the blood of this human creature, and without further ado planted his dagger in the slave's breast. Several others, among whom my informant was one, followed suit. The victim died almost instantly. Then each one of the warrior priests inserted a crocodile tooth from his neck collar¹⁶ into one of the wounds and they became, as the narrator put it, tagbusauán; that is, filled with the blood spirit. The reader is left to imagine the scene that must have followed.

¹⁶Ta-ti-hán.

Human sacrifice takes place in other forms, according to universal report. Thus one hears now and then that a warrior chief had his young son kill a slave or a captive in order to receive the spirit of bravery through the power of a war deity, who would impart to him the desire to perform feats of valor. Three warrior chiefs informed me personally that they had done this in order to accustom their young sons to the sight of blood and to impart to them the spirit of courage. I have no doubt whatsoever of the truth of their statements, as they were made in a matter-of-fact, straightforward way, as if the affair were a most natural occurrence. Accounts of such performances may be overheard when Manóbos speak among themselves.

There is also another way in which human lives are sacrificed, but it partakes less of ceremonial character than the two previous methods. I was given the names of several warrior chiefs who had practiced it. The following are the details: If the warriors have been lucky enough to kill an enemy during a fray and at the same time to secure human booty in the form of captives, they are said on occasions to turn one or more of these same captives over to their less successful friends in order that the latter may sate their bloody thirst and feel the full jubilation of the victory. I was informed that the victims are dragged out into the near-by forest, speared to death or stabbed, and thrust with broken bones into a narrow round hole. That this is true I have every reason to believe, for I heard these reports under circumstances of a convincing nature. Furthermore, such proceedings would be highly typical of Manóbo character and would probably occur among any people that valued human life so lightly and that cherished revenge so dearly. What could be more natural and more pleasing in the exultation of victory and in the wildness of its orgies than to deliver a captive, probably a mortal enemy, to an unsuccessful friend or relative that he too might glut his vengeance and fill his heart with the full joy of victory?

CHAPTER XXVII

DIVINATION AND OMENS

IN GENERAL

The Manóbo not only consults his priest in order to determine the will of the deities but he himself questions nature at every step of life and discovers, by what he considers definite and unerring indications, the course that he may pursue with personal security and success.

To set down the multitudinous array of these signs would be to attempt a task of extreme prolixity and one encompassed with infinite uncertainties and seeming contradictions.

Upon being questioned as to the origin of these manifold omens and auguries the Manóbo can afford no further information than that they have been tried for long generations and found to be true. Show him that on a given occasion the omen bird's cry augured ill but that the undertaking was a success, and he will explain away the apparent inconsistency. Show him that the omens were auspicious and that the enterprise was a failure and he will ascribe the failure to an unnoticed violation of a taboo or to the infraction of some tribal custom which aroused the displeasure of a deity.

In every undertaking he must have divine approbation to give him assurance. If one omen is unsatisfactory, he must consult another, and if that one fails also, he tries a third, and after various other trials, if all are unfavorable, he suspends or discontinues the work until he receives a more favorable answer. After getting a satisfactory omen he proceeds with the full assurance of success.

There can hardly be said to be professional augurers in Manóboland. Here and there one finds one with a reputation for skill but this reputation is never so great as to overcome differences of opinion on the part of others who also claim to be experts. In fact, where a combination of good and bad omens occurs, it is customary to hold a long consultation until the consensus of opinion inclines one way or the other.

MISCELLANEOUS CASUAL OMENS

The following are a few of the accidental omens that portend ill:

(1) Sneezing when heard by one who is about to leave the house, prognosticates ill luck for him. He must return to the house and wait a few minutes in order to neutralize the bad influence.¹

(2) It is an evil portent to see a snake on the trail. The traveler must return and wait till next day, or if that can not be done, recourse must be had to other omens, such as the egg omen, or the suspension omen, in order to determine beyond a doubt what fortune awaits him.

(3) Should a frog, a large lizard, or any other living creature that is a stranger to human habitations, enter a house, the portent is unlucky and means must be taken at once to discover, through divination, the exact significance of the occurrence. In such cases the egg omen is tried, and then the suspension omen, and others until no doubt is entertained as to the significance of the unusual occurrence.

(4) The settling of bees on the gable ornaments of a house, or even in the immediate vicinity of the house, is a sure intimation of the approach of a war party or even of certain death, unless the occurrence has taken place during the rice-planting season and in the new clearing. The fowl-waving ceremony and the blood lustration must be performed immediately and other omens taken at once to determine whether these ceremonies were sufficient to neutralize the threatened danger. I arrived at a house on the upper Karága, shortly after the occurrence of this portent, and took part in the countervailing ceremonies. According to all reports the belief in this omen and the neutralization of it by the above-mentioned ceremonies is common to Manóbos and Mañgguáñgans.

(5) The howling of a dog while asleep portends evil to the owner. This omen is considered very serious and the evil of which it is an intimation must be averted by prompt means. Moreover, the dog must be sold.

(6) The appearance of shooting stars, meteors, and comets prognosticates sickness.

(7) The breaking of a plate or of a pot before an intended trip is of such evil import that the trip is postponed until the following day.

(8) The discovery of blood on an object when no satisfactory explanation of its presence can be found is an omen of very evil import.

(9) The nibbling of clothes by mice is an evil sign, and, though the clothes need not be discarded, neutralizing means must be resorted to.

(10) The finding of a dead animal on the farm is of highly evil import and no means should be left untried toward offsetting the threatened ill.

(11) The crying of birds at night is considered ominous; the sound is thought to be the voice of evil spirits who with intent to do harm have metamorphosed themselves into the form of birds.

¹Pan-dú-ut.

DIVINATION BY DREAMS

As already stated, dreams are believed to be pictures of the doings of the soul companions of the Manóbo and in some mystic way are thought to foreshadow his own fate. Should a person yell in his sleep it is a proof that his soul or spirit is in danger, and he must be instantly aroused but not rudely.² The belief in dreams is strong and abiding and plays no small part in the Manóbo's religious life.

²If not awakened at once he may fall into a condition in which he is said to be pa-ga-tam-ái-un, a term that I have failed to learn the meaning of.

The interpretation of them, however, is so variable and so involved in apparent contradictions that I have obtained little definite and reliable information. In cases where Manóbo experts differ, and where other forms of divination have to be employed to determine whether a dream is to be considered ominous or otherwise, it is not suprising[sic] that a stranger should have received little enlightenment on the subject.

Much more importance attaches to the dreams of the priest than to those of ordinary individuals, for the former are thought to have a more general application and to be more definite in their significance. But the difficulty of interpretation may frequently make the dream of no value because it may happen that the future must be determined by recourse to other divinatory methods.

There is a general belief that both the ordinary priest and the warrior chief may receive a knowlege[sic] of future events in their dreams and also may receive medicine, but I know of only one case in which the latter claim was made. In that case a priest maintained that he had been instructed in a dream to fish for eels the following day. He stated that he had done so and that he had found a bezoar stone which he had given to a sick relative of his.

However, when once the dream has been interpreted to the satisfaction of the dream experts as ill-boding, means must be taken immediately to avert the impending evil. A common method of doing this is by the fowl-waving ceremony and in serious cases by the blood-lustration rite.

DIVINATION BY GEOMETRICAL FIGURES

THE VINE³ OMEN

³Bu-dá-kan, a species of creeper.

I witnessed the taking of this omen both in 1905, before the war expedition referred to on previous pages, and also at the time of the selection of a new town site for the town of Monacayo[sic] on the upper Agúsan. As a rule the omen is taken on occasions of this kind. The procedure in the rite is as follows:

A piece of a vine one fathom long is cut up into pieces the length of the middle finger; these pieces are then arranged as in the figure shown herewith as far as the number of the pieces permits. The sides of the square and the pieces which radiate from the corners are first laid in position. One piece is then placed in the center, and those which remain are set at right angles to the rectangle. (See fig. 2c, e.)

The six pieces of vine that are set at right angles to the rectangle, as in figure 2a, represent the ladders or poles by which entrance is gained to the house, represented in this case by the rectangle itself. The pieces that radiate from the four corners represent the posts that support the house. Now, whenever the pieces of vine are not sufficient to form even one "ladder," it is evident that all hopes of entering the house and getting the enemy are vain. The principle of the omen consists in the observation of the presence and number of ladders, and of the length of the central piece which represents the inmates of the house to be attacked. The following are some of the main and more intelligible figures.

As there is no side piece or "ladder" in Figure 2b, c it is a sign that the house of the opponent can not be entered. In Figure 2c the shortness of the central piece is an indication that one of the attacking party will be wounded. This configuration is called lahúñgan⁴ and is very inauspicious.

⁴From la-húñg, to carry on a pole between two or more persons.

In Figure 2d the necessary ladders are present and the inmates of the house will be reached. The omen is favorable and is called hagdanan.⁵

⁵From hágdan, a pole ladder.

In Figure 2e there are the necessary means of getting access to the house as may be seen by the presence of the three "ladders" at right angles to the house. Moreover, the piece representing the inmates is shorter, an indication of great slaughter. This is a most favorable omen and, as there will be great weeping as a result of the killing, it is called luha'an.⁶

⁶From lú-ha, a tear.

In Figure 2f the absence of a piece within the rectangle is symbolical of the flight of the inmates of the house so that the intended attack is put off for a few days and a few scouts sent forward to reconnoiter.

There are several other combinations to which different interpretations may be given according to whether the omen is employed for a war expedition or for the selection of a new site, but the above figures give a general idea of this method of divination.⁷

⁷The interpretation of these figures can not be given in greater detail because the Manóbos themselves can not always give consistent explanations of them.

Should the above omen prove unfavorable, the sacrifice of a pig⁸ or of a chicken in honor of the leader's war gods should be performed, and then another attempt to secure a favorable omen by the use of the vine may be made.

⁸Dá-yo to tag-bú-sau.

THE RATTAN OMEN⁹

⁹Tí-ko.

The rattan-frond omen is taken to determine either the success of a prospective attack or the suitability of a new site for a house or farm. The observation is performed in the following way: A frond of rattan one fathom in length is taken and its midrib is cut into pieces each the length of the middle finger, as in the preceding omen, but in such a way that each piece of the midrib retains spikes, one on each side. These two spikes are then tied together, thus forming a kind of a ring or leaf circle. All these leaf circles are taken in one hand and thrown up into the air. Should any of these circlets be found entwined or stuck together when they reach the ground the omen is considered unlucky, for it denotes that one or more of the enemy will engage in a hand-to-hand fight with the attacking party.¹⁰ Should, however, the different leaf circles reach the ground without becoming entangled, the omen is excellent. There are a great variety of possible interpretations arising from the number of tangles, each one of which has a special name and a special import, but I am unable to give any further reliable information as to these. This rattan-frond omen appears to be used very rarely. In fact, in some districts no great reliance seems to be placed on it by many with whom I conversed.¹¹

¹⁰The omen is then said to be na-ba-ká-an. The exact meaning of this term, I am unable to state.

¹¹For other omens of a similar nature see Chapter XXVI.

DIVINATION BY SUSPENSION AND OTHER METHODS

THE SUSPENSION OMEN

The ordinary manner of divining future events by this method is to suspend a bolo or a dagger that has been consecrated to a deity and from its movement, or from the absence of movement, obtain the desired information. In case of emergency such a common-place object as an old smoking pipe may be used.

The object is suspended, preferably in front of a sacrificial tray, or table, and then questioned just as if it were a thing of life. The answers are somewhat limited, being confined to "yes" and "no," and are expressed by the faint and silent movement or by the utter quietude of the object suspended. Movement denotes an affirmative response to the question, quietude or lack of movement a negative answer.

I was often struck with the childlike simplicity displayed by the taker of the oracle In the particular case wherein a pipe was employed, the party wished to discover whether it would be safe for him to proceed on a journey the following day. The pipe by a slight gyratory motion at once intimated its assent. He then besought it to make no mistake, and, after carefully stilling the movement of his oracle, repeated the question two different times, receiving each time an affirmative answer. The consultation was made within a heavy hempen mosquito net of abaká fiber, and, as the pipe had been suspended in a position where the heated air from the candle could affect it, it is not surprising that it displayed a tendency to be in constant movement.

THE OMEN FROM EGGS¹²

¹²Ti-maí-ya to a-tá-yug.

A fresh egg, or one that is known still to be in good condition, is broken in two and the contents gently emptied into a plate or bowl. If the white and the yoke remain separated, the omen is favorable but if they should mix, it is of ominous import. Should the egg prove to be rotten, the omen is thought to be evil in the extreme. I never in a single instance witnessed the failure of this omen. I was informed, however, that on occasions it has proved unfavorable.

DIVINATION BY SACRIFICIAL APPEARANCES

Hieromancy is a form of divination that is resorted to on all occasions where the object of a sacrifice is one of very great importance. I witnessed this form of divination practiced upon the departure of a war party in the upper Agúsan in 1907.

THE BLOOD OMEN

The blood from the neck of a sacrificed chicken or from the side of a pig is caught, usually in a bowl. If it is found to be of a bright, spotless red, without any frothing or bubbles, the omen is excellent, but the appearance of foam or dark spots, or blotches is regarded as indicative of evil in a greater or less degree according to the number and size of the spots. The appearance of circular streaks in the blood is highly favorable, as it is taken as an indication that the enemy will be completely encircled, thereby assuring the capture of all the enemy or their annihilation. In this, as in all other omens, the interpretation is given by those who are considered experts. I can afford no reliable information as to the rules governing the interpretation. Answers to inquiries show that in the interpretation of this omen there is involved an infinity of contradictions, uncertainties, and intricacies.

THE NECK OMEN

Before the expedition referred to above I observed a peculiar method of determining which of the warriors would distinguish himself.

The leader of the expedition seized a fowl, made a short invocation, wrenched the head from the body and allowed the blood of the beheaded bird to flow into a bowl. When all the blood had been caught in this vessel, the leader held up the still writhing fowl, leaving the neck free. Then several of those present addressed the fowl, beseeching it to point out the ones who would display most valor during the attack. Naturally, through the violent action of the muscles, the neck was twisted momentarily in a certain direction. This signified that the person in whose direction it pointed would show especial courage during the fray. The fowl was questioned a second and a third time with the result that it always pointed more or less in the direction of some one of the party famed for his prowess, which person was then and there acclaimed as one of the Hectors of the coming fight.

I was repeatedly assured that this omen is always consulted before all war expeditions¹³ or war raids. In the lake region of the Agúsan Valley the omen is interpreted differently for it is said to be good if the neck finally twists itself towards the east or towards the north.

¹³Mañg-ái-yau is a word used by nearly all tribes in Mindanáo to express a band of warriors on a raid, or the raid itself. Mr. H. O. Beyer, of the Bureau of Science, tells me that the word is used also by some northern Luzon tribes. I myself found it in use by the Negritos of the Gumaín and Kauláman rivers in western Pampanga.

THE OMEN FROM THE GALL

The only rule with regard to the gall bladder is that it should be of normal size in order to denote success. An unusually large, or an unusually small one, prognosticate, respectively, misfortune or failure.¹⁴ When the gall bladder is unusually large, however, the omen gives rise to great misgivings and calls for a very careful observance of the following omen, for it portends not only failure but disaster.

¹⁴In the former case the omen is said to be gu-tús and in the latter case gí-pus.

THE OMEN FROM THE LIVER

This omen is taken from the liver of pigs only. In the observation of it dark spots and blotches are an indication of evil and are counted and examined as to size and form. For all of these there is a corresponding interpretation, varying, probably, according to the idiosyncrasies of each individual augur.

On occasions of great importance such as war raids, or epidemics, this omen is always consulted. But it is taken with great frequency in other contingencies as an auxiliary omen to overcome the influence of previous evil ones.

THE OMEN FROM A FOWL'S INTESTINAL APPENDIX¹⁵

¹⁵Pós-ud. This appendix is a small blind projection found on the intestines of fowls.

I have never determined whether the appendix of a pig is a subject for augury or not. If it is, it escaped my observation. The appendix of a chicken, however, is invariably observed as an auxiliary to the observation of the liver and the gall of a pig. If it is found to be erect, that is, at right angles to the intestine, it is considered a favorable omen but if found in a horizontal or supine position with reference to the intestine, it is said to be highly inauspicious. In every case which I saw the omen was favorable.

ORNITHOSCOPY

IN GENERAL

Divination by birds is confined practically to the turtledove.¹⁶ This homely inert creature is considered the harbinger of good and evil, and is consulted at the beginning of every journey and of every undertaking where its prophetic voice can be heard. Should its cry forebode ill, the undertaking is discontinued no matter how urgent it may be. But should the cry presage good, then the project is taken up or continued with renewed assurance and a glad heart, for is not this bird the envoy of the deities and its voice a divine message?

¹⁶Li-mó-kon.

No arguments can shake the Manóbo's¹⁷ faith in the trusty omen bird. For him it can not err, it is infallible. For every case you cite him of its errors, he quotes you numberless cases where its prophecies have come true, and ends by attributing the instance you cite to a false interpretation or to divine intervention that saved you from the evil prognosticated by the bird.

¹⁷Mandáyas, Mañgguáñgans, Debabáons, and Banuáons of the Agúsan Valley have practically the same beliefs as the Manóbos in regard to this omen bird.

RESPECT TOWARD THE OMEN BIRD

The omen bird is never killed, for to kill it would draw down unmitigated misfortune. On the contrary, it is often captured and is carefully fed and petted, especially when an inmate of the house is about to undertake a journey. The prospective traveler takes a little camote or banana and, placing it in the cage, addresses the captive bird and asks it to sing to its companions of the woods that they too in turn may sing to him the song of success and safe return.

And again, on the safe return of the traveler, if there is a captive omen bird in his household, it is a common practice to feed it and give it drink, addressing it tenderly as if it had been the cause of the success of the trip.

When the undertaking is one of importance, such as the selection of a site for a new clearing, or one fraught with possible danger, such as a trip into a dangerous locality, the free wild bird of the woods and not the captive bird is solemnly invoked.¹⁸ It is requested to sing out its warning or its auspicious song in clear unmistakable tones. Before a war expedition an offering of rice is set out on a log near the house as a further inducement to it to be propitious.

¹⁸Táu-ag-táu-ag to li-mó-kon.

INTERPRETATION OF THE OMEN BIRD'S CALL

It frequently requires an expert to interpret exactly the meaning of the various positions from which the bird has sung and in certain cases even several experts can not arrive at a consensus of opinion. Hence the following interpretation is intended as a mere general outline from which an idea may be gained of the intricacies and sometimes apparent contradictions involved in Manóbo ornithoscopy.

The observations may be divided into three kinds, good, bad, and indifferent, and these three kinds into infinite combinations, for the interpretation of the first original observation may be modified and remodified by subsequent cries proceeding from other directions. Thus what was originally a good omen, may become, in conjunction with subsequent ones, most fatal.

The directions of the calls are calculated from eight general positions of the bird with reference to the person making the observation.

(1) Directly in front.

(2) Directly behind.

(3) Directly at right angles on the right.

(4) Directly at right angles on the left.

(5) In front to the right and at an angle of 45°.

(6) In front to the left and at an angle of 45°.

(7) Behind to the right and at an angle of 45°.

(8) Behind to the left and at an angle of 45°.

The first direction is bad. It denotes the meeting of obstacles that are not necessarily of a very serious character unless subsequent observations lead to such a conclusion. The trip need not be discontinued but vigilance must be exerted.

The second direction¹⁹ is also bad. It is a sign that behind one there are obstacles or impediments such as sickness in the family. The trip must not be undertaken or continued until the following day.

¹⁹Called ga-biñg.

The third and fourth directions²⁰ are indeterminate. One's fate is unknown until subsequent omen cries reveal the future, hence all ears are alert.

²⁰On the upper Agúsan it is called bá-us-bá-us, on the central, bí-tang.

The fifth direction²¹ is good and one may proceed with full assurance of success.

²¹Called bág-to.

The sixth position²² merely guarantees safety to life and limb but one must not be sanguine of attaining the object of the trip.

²²Also called bág-to.

The seventh and eighth directions are like the second direction; that is, bad.

Between the above directions are others that receive an intermediate interpretation. There may also be combinations of calls from different directions. The omen bird heard in the fifth or in the sixth direction augurs success and safety, respectively, as we saw above, but if heard simultaneously from those two positions it is considered a most fatal omen; the trip or enterprise must be abandoned at once. Again if the bird calls from the fifth position and then after a short interval from the eighth position, success is assured but upon arriving at the destination one must hurry home without delay.

Should, however, the cry proceed from the sixth direction and then be immediately followed by one from the seventh, great vigilance must be exerted, for the cry is an intimation that one will have to use his shield and spear in defense.

I have found the interpretation of the omen bird's call so varied and so difficult that I refrain from entering any further into the matter. Suffice it to say that at the beginning of every journey the bird is consulted and its call interpreted to the best of the traveler's ability. Should it be decided that the call augurs ill he invariably abandons the trip until the following day when he makes another attempt to secure favorable omens. It thus happens that his journey may be delayed for several days. On one occasion I was delayed three days because the cry of this mysterious bird was unfavorable.

BIRDS OF EVIL OMEN

Besides the turtledove there is no other bird that is the harbinger of good luck. There are, however, several that by their cry, forebode evil. Thus the cry of all birds that ordinarily do not cry by night is of evil omen. The various species of hornbills, crows, and chickens are examples. The cawing of crows and the shrieking of owls in the night have a particularly evil significance, for these birds are then considered to be the embodiment of demons that hover around with evil intent.

An unusual cackling of a hen at night without any apparent reason is also of ill import. On one occasion it was thought to be so threatening that the following morning the owner went through the fowl-waving ceremony and killed the hen for breakfast. He told me that he had to kill it or to sell it because bad luck might come if he kept it around the house.

Again, the alighting of a large bird, such as a hornbill, on the house forebodes great evil. Ceremonial means must be taken without delay to avert the evil presaged by such an occurrence. On one occasion I observed the fowl-waving ceremony, the sacrifice of a chicken, and the blood lustration performed with a view to neutralizing the evil portent.

CHAPTER XXVIII

MYTHOLOGICAL AND KINDRED BELIEFS

[a] ]

[a]The story of the creation of the world varies throughout the Agúsan Valley. In the district surrounding Talakógon creation is attributed to ]Makalídung, the first great Manóbo. The details of his work are very meager. He set the world up on posts, some say iron posts, with one in the center. At this central post he has his abode, in company with a python, according to the version of some, and whenever he feels displeasure toward men he shakes the post, thereby producing an earthquake and at the same time intimating to man his anger. It is believed that should the trembling continue the world would be destroyed.

In the same district it is believed that the sky is round and that its extremities are at the limits of the sea. Somewhere near these limits is an enormous hole called "the navel of the sea,"¹ through which the waters descend and ascend. This explains the rise and the fall of the tide.

¹Pó-sud to dá-gat.

It is said that in the early days of creation the sky was low, but that one day a woman, while pounding rice, hit it with her pestle, and it ascended to its present position.

Another version of the creation, prevalent among the Manóbos of the Argáwan and Híbung Rivers, gives the control of the world to Dágau, who lives at the four fundamental pillars in the company of a python. Being a woman, she dislikes the sight of human blood, and when it is spilled upon the face of the earth she incites the huge serpent to wreathe itself around the pillars and shake the world to its foundations. Should she become exceedingly angry she diminishes the supply of rice either by removing it from the granary or by making the soil unproductive.

According to another variation of the story, which is heard on the upper Agúsan, on the Simúlau, and on the Umaíam, the world is like a huge mushroom and it is supported upon an iron pillar in the center. This pillar is controlled by the higher and more powerful order of deities who, on becoming angered at the actions of men, manifest their feelings by shaking the pillar, thereby reminding mortals of their duties.

CELESTIAL PHENOMENA

THE RAINBOW

The rainbow, according to the general account, is an inexplicable manifestation of the gods of war. At one end of the rainbow there is thought to be a huge tortoise, one fathom broad. The appearance of the rainbow is an indication that the gods of war, with their associate war chiefs and warriors from the land of death, have gone forth in search of blood. If red predominates among the colors of the rainbow it is thought that the mightier war spirits are engaged in hand-to-hand combat; but if the colors are dark, it is a sign of slaughter. If the rainbow should seem to approach, precautions are taken to defend the house against attack, as it is believed that a real war party is approaching.

On no account must the finger be pointed at the rainbow, as it might become curved.

THUNDER AND LIGHTNING

Thunder is a demonstration by Anit of her anger towards men for disrespect to brute animals. Lightning is spoken of as her tongue and is described as being a reddish tongue-shaped stone that is flung by her at the guilty one. Anit is one of the mighty spirits that dwell in Inugtúhan, the sky world, and together with Inaíyau is the wielder of the thunderbolt and of the storm.

She is a very watchful spirit and, in case one offends her, he must hurry to a house and get a priest to appease her with an offering of blood. The belief in this tongue stone is universal, but no one claims to have seen one nor can anyone tell where it can be found.

ECLIPSE OF THE MOON

The almost universal belief regarding an eclipse of the moon is that a gigantic tarantula² has attacked the moon and is slowly encompassing it in its loathsome embrace. Upon perceiving the first evidences of darkness upon the face of the moon, the men rush out from the houses, shout, shoot arrows toward the moon, slash at trees with their bolos, play the drum and gong, beat tin cans and the buttresses of trees, blow bamboo resounders and dance around wildly, at the same time giving forth yells of defiance at the monster saying, "Let loose our moon," "You will be hit by an arrow." The women at the same time keep sticking needles or pointed sticks in the wall in the direction of the enemy that is trying to envelop the moon.

²Tam-ban-a-káu-a. (Bisáya, ba-ka-náu-a.) Some say that a huge scorpion is the cause of eclipses.

The explanation of these curious proceedings is simple. If the moon does not become freed from the clutches of this gigantic creature, it is believed that there will be no dawn and that, in the eternal darkness that will subsequently fall upon the world, the evil spirits will reign and all human apparel will be turned into snakes.

During the eclipse the priests never cease to call upon their deities for aid against the mighty tarantula that is menacing the moon.

As to the origin, habitat, and character of this tarantula I have never been afforded the least information. The huge creature seizes upon the moon, but soon releases it on account of the shouts and menacing actions of the human spectators. Objections that one may raise as to the invisibility, magnitude, and other obvious anomalies are at once refuted by the simple and sincere declaration that such belief is true because it has been handed down from the days of yore.

ORIGIN OF THE STARS AND THE EXPLANATION OF SUNSET AND SUNRISE

It is said that in the olden time the sun and the moon were married. They led a peaceful, harmonious life and two children were the result of their wedlock. One day the moon had to attend to one of the household duties that fall to the lot of a woman--some say to get water, others say to get the daily supply of food from the little farm. Before departing she crooned the children to sleep and told her husband to watch them but not to approach them lest, by the heat that radiated from his body he might harm them. She then started upon her errand. The sun, who never before had been allowed to touch his bairns, arose and approached their sleeping place. He gazed upon them fondly and, bending down, kissed them, but the intense heat that issued from his countenance melted them like wax. Upon preceiving[sic] this he wept and quietly betook himself to the adjoining forest in great fear of his wife.

The moon returned duly and, after laying down her burden in the house, turned to where the children slept, but found only their inanimate forms. She broke out into a loud wail, and in the wildness of her grief called upon her husband. But he gave no answer. Finally softened by the long loud plaints he returned to his house. At the sight of him the wild cries of grief and of despair and of rebuke redoubled themselves until finally the husband, unable to soothe his wife, became angry and called her his chattel.³ At first she feared his anger and quieted her sobs, but finally, breaking out into one long wail, she seized the burnt forms of her babes and in the depth of her anguish and her rage, threw them out on the ground in different directions. Then the husband became angry again and, seizing some taro leaves that his wife had brought from the farm, cast them in her face and went his way. Upon his return he could not find his wife, and so it is to this day that the sun follows the moon in an eternal cycle of night and day. And so it is, too, that the stars stand scattered in the sable firmament, for they are her discarded children that accompany her in her hasty flight. Ever and anon a shooting star breaks across her path, but that is only a messenger from her husband to call her back. She, however, heeds it not but speeds on her way in never-ending flight with the marks of the taro leaves⁴ still upon her face, and with her starry train accompanying her to the dawn and on to the sunset in one eternal flight.

³Máñg-gad (chattel) and bin-ó-tuñg (purchase slave) are the ordinary terms of reproach used by an angry husband toward his wife and refer to her domestic status as originating in the marriage payment.

⁴Some say that spots upon the moon are a cluster of bamboos; others, that they are baléte trees, and others again, that they are the taro marks referred to.

THE STORY OF THE IKÚGAN,⁵ OR TAILED MEN, AND OF THE RESETTLEMENT OF THE AGÚSAN VALLEY

⁵From i-kug, tail.

It seems that long, long ago a ferocious horde of tailed men, Tíduñg,⁶ overran the Agúsan Valley as far south as Veruéla. They were tailed men from all accounts, the tail of the men being like a dagger, and that of the women like an adze of the kind used by Manóbos. For 14 years they continued their depredations, devastating the whole valley till all the Manóbos had fled or been killed, except one woman on the Argáwan River or, as some say, on the Umaíam.

⁶It would be interesting to know whether these Tíduñg were members of a tribe in Borneo that made piratical raids to the Súlu Archipelago.

When the Manóbos first arrived in the Agúsan Valley they tried to withstand the tailed men. The Manóbos of the Kasilaían River are said to have dug trenches and to have made valiant resistance, but were finally obliged to flee to the Pacific coast.⁷ It is said that when encamped near the present site of San Luis these tailed folks slept on a kind of nettle⁸ and being severely stung, took it for a bad omen and returned.

⁷It is true that the Manóbos of the Tágo River, province of Surigao, claim kinship with those of the Kasilaían and Argáwan Rivers, but their migration from the Agúsan Valley seems to have been comparatively recent, if I may believe their own testimony.

⁸Ság-ui.

As to the origin and departure of these invaders nothing seems to be known, but they devastated the valley from Butuán to Veruéla and from east to west.

The solitary woman who had hidden in the runo reeds of Argáwan continued to eke out an existence and to pass her time in weaving abaká cloth. One day as she was about to eat she found a turtledove's egg in one of her weaving baskets and she was glad, for meat and fish were scarce. But when the hour to eat arrived she forgot the egg. Thus it happened day after day until the egg hatched out, when lo! instead of a little dove there appeared a lovely little baby girl who, under her foster mother's care and guidance, throve and grew to woman's estate.

Now it happened that, as the war had ended, scouts began to travel through the country to discover whether the Ikúgan had really departed, and one day a band of them found the woman and foster daughter. Amazed at the young girl's marvelous beauty the chief asked for her hand. The foster mother granted his request, but upon one condition--that he would place a married couple upon every river in the valley. Well pleased with such a simple condition he started upon his quest and before long succeeded in placing upon every river a married couple. In this way came about the repopulation of the Agúsan Valley. The chief then married the beautiful maiden and peace reigned throughout the land.

GIANTS

The great mythic giants of Manóboland are Táma, Mandayáñgan, and Apíla. All three are described as of marvelous height, "as tall as the tallest trees of the mountains," and their domain is said to be the deep and dark forest.

Táma is a wicked spirit, whose special malignancy consists in beguiling the steps of unwary travelers. Leading his victim off the beaten trail by cunning calls and other ruses, he devours him bodily. His haunt is said to be sometimes the balete tree, as the enormous footprints occasionally seen in its vicinity testify. A Manóbo of the Kasilaían River assured me that he had seen them and that they were a fathom long. I have heard various accounts of this fabulous being all over eastern Mindanáo.

Mandayáñgan, on the contrary, is a good-natured, humanlike giant, who loves to attend the combats of Manóboland. He is said to have been one of the great warriors of the days of yore. His dwelling is in the great mountain forests, where live the gods of war.

Apíla is an innocuous giant whose one great pleasure is to leave his far-off forest home and, crashing down the timber in his giant strides, go in quest of a wrestling bout with Mandayáñgan. The noise of their fierce engagement can be heard, it is said, for many and many a league, and there are not wanting those who have witnessed their mighty struggle for supremacy.

Besides these three greater giants, there are others, lesser but more human, the principal of whom is Dábau. Dábau lived on a small mountain in view of the present site of Veruéla. It is said that, before beginning his trip up the Agúsan, he sent word to the inhabitants of the Umaíam River that on a certain day he would pass through the lake region and that all rice should be carefully protected against the commotion of the waters.⁹

⁹The nearest settlements to the channel through which Dábau must have passed were several kilometers distant.

On the appointed day he is said to have seized the trunk of a palma brava palm and, using it for a pole, to have poled his bamboo raft from Butuán to the mouth of the Maásin Creek, near Veruéla, in one day.¹⁰ With him lived his sister, also a person of extraordinary strength, for it is on record that she would at times pluck a whole bunch of bananas and throw it to her brother on a neighboring hill.

¹⁰This trip is a row of from 8 to 12 days in a large native canoe and under normal conditions.

PECULIAR ANIMAL BELIEFS

There is, besides the various omens taken from birds, bees, dogs, and mice, a very peculiar observance prevailing among the tribes of eastern Mindanáo with regard to members of the animal kingdom. This strange observance consists in paying them a certain deference in that they must not be laughed at, imitated, nor in anywise shown disrespect. This statement applies particularly to those creatures which enter a human haunt contrary to their usual custom. To laugh at them, or make jeering remarks as to their appearance, etc., would provoke the wrath of Anítan¹¹ the thunder goddess, who dwells in Inugtúhan. If they enter the house, they must be driven out in a gentlemanly way and divinatory means resorted to at once, for they may portend ill luck.

¹¹Called also Á-nit and In-a-ní-tan.

I have myself at times been upbraided for my levity toward frogs and other animals. I also received numerous accounts of disrespect shown to brute visitors to a house and of the ill results that might have followed had not proper and timely propitiation been made to Anítan. The two following incidents, of which the narrators were a part, will sufficiently illustrate the point.

Two Manóbos of the Kasilaían River entered a house and, upon perceiving a chicken that was afflicted with a cold, began to make unseemly remarks to it by upbraiding it for getting wet. Shortly after it began to thunder and, remembering the offense that they had committed, they had recourse to their aunt, a priestess, who decided that Anítan was displeased and had to be propitiated. Finding no other victim than a hunting dog, for the chicken was considered by her ceremonially unclean, she at once ordered the dog to be killed for Anítan. The thunder and the lightning passed away promptly. It may be noted here that the dog may have had considerable value, for a really good hunting dog commands as high a value as a human life.

In another case on the same river the narrator had captured a young monkey. When he arrived at the house its uncouth appearance caused a little merriment and induced the owner to place upon its head a small earthen pot in imitation of a hat. Almost immediately the first mutterings of thunder were heard, and the owner, remembering his indiscretion, slew the monkey and offered it in propitiation to Anítan. As he had expected he averted the danger that he feared from the threating[sic] thunderbolts.

In some cases those who are guilty of this peculiar offense become turned into stone, unless they take the proper means of appeasing divine wrath, as the following legend will show.

THE PETRIFIED CRAFT AND CREW OF KAGBUBÁTAÑG

In the old, old days a boat was passing the rocky promontory of Kagbubátañg.¹² The occupants espied a monkey and a cat fighting upon the summit of the promontory. The incongruity of the thing impressed them and they began to give vent to derisive remarks, addressing themselves to the brute combatants, when lo and behold, they and their craft were turned into stone, and to this day the petrified craft and crew may be seen on the promontory and all who pass must make an offering,¹³ howsoever small it be, to the vexed souls of these petrified people. If one were to pass the point without making an offering, the anger of its petrified inhabitants might be aroused and the traveler might have bad weather and rough seas.¹⁴

¹²Kag-bu-bá-tañg is a point within sight of the town of Placer, eastern Mindanáo.

¹³The offering may consist of a little piece of wood, in fact anything, and must be thrown overboard while one is passing the point.

¹⁴There is said to be a similar locality near Taganíto, between Clavér and Carrascál.

In further explanation of this singular belief it may be stated that the imitation of the sounds made by frogs is especially forbidden, for it might be followed not merely by thunderbolts, as in some cases, but by petrifaction of the offender; in proof of this I will adduce the legend of Añgó, of Bináoi.¹⁵

¹⁵Bin-á-oi is the name of an oddly shaped peak at the source of the River Añgadanán, tributary of the Wá-wa River. From the upper Tágo its white crest may be seen overlooking the source of the stream Malitbug that delivers its waters to the Tágo River through the Borubuán.

AÑGÓ, THE PETRIFIED MANÓBO

Añgó lived many years ago on a lofty peak in the eastern Cordillera with his wife and children. One day he went to the forest with his dogs in quest of game. Fortune granted him a fine big boar, but he broke his spear in dealing the mortal blow. Upon arriving at a stream he sat down upon a stone and set himself to repairing his spear. The croaking of the near-by frogs attracted his attention and, imitating their shrill notes, he boldly told them that it would be better to cease their cries and help him mend his spear. He continued his course up the rocky torrent, but noticed that a multitude of little stones began to follow behind in his path. Surprised at such a happening he hastened his steps. Looking back, he saw bigger stones join in the pursuit. He then seized his dog and in fear began to run but the stones kept on in hot pursuit, bigger and bigger ones joining the party. Upon arriving at his camote patch he was exhausted and had to slacken his pace, whereupon the stones overtook him and one became attached to his finger. He could not go on. He called upon his wife. She, with the young children, sought the magic lime¹⁶ and set it around her husband, but all to no avail, for his feet began to turn to stone. His wife and children, too, fell under the wrath of Anítan. The following morning the whole family had petrified up to the knees, and during the following three days the process continued from the knees to the hips, then to the breast, and then on to the head. And thus it is that to this day there may be seen on Bináoi Peak the petrified forms of Añgó and his family.

¹⁶Limes and lemons, it will be remembered, are supposed to be objects of fear to the evil spirits.

CHAPTER XXIX

THE GREAT RELIGIOUS MOVEMENT OF 1908-1910

THE EXTENT OF THE MOVEMENT

The religious revival of 1908 to 1910 began, according to universal report, among the Manóbos of the Libagánon River.¹ It was thence propagated eastward till it extended over the whole region that lies south of the eighth parallel of north latitude and east of the Libagánon and Tágum Rivers. If the rumors that it spread among the Manóbos of the upper Paláñgi, among the Subánuns, and among the Atás be true (and the probability is that it is so), then this great movement affected one-third of the island of Mindanáo, exclusive of that part occupied by Moros² and Bisáyas. I am acquainted with some Bisáyas who, moved by the extent and intensity of the movement on the upper Agsúan[sic], became adherents.

¹The Libagánon River is the western influent of the Tágum River, which empties into the northern part of the gulf of Davao.

²I am informed by Capt. L. E. Case, P.O., deputy-governor of Davao, that the Moros of Máti took a zealous part in the movement. It is then not improbable that the Moros of the gulf of Davao participated in it likewise.

Among the Christianized and non-Christianized Manóbos, Mandáyas, Mañgguáñgans, and Debabáons I know of only a few men and of not a single woman or child old enough to walk who did not take part in it.

Upon my arrival in Compostela I was told about this religious revival, but to make myself better informed I went to the settlement of the one who had introduced the movement into the Agúsan Valley. The following is his story, corroborated since that time in every detail by unimpeachable evidence.

REPORTED ORIGIN AND CHARACTER OF THE REVIVAL

One Meskínan,³ a Manóbo of the Libagánon River, was taken sick with what appeared to be cholera. He was abandoned by his relatives. On the third day, however, he recovered and went in search of his fugitive people. Naturally his appearance caused consternation, but he allayed the fears of his fellow tribesmen by assuring them that his return was not due to the influence of any evil spirit but to that of a beneficent spirit, who, he asserted, had presented him with a medicine which he showed them. They readily gave credence to his story in view of his marvelous recovery, and also because of the extraordinary state of trembling and of apparent divine possession into which he fell after recounting his story. Accounts of this event spread far and wide, until it reached the Mawab River,⁴ but in so altered a form that it not only attributed to Meskínan an ordinary priesthood but declared that he had actually been transformed into a deity, and that as such he could impart himself to all whom he might desire to honor. The chief of the Mansáka group of Mandáyas on the Mawab sent an urgent message to relatives of his near Compostela. My informant was one of these, and he described to me the midnight exodus of the whole settlement on its way to Mawab. The following is substantially his account.

³Meskínan is the religious pseudonym of Mapákla, a Manóbo of the Libagánon River.

⁴A tributary of the Híjo River which empties into the gulf of Davao.

Upon their arrival at Mawab the most powerful chief on the river laid before them the messages that had been received from Libagánon; how Meskínan had been changed into a deity and had ceased to perform the natural functions of eating and drinking. On the following day a messenger arrived at Mawab settlement, purporting to come directly from Meskínan. He stated that Meskínan had announced the destruction of the world after one moon. The old tribal deities would cease to lend their assistance to those that garbed themselves in black.⁵ In the intervening time he (Meskínan) would direct men how to save themselves from destruction.

⁵My informant interpreted this as meaning non-Christianized people. This reference to dark-colored dress is not clear.

My informant said that the following orders were issued by Meskínan:

(1) All chickens and pigs were to be killed at once; otherwise they would devour their owners.

(2) No more crops were to be planted.

(3) A good building for religious purposes was to be erected in each settlement.

(4) In each settlement there was to be one priest⁶ who must have received his power from Meskínan himself, and several assistants⁷ who were to help to propagate the news and to perform the prescribed services in distant "churches."

(5) The services were to consist of praying to Meskínan, performing sacred dances in his honor, and forwarding offerings to him.

⁶Called pun-ó-an.

⁷Tai-tái-an, that is, "bridges," meaning probably that these emissaries were to be the bridge over which the religious doctrines would pass in spreading from settlement to settlement.

My informant described to me how several people of Máwab settlement went over the Libagánon for the purpose of ascertaining the truth of the numerous messages and of the ceaseless rumors. On their return they reported that Meskínan was truly a deity; that his body was all golden; that he ate only the fragrance of offerings made to him; and that he bestowed his special protection on those alone who made these offerings. The visitors to Libagánon brought the news that the toppling over⁸ of the world would take place within one moon, and that the orders of Meskínan, the Magbabáya, should be carried out at once, for otherwise, when the day of destruction arrived, all would be irretrievably lost; husband would be separated from wife, and mother from child; pigs and chickens would prey upon whomsoever they could catch, and all would live a life of darkness and despair. But those who had complied with instructions would be saved; their bodies, at the moment of the fall of the world, would become golden and they would fly around in the air with never a care for material wants, the men on their shields, and the women on their combs.

⁸Kíliñg.

A high priest from the Tágum River conferred a "Magbabáya"⁹ or spirit upon my informant and upon several others who were to act as his assistants and emissaries.

⁹As the narration proceeds an attempt will be made to explain this term.

The people who had assembled at Máwab settlement decided accordingly to erect an immense house for the performance of the religious acts enjoined by the Magbabáya of Libagánon. In this edifice they passed one month in expectation of the impending cataclysm. Men, women, and children, half starving as my informant assured me, danced and sang to the sound of drum and gong, while he and his assistants broke out at intervals into supplications to the Magbabáya of Libagánon and fell into the state of violent exaltation that was the outward manifestation of the fact that a spirit had taken possession of them.

SPREAD OF THE MOVEMENT

Toward the end of the month word was received from Meskínan that the end of the world would not take place for three more moons in order that every settlement might have an opportunity of erecting its religious house and of saving itself thereby from the impending doom. The priests and their assistants were bidden to spread the news far and wide, even in the most inaccessible haunts of the land.

My informant and his relatives then returned to their settlement on the Báklug River, but only to find that their pigs and chickens had been stolen by Christianized people of Compostela. They constructed a religious house of very fine appearance and faithfully fulfilled all the other behests of the Magbabáya.

All this time reports and messages as to the approach of the end of the world kept pouring into Compostela from Libagánon, so that it was not long before my informant was invited to establish a religious house in Compostela. As this town is the principal intertribal trading point to which Christianized Manóbos, Mañgguáñgans, and Mandáyas resort, it is evident that within a short time word of the approaching calamity was received and believed by all the surrounding peoples, and my informant, the high priest, was invited to establish "churches" in all the settlements of Mandáyaland. Through the instrumentality of other priests and their assistants the movement spread among the Debabáons of the Sálug country, among the Mañgguáñgans of the Mánat and Sálug districts and among the Manóbos of the upper Agúsan, the Baóbo, the Ihawán, and the Simúlau Rivers.

This great religious movement was known as "Túñgud."¹⁰

¹⁰I am unable to give any suggestion as to the meaning of this word, nor have I been able to find anyone, from high priests down, who pretended to know its meaning.

ITS EXTERIOR CHARACTER AND GENERAL FEATURES

When I arrived on the upper Agúsan the movement was in full swing, and I had every opportunity to hear the messages and rumors from Libagánon and to watch the proceedings of the high priests and of their assistants. I was handicapped by my inability to follow the language used in the sacred songs and supplications, but I had many of them interpreted to me. With this exception the following statements as to the character of the movement are first hand.

The first and most tangible feature of the revival was the lack of food. No rice nor taro had been planted because of the Magbabáya's injunction, so that the whole population of the upper Agúsan and of the Mandáya country had been compelled to subsist for the months preceding my arrival on the taro that had already been planted and on the camote crop. Hence on my arrival rice was so scarce that it cost me three days' wandering, no little amount of begging, and a good round sum of money to procure a supply sufficient for my own needs. The scarcity or utter lack of food was further made evident by the fact that on several occasions I had to leave settlements because I was unable to get food.

When in their homes the people showed fear at all hours, but especially during the night. The falling of a tree in the forest, the rumbling of thunder, an earthquake, an untoward report from Libagánon, and similar things would draw from them the repetition, in low fearful tones, of the mystic word "túñgud" and would send them off in a hurry to the religious house. In Compostela the people vehemently denied to the visiting Catholic missionary their adherence to the new movement, but as he was leaving the town an earthquake occurred and the words "túñgud, túñgud," broke from the lips of one of the most influential men in the town.

Another and very noticeable feature of the movement, indicative of its profound influence, upon these people, was the cessation of all feuds and quarrels. After all that has been said on the subject of Manóbos in general and their social institution of revenge in particular, one can readily realize and greatly marvel at the paramount influence exerted by the great revival of those two years. Bisáyas and others more or less conversant with Manóbo ways and character were amazed at the wonderful effect which this religious movement exerted on these peoples, one and all. From tribe to tribe, from settlement to settlement, from enemy to enemy, traveled priests, assistants, everybody. Mañgguáñgans, who seldom or never visited Compostela, might be found performing their religious services there. Some of them even went so far as to penetrate into the almost inaccessible haunts of the upper Manorígao Mandáyas, the hereditary and truculent enemies of Compostela whom even the Catholic missionaries could never convert. Debabáons from the Sálug-Libagánon region went fearlessly over to the Karága, Kasaúman, and Manái districts and returned unscathed. Many a time in Compostela and other places I heard it remarked concerning a particular individual that, were it not for the order of the Magbabáya of Libagánon to refrain from quarrels and to forego revenge, he would be killed.

So great then was the sway of this religious movement that the natural law of vengeance yielded to it and its adherents almost starved themselves for it.

THE PRINCIPAL TENETS OF THE MOVEMENT

NEW ORDER OF DEITIES

In the first place the spirit that received a particular individual under his tutelary protection was either a new divinity communicable to others or one of a new class of divinities. I incline to the latter interpretation as being more in accordance with general Manóbo religious ideas. In either case the old order of deities was relegated to an inferior position, and no further worship was paid to them. The Magbabáya, whether one or more, had come, according to all the statements of Meskínan, to announce the dissolution of the world or at least of that part of the world inhabited by those who dressed in black--that is, pagan peoples--and to teach men to save themselves from a future life of darkness and desolation.

After his deification Meskínan acquired the power to impart himself to such as he deemed worthy, if they presented themselves to him. They were said, after being thus endowed, to have a Magbabáya, in much the same way as we speak of a person having got the spirit. Upon further development of the movement certain individuals acquired the power of imparting their spirit to others, but a spirit bestowed personally by Meskínan was considered to be of greater potency than that granted by others.

OBSERVANCES PRESCRIBED BY THE FOUNDER

The means prescribed by Meskínan through his priests and emissaries for escaping from the consequences of the approaching demolition were:

(1) The construction of well-made and clean religious buildings¹¹ in each settlement.

(2) The frequent worship of him in these buildings by dance and chant under the direction of local priests or of their assistants.

(3) The material offerings of worldly goods to these same officiants.

¹¹Ka-má-lig.

That these injunctions were carried out faithfully and in the most remote regions I can personally testify. All through the mountainous Mandáya country (Kati'il, Manorígao, Karága, and the very sources of the Agúsan) I found the same religious structures, the same class of priests and faithful congregations. As I learned in my last trip in 1911 up the Karága, the Christianized Mandáyas of the coast towns in the municipalities of Karága, Bagáñga, and Kati'il had joined the movement. From Bagáñga to the point on the Libagánon that was the cradle of the movement is a linear distance of some 120 kilometers, and it takes under very favorable conditions at least seven days of continuous travel over unspeakable trails to communicate from one point to the other. Yet the religious movement spread from Libagánon to Bagáñga and to more distant points in an incredibly short time.

As a further proof of the fidelity with which the observances were carried out, let me say that I frequently dropped into settlements only to find the houses practically empty and the inhabitants all assembled in the religious house. While passing along the trails I could hear on all sides the roll of drums from the distant almost inaccessible settlements as the settlers danced in honor of their unseen gods. Upon my arrival probably the first words that greeted me would be "Túñgud, túñgud."¹² In some places, as on the central Kati'il, I could not open my mouth to speak without hearing the women and children utter at once these strange words. Perhaps it was their idea that my conversation might bring about the consummation that they feared so much.

¹²Besides this there was another mystic word equally unintelligible, ta-gá-an.

In many places I was not allowed to enter the religious buildings, being assured that the new local deity might be displeased, but in such places as I was permitted to enter I noticed the following:

(1) A small alcove¹³ in one corner, frequently provided with a door, sometimes of the folding type. The purpose of this alcove was to serve as a sanctuary solely for the priests and for their assistants. Within they were supposed to hold closer communion with their deities, while the worshipers chanted and danced outside. As the story of the movement proceeds, the real purpose of this alcove or stall will be explained.

(2) An altar consisting of a shelf supported on two legs and having on it offerings of bolos, daggers, lances, and necklaces, together with a supply of drink.

(3) A drum and gong, a mat or two for dancing, and a hearth made out of four logs set upon the floor.

(4) Eight or more rudely carved posts supporting the house. Along the walls small carved pieces of wood intended for ornamentation.

(5) Great cleanliness under and in the immediate vicinity of the building. In Compostela the devout worshipers actually carried sand from the river and spread it on the ground around the building. Flowers, a variety of wild begonia, I think, were planted around some of the buildings. Such actions as these showed the zeal with which the movement inspired them, for in the regulation of their homes such ornamentation is unprecedented.

(6) An offering stand close to the building. On this were placed offerings of betel nut and drink, which were deemed acceptable to the deities.

¹³Called sin-á-buñg.

RELIGIOUS RITES

Several rites, such as that of the conferring of a Magbabáya, I was unable to witness, because up to the time of my departure from the upper Agúsan they were not usually performed there, but nearly always over on the Libagánon, Tágum, or Mawab Rivers. The investment of priests and emissaries with Magbabáya spirits did take place a few times in Compostela, but I was not permitted to attend, the assigned reason being that my presence might be displeasing to these deities. The ordinary religious performance, however, in honor of Meskínan I witnessed repeatedly, and will now describe a typical one.

The ceremony was performed at a settlement on the central Kati'il. The high priest and his assistants were my guide and carriers who had taken advantage of my trip to earn a little and at the same time to spread the new religion.

Upon our approach to the settlement one of the assistant priests went ahead to announce our arrival. The first building we reached was the religious house. Before ascending the notched pole that served for a stairs the high priest gave a grand wave of his arm and asked in a loud voice: "Art thou here already, perchance?" In answer I heard a distinct whistle proceeding, as I thought, from the building. The priest went on: "When dids't thou get here?" This was answered by several low whistling sounds which the priest interpreted to mean "early this morning." The dialogue was continued in a similar strain for several minutes, the responses always being in the form of low prolonged whistling or low sharp chirps, and always proceeding, as it seemed to me, from the building, though to others the sound appeared to come from the opposite direction or from the sky, so they said. I questioned the priest and he pointed his hand in a diametrically opposite direction to that from which the sounds appeared to me to come.

When we went up into the building we found nearly the whole settlement assembled. The high priest gave the latest report from Libagánon, which was to the effect that Meskínan had determined not to overthrow the world for three months more in order to give the settlements that had not yet joined the movement an opportunity to do so and thereby to save themselves. The high priest went on to tell the listeners how the Magbabáya of Libagánon had departed to the underworld and had taken up his abode near the pillars of the earth; how he had been engaged in weaving a piece of cloth and had only 1 yard to finish, upon the completion of which the world would be destroyed. After having convinced the audience of the necessity of making known these particulars to neighboring clans and of complying with the orders of Meskínan, he announced the request of Meskínan that a certain number of lances be donated from each settlement. When he had concluded his narration, which was substantiated by his assistants, it was proposed by the assembled people that he perform the túñgud services, whereupon he and his assistants danced and chanted for about an hour, the tenor of the chants being, according to the interpretation given to me, the latest doings and orders of the great Magbabáya of Libagánon.

The following morning it was decided to hold a sacrifice in honor of Meskínan, so the chief of the settlement with great difficulty procured a pig. All being ready and the pig being in position on the sacrificial table with the usual fronds, the ceremony began. Even while vesting himself in a woman's skirt, according to the customs adopted in the performance of the religious dance, the high priest manifested signs of the influence of his Magbabáya, for he trembled noticeably. One feature of the dance was different from those of the ordinary religious dance in that the priest carried a small shield in one hand and a dagger in the other, though he did not make any pretense of performing the dagger dance as described in a previous part of this monograph.¹⁴ The use of this shield was enjoined as part of the new ritual and was intended to remind the congregation that faithful male followers would be saved by means of their shields when the world toppled over.

¹⁴It may be noted here that the Mandáya dance is neither so graceful nor so impressive as the Manóbo dance. The feet move faster and there are fewer flexings of the body and no mimetic movements, so characteristic of the Manóbo dance. Neither is a woman's skirt worn nor are handkerchiefs carried in the hands.

The high priest danced only about two minutes, because his spirit came upon him, and he fell down upon one knee, unable to rise. I never saw a more gruesome spectacle. A bright unnatural light gleamed in his eyes, his countenance became livid, the eyeballs protruded, a copious perspiration streamed from his body, the muscles of his face twitched, and his whole frame shook more and more vehemently as the intensity of the paroxysm increased. Fearing an utter collapse, I assisted him to his feet and left him resting against the wall.

As soon as the high priest fell under the spell of his spirit, one of the assistants broke forth into a loud chant, which ever and anon he interrupted with a loud coughlike sound followed by the words, "túñgud, túñgud, tagáan." This chant, as well as the subsequent ones, was taken up by several of the assistants successively and, according to the interpretation furnished me, dealt with the wondrous doings of Meskínan in the underworld and described in detail the end of the world as announced by Meskínan. In succession each of the priests, including the local ones, danced and fell under the influence of their deities, but not with such vehemence as the high priest whose spirit was declared to be "very big."

An important point to be noted in the dance was the removal by the dancer at some part of the dance of his sacred headdress,¹⁵ the emblem of his new priesthood. This was a kerchief which was supposed to have been given personally by Meskínan to everyone upon whom he had conferred a Magbabáya. Removing his handkerchief the priest waved it over the heads of the congregation and finally over or near any object that he desired. This was an intimation that such object became consecrated and thereby the property of the great Magbabáya of Libagánon. A refusal to surrender it was tantamount to perdition when the end should come. Such was the doctrine universally preached and as uniformly believed and practiced.

¹⁵Mo-sá.

Continuing the ceremony, the high priest made several efforts to dance, but always with the same result. He chanted, however, frequently, but always made use of many words that had been taught him by his spirit and which were unintelligible to my interpreters.

After about two hours we all left the religious building and took up our positions around the sacrificial table, the priests in the center. Those whose spears, daggers, bracelets, and other property had been consecrated by the waving of a priest's headdress now deposited them under or near the table.

The high priest was the principal officiant, but was assisted by his fellow priests from the Agúsan and by the new local priests. None of the priests of the old religion took any part, the old gods being supposed to have yielded to the new Magbabáya.

The only divergences from the usual ceremonial proceedings on the occasion of a sacrifice were the placing of the sacred headdresses over the victim and the omission of omen taking, blood libation, and blood drinking. The pig was killed by plunging a dagger through its left side, the blood was caught in a pan, and the meat was consumed in a subsequent feast in which the priests did not participate, not being permitted, they said, by their respective deities.

The scene that followed the killing of the pig was indescribable. The priests covered their heads and faces with their sacred kerchiefs and trembled with intense vehemence, some leaning against the posts of the sacrificial table, the high priest himself groveling on the ground on all fours, unable to arise from sheer exhaustion. When the death-blow had been dealt to the victim they broke into the mystic words, "túñgud, túñgud, tagáan," with loud coughs at the end. These words were taken up by the bystanders and shouted with vehemence. Many of them, especially the small girls, fell into paroxysms of trembling. Many of the men and adult women divested themselves of their property, such as necklaces, bracelets, and arms, and laid them near the sacrificial table. Others promised to make an offering as soon as they could procure one.

THE REAL NATURE OF THE MOVEMENT AND MEANS USED TO CARRY ON THE FRAUD

I can state unqualifiedly that the whole movement carried on in the Agúsan Valley among the Mandáyas, Debabáons, and Mañgguáñgans of the Sálug-Libagánon region was a fraud from beginning to end. I state this on the testimony of the high priest who introduced it into the Agúsan Valley, on that of the other priests, and on my own discovery of the fraud. The abandonment of the movement and the open avowal of the Mandáyas of the Karága, Manorígao, Bagáñga, Mánai, and Kasáuman Rivers, who are still bemoaning the loss of many valuables that they had given as offerings, is unimpeachable evidence that the whole movement was a great religious deception.

I have no reason for doubting the wonderful recovery of Meskínan, whose real name was Mapákla, nor do I see any improbability in the report that he fell suddenly under the influence of a spirit, for such an occurrence is not without precedent in Manóboland. I will admit even that at the beginning belief in the revival was sincere, but as time went on and the reputation of the power of Meskínan's spirit became greater, abuses crept in, so that shortly after my arrival in Compostela the whole system became an atrocious deception for the purpose of wheedling innocent believers out of their valuables.

The scheme was most probably engineered by some Mandáyas of the Tágum River in league with one of the men of the Mawab River and two of the upper Sálug. The Mandáyas of the Tágum River have had dealings with Moros from time immemorial, and undoubtedly they learned from them much craft and chicanery. It is far from being impossible that they were prompted by Moros in the present case or that Moros themselves set the movement afoot. I have one reason for being inclined to adopt the latter opinion, namely, that the Moros did actually originate a movement of this kind in the seventeenth century as stated by Combes in his "Historia de Mindanáo," and a similar movement about the year 1877, as is mentioned in one of the Cartas de los PP. de la Compañía de Jesús.

Let us now examine the various artifices by which the fraud was carried out.

THE SACRED TRAFFIC

Meskínan lived somewhere up the Libagánon River, far from the Tágum, and was therefore practically out of communication with the Agúsan. Hence there was little danger of discovery in reporting him deified and his body all golden. After his deification he was always absent, either "down at the pillars of the earth" or on an "island at the sea" or winging his way "on a shield through the starry region." It is easy to understand how difficult it would be to secure an interview with him under these circumstances.

As soon as it was reported from the Tágum and Máwab Rivers that Meskínan could take anyone under his special protection--in other words, that he could bestow his spirit upon others--several went over to Tágum and Mawab and did actually receive a spirit, but only at the hands of those who purported to be the representative of Meskínan. Now those who received this spiritual influence were expected to give a consideration⁶ for the gift, or Magbabáya, as it was called. As time went on this usage developed into the custom of paying the equivalent of a slave (P30) for every Magbabáya received from the representatives of Meskínan. This payment had to be made not only for the original bestowal of these spirits but also in case of their flight and return, for they were of a fugitive disposition. I have seen several young fellows start off for Libagánon in fear and trembling to redeem their runaway spirits. It may be noted here that the flight of a spirit was ascribed to some act on the part of its possessor that provoked its displeasure. Thus one young fellow assured me that his Magbabáya had fled because of his failure to abstain from eating rice.

⁶Called á-lo. Perhaps this is an abbreviated form of the Spanish word regalo, which means gift, and which is a word of frequent use among those with whom the Catholic missionaries came in contact.

I have seen Mandáyas of the Kati'il River, men of influence and of renown, travel over to the Mawab--a wearisome journey of some four days--loaded down with lances, bolos, daggers, slaves, and other chattels, with which to purchase a Magbabáya. I saw them return, too, happy in the possession of their newly acquired spirits but worse off in a worldly way.

But the religious traffic was not confined to the sale of Magbabáya alone. Wooden images and sacred handkerchiefs, supposed to proceed from Meskínan, were sold at very profitable rates, as were also religious shields, and various other objects. Thus on one occasion I made a present to a high priest of several yards of cloth. My astonishment may be imagined when I discovered that he had cut it up into handkerchiefs which he had disposed of far down the Kati'il River for the equivalent of 5 pesos apiece, assuring the purchasers that they had been made and consecrated by the great Magbabáya of Libagánon, and that they were of the utmost efficacy in case of sickness, and above all on the day of dissolution. I asked my friend, the high priest, why he dared to perpetrate such a fraud on his fellow tribesmen. He said that the Mawab and Tágum people had fooled him out of all his possessions and that he was taking this means to get back the equivalent.

A chief from the upper Sálug sold a wooden religious image for the value of P15 on the Bahaían River. He asserted that it was presented to him by Meskínan as a marvelous cure for all the ills of life. I was present in the house of this selfsame chief and high priest while he was whittling out similar ones.

During my recent trip to the Manorígao River I was shown kerchiefs of khaki that had been sold by a highpriest of Compostela about two years before. The indignation and threats of the owners were terrible when I explained to them that I had traded the khaki for some Mandáya skirt cloth. One cunning individual made a feint at throwing the responsibility on me, but happily I was able to evade the liability.

RELIGIOUS TOURS

In order that the pious fraud might be carried out more effectively and with less risk to the missionaries of it, it was proclaimed at the beginning that all feuds should cease and that all quarrels were tabooed. This permitted intercourse between former enemies and enabled the priests and their assistants to travel unmolested from settlement to settlement. Together with an injunction that prohibited any controversy as to the truth of the movement or of any of its tenets, under penalty of failing to participate in its ultimate advantages, the proscription of feuds and quarrels insured personal safety to all who might desire to visit other settlements.

To provide a lodging for the great number of priests and others who would presumably visit settlements outside of their own, the originators of the fraud decided and proclaimed that religious structures should be erected in every settlement. It was thought, probably, that the erection of these would give greater eclat to the affair and thereby tend to bring about a general and more ready adherence to the movement.

As a safeguard against the discovery of the fraud, it was taboo to dispute or to express doubts about any detail of the doctrines, even the most minute. As a further precaution against the suspicions of doubting Thomases, great care was exerted in the selection of priests and of their assistants. In nearly every case the persons selected were active, popular, and, apparently at least, guileless young men. I myself was shocked on discovering to what length these young fellows, in all other respects attractive and popular, went in their propagation of the fraud and of their insidious utilization of its benefits.

They traveled from settlement to settlement, bearing the latest reports about Meskínan; how he had failed to come to an agreement with the ancient deities, how he was wandering around in the starry regions; how he had assistants who were forging chains of steel with which to pull up the religious building in the hour of the earth's doom. After convincing their listeners of the gravity of the situation and of the necessity for renewed efforts, they would dance, chant, tremble, prophesy, shake their sacred kerchief at or over some desired object, receive a harvest of donations, and go on their way rejoicing with the sacred booty in their possession.

An idea of the magnitude of the pious offerings sometimes made may be gained from the following list of articles received by a high priest from the upper Sálug during a religious tour from the Agúsan to the Manorígao, Karága, Mánai, and Kasaúman districts.

3 old English muzzle-loaders.

100 ornamental silver breastplates.

300 old Spanish and Mexican pesos.

60 pieces of Mandáya skirt cloth.

9 pigs (not including those that had been sacrificed in the course of the tour).

30 various other objects, such as suits of clothes.

I estimate the cash value of the above to be, more or less, 1,000 pesos, an amount with which the priest could have purchased 33 slaves or 5 of the most costly maids in his tribe.

The case of a high priest who was under old financial obligations to me is another instance of the extent of the sacred traffic. Upon my arrival I advised him of my purpose and told him to get ready to settle his debt. Though he had absolutely no property at the time, he assured me that he could pay as much as a thousand pesos, so he started out for a trip among the Mandáyas of Manorígao and within a few weeks received enough pious offerings wherewith to pay his debt.

THE WHISTLING SCHEME

The greatest deception of all was the whistling scheme. This was carried on usually at night, because it was distinctly against the spirit of the movement to call upon one's Magbabáya for an answer except at nighttime and in the absence of a bright light, unless the Magbabáya of the priest or priests present first intimated his desire to speak.

The method of audible communication between the priest and his familiar deity was very simple. The priest called out in his ordinary voice, "Magbabáya." If the deity was present, and had not gone off on some errand of his own, or had not run away, he answered by a long, low whistle. The interrogating priest then went on to consult the deity about the matter which he had in view, whether the end of the world was nigh, whether the prospective trip would be dangerous, or whether a boar hunt would be successful. The deity answered by a number of whistles, intelligible to the priest only, and long or short according to the amount of information supposed to be conveyed.

That this procedure was fraud I need not say. I investigated the matter personally and found that the whistling was done either by the priest himself or by a colleague of the priest. Thus in Kati'il, where I first heard it, I slyly looked into the alcove whence the sound proceeded and descried[sic] one of my companions, an assistant of the priest, squeezed into one corner with his hand over his mouth for the purpose of disguising the direction of the sound.

Upon the first favorable opportunity I quietly upbraided my companion, the high priest, for his complicity, but he merely conjured me not to reveal it to anyone else lest he and his companions be killed.

On another occasion I heard a high priest question his divinity as to the amount of a fine to be imposed and distinctly heard 15 low chirps proceeding from the supposed Magbabáya in answer. The priest interpreted this to signify 15 pesos. As the priest continued to consult his familiar on various subjects, I proceeded to investigate and saw a young friend of mine seated in a hammock, his head bent down and his hand placed at his mouth in an effort to divert the direction of the sound. I was within a few feet of this young fellow and could plainly see by the light of the kitchen fire the attitude of the impersonator and distinctly hear his whistling. The seance continued for some 10 minutes, the impersonator chirping out answers to the questioning priest. The listeners were fully convinced that the sounds were of divine origin and expressed that conviction by uttering some such expressions as, "Oh what a beautiful voice the Magbabáya has," "Túñgud, Túñgud," "Oh, he is up on the roof now!" As it is often difficult to determine the direction whence a sound comes, the people would sometimes dispute as to where the god was, one maintaining, for example, that he was above the house, while another maintained that he was below it. Of course such matters were referred to the priest, who always knew the exact location of the imaginary god.

Some priests made use of small bamboo contrivances and some used their little hawk bells to produce the voice of their spirits. In one case the use of a small jingle bell elicited expressions of great admiration for the softness and sweetness of the supposed deity's voice. "Oh, what a melodious voice," one would say, while another would respond, "Yes; it is like a tiny flute."

Seances of this kind were of constant occurrence and yielded the priest a harvest of donations. Those who desired to acquire definite knowledge concerning any subject of importance had to ask a priest to consult his deity, and after the consultation they were expected to make a suitable offering. I once called upon a priest to find out for me the name of the individual who had stolen my scissors. The deity did not respond at the first call, for the reason that, as the priest informed me, he had gone on a trip to Libagánon, so we postponed the consultation in order to afford him time to recall the absent divinity. I can not say what means he was supposed to have taken to bring about the return of the spirit, but the extra service cost me a trifle more. Not long after, when the fire did not cast such a glare and the light had been extinguished, there was a fairly audible chirp proceeding, as all those present said, from the camote clearing. "Ah! he is here," they all said. The priest then accosted the deity in this manner: "Why dids't thou delay, Magbabáya?" and then went on to find out the name of the stealer of my scissors. The supposed deity, however, would not reveal the actual name lest I should quarrel with the individual--a proceeding that would be in violation of a current taboo--but he vouchsafed me the information that it was a female that was guilty. As it turned out subsequently the supposed divinity erred on this point, so as a matter of policy I claimed the restitution of what I had paid the priest for the consultation.

PRETENDED CHASTITY AND AUSTERITY

Chastity and austerity also were means calculated to promote faith in the sincerity of the priest, and consequently in the truth of their assertions and divine interpretations. The abstention from sexual intercourse was strictly enjoined on all who had received a Magbabáya, and observance of the restriction was rigid apparently. The priests and their wives slept in the religious building, but did not cohabit, the men sleeping in one place and the women in another. But, as I was told by one high priest before my departure that he had observed the injunction only in appearance, I am inclined to think that the same was true of all the other priests.

Abstinence from food was also enjoined by the decrees of the great Magbabáya of Libagánon. Hence priests pretended to abstain from all food when in their own settlements but during their religious tours ate and drank on the plea that the spirits had forbidden them to abstain, as such abstinence might cause offense because of the laws of hospitality, which require a visitor not to refuse the bounty of his host. The customs as to abstinence were not uniform. One priest maintained that his deity required from him total abstinence while he was in his own settlement. Another asserted that only partial abstinence was required of him, as, for example, from rice, or from chicken, or from drink, and he observed the rule rigidly. Total abstinence, however, was only a pretense. I had occasion to verify this fact in the case of a priest who maintained emphatically that he had not eaten a morsel for three whole days. I went to his house and found him eating inside the mosquito-bar. Of course I was fined for my curiosity.

The doctrine of the withdrawal of the ancient tribal divinities and the substitution for them of the new-fangled ones at a time of such common peril was well calculated to arouse the inherent religious fanaticism and fear of these primitive peoples. Let us review the principal points of the creed. The ancient deities had abandoned the world in disgust and decreed its downfall. The great Magbabáya of Libagánon had gone down to the pillars of the world and was prepared to shake the earth to its very foundations until it toppled over. He and the spirits with whom he communicated were powerful deities, able and disposed to rescue their worshipers not only in the awful moment of dissolution when the earth would become a vast charnel house full of darkness and desolation, but also in all the concerns of life up to the very end.

These new-fangled spirits were endowed with marvelous powers. They could resuscitate the dead, restore the sick to health, discern the future, impart invulnerability and other wondrous qualities, and in the moment of final dissolution rescue their faithful worshipers from the irrevocable vengeance of the ancient tribal divinities. Many and many a Manóbo told me, when I suggested to him the possibility of error or of deception in the whole system, that it was better to be sure than sorry, and that it was well worth the loss of the worldly goods to be sure of securing immunity from the threatened danger. Who would not be afraid when even the mighty Magbabáya of Libagánon would at times demand a lance from every settlement and keep careful watch? When many of them began to discover the fraud they were ashamed to confess their credulity and fanaticism, and so, seeing a good opportunity to recover their pecuniary losses, joined in the fraud and deliberately swindled others out of their temporal goods.

THE END OF THE MOVEMENT

The beginning of the end came about December, 1910. The various inconsistencies in the reports from Libagánon, the continual postponement by Meskínan of the end for one flimsy reason or another, the discovery by individuals of lies and fraudulent conduct on the part of the priests, the hunger and misery consequent upon the abandonment of the crops, the constant advice on the part of Bisáyas and others, and the ever-increasing scarcity of valuables that might be given as offerings to the priests and to their assistants--all these contributed to bring about the termination of a religious swindle that victimized at least 50,000 people.

It is evident that when the time announced for the dissolution approached some reason for its failure to take place would have to be patched up and propagated. Thus in the beginning the catastrophe was to take place after one moon, but Meskínan made a long journey for the purpose of interceding with the old tribal gods and succeeded in getting a prorogation of three moons. Toward the end of the three moons, Meskínan decided to wait for one more before putting into execution the fatal decree. And so things went on from moon to moon. Now the end would be postponed because Meskínan had to finish a mystic piece of cloth on a loom near the pillars of the world. Then it would not take place because he had hied him to an "island of the sea." And thus things continued until people began to weary of the suspense and to suspect the fraud.

At the time of my departure from the upper Agúsan the whole country was getting into a turmoil. The Mandáyas, enraged at the loss of their property bootlessly bestowed on the priest, threatened to make an attack upon the people of the Agúsan. The Manóbos announced their intention of raiding the Debabáons. The Mañgguáñgans menaced the Tágum Mandáyas. In a word trouble was so imminent that had it not been for the establishment of government on the upper Agúsan to protect the Christianized peoples already settled in towns, probably there would have been much bloodshed.

SIMILAR MOVEMENTS IN FORMER YEARS

In the "Cartas de los PP. de la Compañía de Jesús" I find similar movements reported. One is reported in a letter of Father Pastells of May 2, 1877, and the other in some other letter, the date and writer of which I am unable to cite. The general features were the same, that is, the appearance of a person, in one case a woman, in another a child, with body all golden, who announced the destruction of the world. Crops were not to be planted, domestic animals were to be killed, and all were to await in prayer and fasting the consummation. The object of these frauds was to make the Christian conquest of the upper Agúsan peoples impossible.

On my trip to the upper Karága a venerable old Mandáya informed me that in his youth there had been a similar fraud which was engineered by the Moros of Súmlug, on the east side of the gulf of Davao, and that when the Mandáyas of Karága discovered the fraud they made a raid on the authors of it and killed many.

I also find mention of a similar movement in a letter from Father Urios,¹⁷ dated Jativa, July 26, 1899. It seems that one Manáitai, a Manóbo chief, residing at the headwaters of the Bahaían River, was told by his familiar spirit, Sindatúan, to lead all the Manóbos of Patrocinio back to the mountains. By orders of Sindatúan the whole clan was to meet in one house and for the space of one moon they were to unite in prayers and shouts, at the end of which time all would be transported, body and soul, into the sky.

¹⁷Cartas de los PP. de la Compañía de Jesús, 9; 533, 1891.

The letter states that Manáitai was obliged to abstain from everything except roots, sugar-cane, and fish. The worshipers of Sindatúan complied with directions in every particular, even to the burning of candles; but as there was no immediate prospect of a celestial assent, the belief was abandoned and the parties concerned returned to their original creed and observances.

From these examples it does not seem too bold to state that religious revivals of a similar character may be looked for periodically, perhaps every 10 or 15 years, especially on the occurrence of public perils such as contagious diseases or fear of invasion.

APPENDIX

HISTORICAL REFERENCES TO THE MANÓBOS OF EASTERN MINDANÁO

EARLY HISTORY UP TO 1875

From 1521 until 1877 Manóbo history is for the most part veiled in the obscurity of traditional accounts of the past. Now and then it is brightened by the transient light of a missionary's pen only to relapse into the unfathomable darkness of the past. The few traditions that come down to us in Manóbo legendary song and oral tradition furnish but little light in the darkness, arid that little is probably not the pure and simple light of truth, but the multicolored rays of the popular imagination that have transformed warriors into giants and enemies into hideous monsters. Thus Dábao, of whom mention will be made presently, was a giant according to the general tradition. The Moros that invaded the Agúsan are spoken of as "tailed men." There is, however, one tradition--persistent and universal--to the effect that up to 1877, and even later, though in a lesser degree, there was war--ruthless, relentless, never-ending war. This tradition is borne out by the events that succeeded the advent of the missionaries and their efforts to thrust Christianity upon a people who neither understood its doctrines nor relished its rigorous precepts.

1521

Mention of the Agúsan River and of Butuán is found in the writings of various historians, notably of Father Francisco Combes¹ who states that Magellan landed in Butuán in 1521. It is believed by various historians that the first mass in the Philippine Islands was celebrated here, and that the planting of a cross on a small promontory at the mouth of the Agúsan River was intended by Magellan as a formal occupation of the Philippine Islands in the name of Spain.² A later governor, to commemorate this event, erected a monument which stands to this day near the mouth of the Agúsan River.

¹Historia de Mindanáo y Jolo (Madrid, 1897), 76.

²It is strange that Pigafetta who records the doings of Magellan with such marvelous minuteness, does not mention this first mass.

1565-1574

A letter from Andrés Mirandola to Philip II³ some time after the arrival of Legaspi in 1565 states that Mirandola was ordered to explore the islands of Magindanáo and to seek a port called Butuán. Upon arrival in that town he made friends with the chief. He found Moros trading at the port. He describes the people as being of a warlike character. In another letter of Mirandola,⁴ dated 1574, we find Butuán spoken of as a district with much gold.

³E. H. Blair and J. A. Robertson, The Philippine Islands, 34: 202, 1906.

⁴Ibid., 3: 233.

1591

In various letters and other documents translated by Blair and Robertson from original sources we learn that the district of Butuán was an encomienda⁵ and that tributes were collected as early as 1591.

⁵An encomienda was a royal allotment or grant of land, including the natives that lived thereon, to a Spaniard for the purpose of government.

1596

In Chirino's⁶ relation it is set forth that in 1596 the Jesuits, Valero de Ledesma and Manuel Martinez, began their missionary labors in the Agúsan Valley where they found the inhabitants "by no means tractable on account of their fierce and violent nature." Christianity, however, made surprising advances, so great that the principal chief of the district, Siloñgan, divorced five of his wives, and protected the missionaries in every way possible.⁷ Religious fervor is said to have reached such a height that the people publicly flagellated themselves until the blood flowed.

⁶Ibid., 12: 315.

⁷Ibid., 13: 47, et seq. It is interesting to note here that Ledesma in one of his letters mentions the fact that the Ternatans were accustomed to swoop down on the coast of Mindanáo and kept the natives of Mindanáo on the alert. In citations from other writers quoted by Blair and Robertson we find evidence of dealings of the Ternatans, both friendly and unfriendly, and with the natives of Mindanáo.

Ledesma and Martinez were succeeded by other Jesuit missionaries who preached the doctrine to the Hadgaguanes,⁸ "a people untamed and ferocious--to the Manóbos and to other neighboring peoples."⁹

⁸Perhaps the Hadgaguánes here referred to are the Higagáons or Banuáons of the present day.

⁹Ibid., 44: 60.

There must have been opposition to the propagation of Christianity as we find that a fort was constructed in Línao¹⁰ some time after 1596. The headman, however, of the Línao region invited one Father Francisco Vicente to visit his people and it seems that "even the blacks¹¹ visited him and gave him hopes of their conversion."¹²

¹⁰Línao was a town situated some miles to the south of Veruéla. It and the surrounding country subsided in recent times. Its former site is now under a maze of mad torrents that carry the waters from the upper to the middle Agúsan.

¹¹We should bear in mind that Spanish historians frequently referred to the mountain people as little blacks (Negrillos), otherwise we might be led to believe that the ancestors of the present people living in the vicinity of the old townsite of Línao were Negritos.

¹²Ibid., 44: 60, et seq.

Morga in his Sucesos¹³ speaks of Butuán as being peaceable. He makes mention of the industry of obtaining civet from the civet cats.

¹³Ibid., 15.

1597

In the General History of the Discalced Augustinian Fathers, by Fray Andres de San Nicolas,¹⁴ we learn that missionaries had penetrated the district of Butuán as early as 1597, but that they had been unable to withstand the hostility of the mountain people.

¹⁴Ibid., 21.

1622

In 1622 the Recollects succeeded the Jesuits in ecclesiastical administration of Butuán district. Father Jacinto de Fulgencio seems to have been the most energetic of the band of eight that undertook the conquest, for it is related¹⁵ that he traveled 50 leagues up the river, preaching the faith to the villages. "He had serious and frequent difficulties in making himself heard," polygamy and slavery being the two great obstacles to the reception of the Christian doctrines. The results, however, were successful, for he is said to have converted 3,000 souls, and to have founded three conventos¹⁶ one of which was in the village of Línao.¹⁷ At this period Butuán is said to have had 1,500 Christians, and Línao, or Laylaía as it was also called, 1,600 souls.

¹⁵Ibid., 21: 221.

¹⁶A convento is a building erected for the accommodation of the spiritual administrators of a town and their assistants.

¹⁷Ibid., 21: 221.

1629

In 1629¹⁸ there was a general uprising of the Súlus and of the Karágas. One Balíntos arrived in Butuán with letters from the famous Corralát, decreeing the death of all the missionaries and urging the people of Butuán to rebel, but they, "with a faithfulness that has ever been a characteristic of them," refused to follow the orders of Corralát, and instead of killing the missionaries, protected them by every means in their power.

¹⁸Ibid., 35: 65.

1648

The arrival of the Dutch in Manila¹⁹ in 1648 incited the natives to sedition. A decree, issued by the Governor of Manila, Don Diego Faxardo, helped to foment the restlessness into rebellion. Santa Teresa²⁰ sets forth some of the results of the rebellion among the Manóbos.

¹⁹Ibid., 36: 126.

²⁰Historia de los religiosos descalzos, translated by Blair and Robertson (36: 128, et seq.).

He says that there were certain wild Indians in the mountains of Butuán in the Province of Karága.²¹ "They had kinky hair, oblique eyes, a treacherous disposition, brutish customs, and lived by the hunt.²² They had no king to govern them nor houses to shelter them. Their clothing was just sufficient to cover the shame of their bodies, and they slept wherever night overtook them. They were pagans, and in their manner of life almost irrational. They were warlike and waged an incessant war with the coast people." Santa Teresa describes how Dábao, a Manóbo chieftain of great strength and sagacity and undoubtedly the original of the legendary giant that still lives in Manóbo tradition, stirred up rebellion and succeeded in killing many Spaniards in Línao.²³

²¹The Province of Karága at this time extended from Dapítan on the northwest of Mindanáo to Karága on the southeast.

²²The reference to the possession of kinky hair might lead us to think that the ancestors of the present Manóbos were Negritos. The only trace of curly hair among the Manóbos of the Agúsan Valley is observed among those who occupy the northwestern parts of the valley, and northeastern contiguous to Butuán.

²³Santa Teresa says that a poisoned arrow pierced the leg of a soldier. This reference to the use of poisoned arrows, taken in consideration with Santa Teresa's description of the Manóbos of that region as being kinky haired, and living by the hunt, seem to indicate that the Manóbos of those days were Negritos. A further evidence is added by the application of the term Negrillos (little Negroes) to Manóbos. The use of poisoned arrows is, to this day, a distinctly Negrito custom. At the present time the use of poisoned arrows is unknown to Manóbos and, as far as I have been able to learn, no tradition as to the former employment of them exists.

The rebellion extended all over the valley and Fray Augustin and other churchmen lost their lives as a result. It was finally suppressed by the capture of innumerable slaves. "Manila and its environments were full of slaves." "The Butuán chiefs, who were the mirror of fidelity, suffered processes, exiles, and imprisonments; and although they were able to win back honor, it was after all their property had been lost."²⁴ In 1651 peace was restored by the return of the innumerable slaves captured by the Spanish forces.

²⁴Blair and Robertson, 36: 134.

1661-1672

Between the years 1661 and 1672 the Recollects pursued their evangelical labors in the Agúsan Valley, notwithstanding the constant opposition of the Manóbos. Father Pedro de San Francisco de Asis describes the natives as being "robust and very numerous." He says that in time of peace they were tractable, docile, and reasonable, had regular villages, lived in human society, were superior to the surrounding mountain people, and were easily converted. He claims that there were 4,000 converts living between Butuán and Línao. The people to whom he refers are most probably the ancestors of the Bisáyas of the present day, because, as we shall see later on, the Christianized Manóbo towns of the present day did not exist before 1877.

Father Combes²⁵ is the authority for the statement that Butuán was the origin of "the rulers and nobility of all the islands of Jolo and Basilan." The following is the extract:

²⁵Ibid., 40: 126.

But the rulers and nobility of all the islands of Jolo and Basilan recognize as the place of their origin the village of Butuán (which, although it is located in this island, is within the pale of the Bisáyan Nation) on the northern side, in sight of the Bóol, and but a few leagues away from Leyte and from Bóol, islands which are in the same stage of civilization. Therefore, that village can glory at having given kings and nobility to these nations.²⁶

²⁶San Francisco in his Cronicas (see Blair and Robertson, 40: 312) says: "They [the Butuáns] are the origin of the best blood and nobility of the Basílans and Joloans, for the king of Jolo even confessed that he was a Butuán." It is surprising to note the dialectical similarity between Súlu and the variety of Bisáya spoken in the Agúsan Valley. Words that are not found in any other Bisáya dialect, are common to these two dialects. It is therefore probable that formerly there was intercourse between the two peoples.

Speaking of the native peoples and their customs San Antonio²⁷ in 1744 says that "Some of the Manóbos in the mountains of Karága (who are heathen and without number, although some are Christians, a people civilized and well inclined to work, who have fixed habitations and excellent houses) pay tribute."

²⁷Ibid., 40: 298,

We learn from the same authority that one of the missionaries obtained wonderful results in the conversion of Manóbos in Línao. He was unable to specify the number but says that it increased greatly, for up to that time there were only 3,000 converts in the whole district of Butuán. My authority seems to believe that there were two classes of people around Línao, the one whom he distinctly calls Manóbos--"tractable, docile, and quite reasonable," living in villages in human society in a very well ordered civilization--and the other, an inferior people leading a brutish life. It is reasonable to suppose that the people whom San Antonio refers to as Manóbos are the ancestors of the present Bisáyas of Veruéla, Bunáwan, and Talakógon, who have traditions as to the pagan condition of their ancestors.

Concepcion²⁸ gives a detailed record of the Moro raids in Mindanáo. "Butuán was laid waste and some 200 captives seized; the little military post at Línao, up the river, alone escaped." The tradition of the fight between the Moros and the people of Línao still exists among the Bisáyas of the Agúsan Valley. A statue of the Virgin is still preserved in Veruéla that is said to have been struck by a ball from a Moro lantaka (small cannon). It is believed that this unseemly accident aroused the anger of the Virgin herself, who promptly turned the tide of battle against the Moros. The only tradition regarding this invasion that I found extant among the Manóbos is the legend of the tailed men, and of their own flight.

²⁸Ibid., 48: 163.

FROM 1875 TO 1910

1800-1877

For the nineteenth century we have few historical records of the Manóbos until the Jesuits who had been expelled from the Philippines in 1768 and returned in 1859, resumed their work in eastern Mindanáo in 1875. The material concerning the Manóbos is contained in a series of selected letters²⁹ from the missionaries in the field to their provincial and higher superiors. Though containing little ethnological data of a detailed character, they afford in their ensemble, a vivid picture of the work of the missionaries in reducing the pagan tribes of Mindanáo to civilization and outward Christianity. Dates of the formation of the various town and rancherias³⁰ are furnished; with the names of the chiefs, friendly and in many cases unfriendly, the opposition on the part of the mountain people to the adoption of Christianity, and the armed resistance on their part to its implantation, as well as the interclan feuds, frequently with details as to the number of slain and of captives, and the number of converts in each district are stated. In a word, these letters form a most valuable and accurate account of the Christian subjugation of a large portion of the pagan peoples of Mindanáo.

²⁹These letters are called Cartas de los PP. de la Compañía de Jesús de la mision de Filipinas, and were printed consecutively in Manila from 1876 to 1902 and probably later.

³⁰A rancheria is a small dependent settlement of Christianized people.

1877

In the Agúsan Valley the first efforts of the missionaries were directed to the Bisáyas or old Christians, as they are called, of Butuán, Talakógon, Veruéla, and Bunáwan. Father Bove³¹ in 1877 writes that he reunited many Bisáyas of Híbung and Bunáwan in Talakógon, which is at present one of the few municipalities in the sub-Province of Butuán. He notes the extent of the slave trade between Manóbos and Bisáyas, and that he made a preliminary trip to the upper Agúsan and to the upper Sálug. In the same year Peruga visited Bunáwan and organized the church among the Bisáyas of Bunáwan who had not been annexed to Talakógon. In the meantime Urios and others rounded up the stragglers of Butuán, Tolosa (now Kabarbarán), and Maínit.

³¹Cartas de los PP. de la Compañía de Jesús, 3.

1879

In 1879 Urios reports the establishment of Las Nieves, Remedies, Esperanza, Guadalupe, Maásam (now Santa Ines), and San Luis, all of which rancherias of conquistas³² or Christianized Manóbos are still in existence.

³²Conquista is a Spanish word meaning conquest. It is of universal use in the Agúsan Valley to denote a recently Christianized member of a non-Christian tribe.

In the same year Luengo, who was in charge of the Bisáya settlement of Talakógon, succeeded in settling the Manóbos to the south of Talakógon in the town of Martines. These Manóbos were for the most part from the Rivers Pudlúsan, Lábnig, and Aniláwan. He comments on the ignorance of the Talakógon Bisáyas who came, he asserts, from the Rivers Sulibáo and Híbung, and from the district west of Mount Magdiuáta.

The same year Pastells converted 771 Manóbos of the Simúlao River. He then visited the upper Agúsan, and negotiated with the pagans of that district--a conglomerate group of Mandáyas, Mañgguáñgans, Manóbos, and Debabáons--for the foundation of Compostela and Gandia. He founded Moncayo, and Jativa (pronounced Hativa), with Debabáon and Manóbo converts, respectively.

Urios took up the work of Pastells on the River Simúlao and baptized 1,000 Manóbos, whom he induced to found the town of Tudela. He then pursued his work among the Manóbos to the south of Veruéla and founded the town of Patrocinio. He reports that for some trifling reason the town was moved not long after. From 1905 to 1909 I know that the site of the town was changed five times.

La Concepcion,³³ near Nasipit, San Vicente, San Ignacio, and Tortosa were founded the same year. Urios remarks that the class of people that he induced to settle in the last-mentioned town were half-Negrito. The present inhabitants are known as Manóbos but a casual glance will convince one of their Negrito derivation.

³³This rancheria is not in existence.

During the same year Urios founded Loreto on the Umaíam River, and succeeded in getting the Manóbos of San Rafael to settle in Túbai. This is interesting as the inhabitants of Túbai pass for Bisáyas at the present day.

1881-1883

From 1881 to 1883 we find continuous reports of the armed opposition of all the unconverted peoples to the adoption of Christianity, so much so that troops had to be stationed in Esperanza and Talakógon. Guadalupe and Amparo were abandoned, the ostensible reason being fear of Doctor Montano who was taking anthropometrical measurements of Manóbos in the towns through which he passed, but as Urios remarks, this was only a pretext for withdrawing from a form of life that did not suit them. Guadalupe was burned by the pagans shortly after its abandonment. Several new towns had been formed, namely, Maásao, Bugábus, Óhut, Los Remedies, and Hauilián, but the opposition of the still un-Christianized people increased, and, as a result, all the newly formed towns on the lower and middle Agúsan, except La Paz, Loreto, and the Simúlao towns, were abandoned. One reason assigned for this was the fear entertained by the inhabitants that revenge might be taken on them for the murder of certain Butuán Bisáyas who had been killed by the conquistas of Esperanza. However, there is little doubt but that the real reason for the abandonment was the fear on the part of the newly Christianized people toward their mountain congeners and relatives, for it must be borne in mind that the newly Christianized people were the tools used by the missionaries to reach the pagans. These conquistas were prevailed upon to act as intermediaries, interpreters, guides, carriers, and soldiers. It is obvious that their cooperation with the missionaries, especially in armed expeditions, brought upon them the enmity of the pagan peoples whom the missionaries intended to convert, sometimes nolens volens. To avoid the ill feeling of the pagans and the results that would follow as a consequence, the conquistas preferred to flee and join the pagans, or at least to maintain a neutral attitude.

1883

The desertion of all the towns on the lower Agúsan meant the return of some 5,000 conquistas to their original manner of life, for at this period the total number of converts in the valley was 11,000.³⁴ The upper Agúsan had 1,500, La Paz, 1,000, and the Simúlao district, 2,000.

³⁴Ibid., 5: 71.

On the upper Agúsan affairs followed the same trend. The Mandáyas of the Kati'il River killed 180 on the Húlip River. Jativa and Búal were attacked by Mandáyas, the latter place being abandoned immediately. Baóbo, "the river of bagáni,"³⁵ continued to keep Patrocinio, Búai, and Gracia on the alert.

³⁵A bagáni is a Mandáya, Mañgguáñgan, Debabáon, or Manóbo warrior who has a certain number of deaths to his account and who gives evidence of being under the influence of war deities.

Notwithstanding these vicissitudes, the missionaries succeeded in establishing Pilar, a Mañgguáñgan town, on the Mánat. It is described as being made up of the most ignorant and depraved people on the upper Agúsan. In the same year (1883) Gracia was founded between Patrocinio and Jativa. This town is not now in existence, and I am unable to state just where its location was, unless it may have been near the present site of Langkiláan. On the lower Agúsan, Gángub, or Nuevo Guadalupe, and Tortosa on the Kabarbarán River were formed. Neither of them is in existence at the present day.

The missionaries, not yet being able to reunite the Manóbos, directed their activities to the conversion of Mamánuas. Hence in 1883 we read that the Mamánua settlements of Santa Ana, San Roque, San Pablo, Santiago, and Tortosa were formed, the total number of converts being about 800. Most of these settlements are still in existence, though there are times when not a soul may be found in any of them.

1884

In 1884 little is recorded. It was calculated that at this time there were still 6,000 unconverted pagans in the upper Agúsan district. Jativa, which was the headquarters of the mission, and which had a population of 156 families, was attacked by Mandáyas. On the lower Agúsan matters were at a standstill, the conversion of 134 Mamánuas being the only important item that is recorded in the letters.

1885

On the Pacific coast the labors of the missionaries had been confined to the Bisáyas up to 1885, in which year Peruga converted the pagan Mandáyas of Marihátag and Kagwáit. He also ascended the Tágo River converted the pagan Mandáyas of Alba, establishing at the same time a town of that name.

Guardiet worked among the Manóbos to the west of Hinatu'an and baptized 217 in Ginhalínan near Javier (pronounced Havier). He made his way over to the Híbung River and founded Los Arcos with 80 converts.

There is no record of the work in 1885 among the Manóbos of the lower Agúsan except that Urios founded the town of San Ignacio near Butuán. On the upper Agúsan, however, things took a turn for the worse. Eighty families, or a little more than half of Jativa, abandoned the town. All the people of Gandia went out but were finally persuaded to return and associate themselves with the people of Compostela. The Mañgguáñgans of Clavijo (pronounced Claviho)³⁶ moved to Gandia. Not long afterwards Compostela, Gandia, and Jativa were abandoned, the town of Compostela having been burned on two separate occasions. The same year, however, they were re-formed.

³⁶I can not state just where the town of Clavijo on the upper Agúsan was located. Up to 1908 there was a town of the same name on the middle Agúsan, near the mouth of the Ihawán River, but it consisted entirely of Christianized Manóbos, and not of Mañgguáñgans such as are stated by my authority to have been the people of Clavijo on the upper Agúsan.

1886

In 1886 Moncayo and Pilar were deserted and Jativa was attacked. On the lower Agúsan affairs remained in status quo. The Mamánua settlements were increased by one which was located on the Dáyag River, near Maínit.

In the middle Agúsan, Gracia and Concepcion were founded on the Ihawán River.

It is interesting to note that the total number of converts in the Agúsan Valley from 1877 to 1886 is put down at 17,840 souls, living in 42 towns.³⁷

³⁷Ibid., 11, appendix.

1887

In 1887 it became necessary to increase the number of troops in Jativa, owing to the flight of the inhabitants of Moncayo, Compostela, and Gandia. As a consequence of this move, these towns re-formed. San Isidro was abandoned this same year.

1887-1888

On the lower Agúsan the missionaries, notably Urios, continued their labors and succeeded in gaining over to Christianity many of the Banuáon people of the upper hut and Libang Rivers. The year 1887-88 seems to have been one of comparative peace except in the district to the west of La Paz, on the Argáwan River, where it became necessary to make use of armed troops.

1889

In 1889 cholera got into the Agúsan Valley. The inhabitants of Tortosa abandoned their town. On the Pacific coast Puntas penetrated among the Manóbos of the Tágo River above the town of Alba, and Alaix visited the Mamánuas of Kantílan and Lanusa, among whom he made 84 converts. In the same year Peruga made more Mandáya converts in Alba on the Tágo River.

1890

In 1890 Moncayo and Gandia had a feud, as a result of which the people of the former abandoned their town. Matters progressed so favorably on the Argáwan that Sagunto was pacified and Asuncion was founded farther up on the same river. This town is no longer in existence, but a small rancheria called Tilyérpan was founded in 1906 nearer to Sagunto. Bása on the Kasilaían River and San Isidro on the Bahaían River were founded the same year, but, on the other hand, an outbreak of fever led to the abandonment of Gracia and Concepcion on the Ihawán. Many Mamánua and Mandáya converts were added to Los Arcos. The conversion of these is attributed to the fighting that had previously taken place in Las Navas and Borbon, on the same river. Milagros on the Óhut was founded this same year.

1891

The year 1891 does not show any further special development except the foundation of a Banuáon settlement, called Concordia, on the Líbang River.

In 1892 Vigo and Borja (pronounced Borha) on the Baóbo River were established. Manóbos of the Sibágat River were converted and a settlement was founded at its juncture with the Wá-wa. This settlement is now called Pait. San Miguel on the Tágo River was founded with 25 families, most of whom were Manóbos. This town is no longer in existence. Amparo, on the other hand, was abandoned, and my authority for this statement remarks that this was the seventh time since its foundation that the town had been abandoned. Other towns had passed through the same experience, though not so many times.

1893

In 1893 Misericordia, now no longer in existence, was reestablished on the Bugábus River. San Estanislao, at the mouth of the Labáo River, was founded this year. It is not in existence under this name. Santa Fe is the present name and the settlement occupies a new site, selected in 1908, I think.

On the Tágo River the conversion of the Mandáyas was completed and more Manóbos were added to the roll of Christians, thus bringing the number of Christianized Manóbo families to 80.

In the Agúsan Valley, Moncayo and Milagros were abandoned.

1894

In 1894 Castellon was founded at the mouth of the Lángkilaan River. At the present day no such town is in existence, though near the old town site of Castellon there is a small rancheria called Lángkilaan.

During the same year Pilar, which up to this time had been on the Mánat, was transferred to the Agúsan, between Gandia and Compostela. Another town is said to have been founded on the Mánat River. Gerona, between Moncayo and Gandia, Cuevas on the Bahaían, and Corinto on the Agsábo, a branch of the Óhut, were founded during this year, and San Isidro was re-formed.

1900-1905

I have been unable to peruse the letters of the missionaries from 1894 to the present day, but I was given to understand by well-informed Bisáyas of Butuán that at the time of the Philippine insurrection in 1898 the Christianized Manóbos lived in a state of comparative tranquillity. During the time of the revolution few outbreaks are recorded, notwithstanding the fact that the missionaries had abandoned their upriver parishes and the Spanish troops had been withdrawn. From 1900 to 1905 affairs on the lower and middle Agúsan, excepting along the upper Kasilaían, Argáwan and Umaíam, were very peaceful, a fact that was due to the enthusiasm with which the Christianized Manóbos devoted themselves to the culture of abaká and to the production of its fiber. On the upper Kasilaían, Argáwan and Umaíam, Ihawán, and Baóbo there occurred occasional killings and the country was always in a condition of alarm.

On the upper Agúsan, especially in the region of Compostela, the old feuds broke out and it became necessary for the government of the Moro Province to station troops at Compostela.³⁸

³⁸Upon my arrival in the Agúsan Valley in 1905 I found the following rancherias in existence:

On the main river, Butuán (a Bisáya settlement), San Vincente, Amparo, San Mateo, Las Nieves, Esperanza, Guadalupe, Santa Ines, San Luis, Martines, Clavijo, San Pedro, Veruéla (a Bisáya settlement), Patrocinio, Langkiláan, Hagimítan, Tagusáb, Búai, Moncayo, Gerona, Gandia, Pilar, Compostela, and Taga-únud.

On the Óhut River, Milagros and Remedies.

On the Wá-wa River, Vérdu.

On the Líbang River, Concordia.

On the Kasilaían River, Basa.

On the Híbung River, Borbon, Ebro, Prosperidad, Azpeitia, and Los Arcos.

On the Súlibao River (tributary of the Híbung), Novele and Rosario.

On the Argáwan River, La Paz and Sagunto.

On the Umaíam River, Loreto, Kandaugong.

On the Simúlao River, San Jose, Bunáwan (a Bisáya settlement), Libertad, Basa, Tudela, and San Isidro.

On the Nábuk River, Dugmánon.

From 1905 to 1910 the following towns were formed:

Santa Fe, at the mouth of the Labáo River.

Pait on the Wá-wa, at the mouth of the Sibagat River.

Nuevo Trabajo (pronounced Trabaho), a few hours up the Maásam River.

Ba'ba', on the Híbung River between Prosperidad and Azpeitia. Tilierpan and Kamóta, above Sagunto on the Argáwan.

Violanta, Santo Tomas, and Wálo, on the upper Umaíam.

Maitum, on the river of the same name, which is a tributary of the Híbung River.

Mambalíli, below Bunáwan on the Simúlao River.

Comparing the towns in existence at the beginning of 1910 with those whose establishment is reported in the Jesuit letters we find that the following towns have ceased to exist:

Tolosa, some few hours up the Kabarbarán River.

Tortosa, on a river to the west of the present Máasao.

San Ignacio, a little to the south of Butuán.

Concepcion, near the town of Nasípit.

San Rafael (I do not know the location of this town, but I am under the impression that it was located near Túbai).

Nuevo Guadalupe, near the present Guadalupe.

Misericordia, about 12 miles up the Bugábus River.

Hauwilián, at the mouth of the Hauwilián River.

San Estanislao, at the mouth of the Labáu River.

Patai, between Martires and Borbon.

Basa, on the Kasiliágan River.

Las Navas, on the Híbung.

Asuncion, on the Argáwan River.

Clavijo, on the Agúsan near the mouth of the Ihawán River,

Gracia and Concepcion, on the Ihawán River.

Bigo and Borja, on the Baóbo River.

Castellon, Gracia, Clavijo, and Jativa, on the upper Agúsan

San Miguel, on the Tágo River (Pacific coast).

The number of converts from the pagan peoples in the Agúsan Valley up to 1898 must have reached 25,000, divided as follows: Mamánuas, 1,000; Banuáons and the branch of Manóbos occupying the northeastern part of the valley, 3,000; Mandáyas, 2,000; Mañgguáñgans, 1,000; Debabáons, 1,000; Manóbos, 17,000. These came finally to live in some 50 towns, including the unstable settlements of Mamánuas. From 1898 until the present time the conversion of pagans in the Agúsan Valley has been insignificant.

METHODS ADOPTED BY THE MISSIONARIES IN THE CHRISTIANIZATION OF THE MANÓBOS

The methods adopted by the missionaries in the conversion of the pagans in Mindanáo are made clear in a report by Father Juan Ricart, S. J., to the Governor General of the Philippine Islands.³⁹ The following extracts are pertinent:

³⁹Ibid., 11, appendix.

The first thing that the missionaries seek to attain before penetrating the territory occupied by these pagans is a knowledge of the various races or tribes dwelling therein, of their customs and superstitions, of their feuds and wars, who are their enemies and their allies, respectively, the names of the principal chiefs, their traits of character, and finally their particular dialect as far as it may be possible to acquire it. Then they dispatch selected and trustworthy emissaries, preferably inhabitants of the Christian towns who have commercial dealings with the pagans, bidding them announce the intended visit of the missionary. On the appointed day, the missionary, armed with meekness and condescension, presents himself, speaking to them with dignity and authority. He tells them that he is their friend, that he wishes them well, that he has known of such-and-such misfortunes that have befallen them, and that in pity he comes to succor them. He invokes the name of the king and of the governor of the district, whose power they had learned to fear and respect through their dealings with the Christians. He reminds them of some wrong that either they or their neighbors had committed on the Christians, for it is seldom that they are not guilty of some fault or other, and intimates to them that it is the intention of the governor to send soldiers to punish them for their conduct. He (the missionary), however, has interceded with the governor on their behalf and has received a promise from him that he will not only pardon their fault but that he will take them under his protection and defend them against their enemies. He (the missionary) goes on to explain the advantages of civilized life, and the mildness of Spanish rule, as far as their limited understanding can grasp. He undoes their suspicions, forestalls their misgivings, and overcomes their fears; and by means of presents and kind words, especially to the little ones, he strives to soften their hearts. These interviews and lengthy discussions are repeated as often as it is opportune or necessary, every effort being made in the meanwhile to convince and gain over the chiefs and elders, a result that will be attained all the more quickly if he succeeds in settling their differences, in bringing about peace with some more redoubtable enemy, or in helping them in the attainment of any proper object that they may have in view. All this does not take place without great long-suffering and bitterness on the part of the missionary. Having decided on a site that is to their own liking and even according to their superstitions, though sometimes it be not best adapted for the purpose, a day is selected for the clearing, a plaza⁴⁰ and streets are plotted out, and then the erection of the tribunal and of the private dwellings begins.

It is at this period that the constancy and firmness of the missionary is taxed, for he has to overcome the unspeakable sluggishness of the uncivilized people, and to defeat the futile and continuous pretexts that they invent for the purpose of desisting from the work and of returning to the obscurity of the forest. It is helpful to be able to provide sufficient alimentation for them for a few days at least, so that it will not be necessary for them to return to the mountains in search of food. At the same time it is expedient to give them little rewards to induce them to begin their plantations near the new town by planting camotes and other crops which yield quickly.

The appointment of officers for the government of the settlement is the next step and must be conducted in a most solemn manner, it being sometimes necessary to increase the number of jobs in order to satisfy the ambition of the chiefs and of the elders. The chosen ones are presented with the official staff of command in the name of the governor, and with the traditional jacket. Thus the new town is established. It is placed under the rule and guardianship of the Gobernadorcillo⁴¹ of the nearest Christian town, for the purpose of bringing about compliance with the orders that emanate from the chief of the province.

The missionary maintains his power and influence through an inspector, who is usually a person of trust and worth among the older Christians, and through two teachers, preferably a married couple selected from among the best families. These then take up their residence in the new town and begin their teaching.

As soon as the new settlement gives evidence of stability and perseverance, an effort is made to have the governor of the district visit it in order that the newly converted Christians may lay aside their fear, gain new courage, and learn to become devoted to the government.

The presence of an armed force upon suitable occasions is also calculated to have some effect at this early period, as it serves to keep quiet the dissatisfied and grumbling ones, of whom there are always some, as well as to infuse a feeling of fear into outside enemies who might be inclined to trouble the settlement, either because they do not regard it in an auspicious light or because they wish to satisfy a desire for revenge which they have harbored for a long time. Up to this time these unhappy people (the pagans) have had no other law than the caprice of their chiefs, nor other justice than oppression by the strong, nor other customs than an amorphous mass of practices that are at once repulsive and opposed to the natural law. Their guides and their teachers have been augurs or visionary women who, in connivance with the chief, sometimes make them abandon the territory in which they live for fear of some invisible deity, sometimes make them launch themselves on neighboring peolpe[sic] in order to avenge some supposed grievance, or sometimes induce them to sacrifice a slave to appease the anger of their gods. While such influences are paramount, there can be no firmness nor possible security for the new settlement; on the day least expected it will be found deserted and even burned. On the other hand, it becomes necessary to give these people, recently denizens of the forest, a simple code that contains the principal duties of man, that sets forth the relation of one to another, that teaches subjects to obey their superiors, the strong to protect the weak, and parents to teach their children, and that enjoins upon all work and mutual respect.

It is also necessary to satisfy the innate desire, if we may so speak, for a cult, that natural feeling for a religion which these people, like all others, have. It is necessary to substitute for their barbarous and inhuman practices others that may lift them up and revive their drooping and pusillanimous spirits. It is necessary that in the town there should be something to attract and to hold them with irresistible charm. In a word, the faith must be preached to them and they must be baptized; a religion and a church are necessary. Until a great part of the inhabitants of a new settlement have been baptized, until the feast of the patron saint and other religious ceremonies have been solemnly celebrated, it is useless to hope for the stability of the new town. The Catholic religion is a simple and powerful means for transforming those savages into good Spanish subjects; it is the mold wherein they leave their barbarous practices and shape themselves perfectly unto ours.

The missionaries do not speak of baptism nor of religion till they have gained the good will of the pagans, until they realize that they are being listened to willingly and that they (the pagans) put trust in their words. When they begin to like the Spaniards, and to hold in esteem their customs and ideas, then the missionaries gently insinuate themselves and begin to teach them the truths of our holy faith and to show them the observances and rites of our religion. At the beginning some sick person or other is baptized: afterwards, when there is some prospect of stability, the children, and finally the adults, provided that they have been instructed as much as their capacity and the circumstances permit. With this prudent procedure the missionary encounters no serious obstacle. His evangelic[sic] eloquence easily convinces those simple people of truths so much in harmony with human nature and of practices so much in accord with the good inclinations of mankind. The tendency that they still retain to maintain their ancient superstitions vanishes before the sway exerted by that superior man from whom they have received so many favors. The greatest difficulty for them consists in leaving the free life of the forest and in bringing themselves to live in a settlement with its attendant restrictions; this is especially true in the case of the chiefs and of such others as previously had exercised any authority. But having once adopted Christianity, baptism costs them nothing. Here and there one finds a chief who is opposed at the beginning to being baptized because he has several wives, but this condition, though it is not approved, is tolerated, provided he does not trouble the others nor disturb the settlement. But as a rule all become ashamed and repent, and end by yielding and by following the example of the rest. The grace of God is of transcendent power in these transformations. The savage, as long as he continues pagan, is governed in all his acts by ancient observances inspired by superstition and fanaticism. It is only when he has been baptized that he understands the necessity of a change of life and customs. Then he ceases to be Manóbo or Mandáya, in order to be a Christian; he relinquishes his pagan name and in the course of time can hardly be distinguished from the inhabitants of the ancient Christian towns. Even the Mamánuas, a group of Negritos usually considered to be recalcitrant, now live submissively and joyfully in their settlements.

⁴⁰A public square.

⁴¹This means in Spanish "little governor," and was the name given to the chief executive of a municipality in Spanish days. It corresponds to "mayor" at the present time.

THE SECRET OF MISSIONARY SUCCESS

I endeavored during my tours in the interior of eastern Mindanáo to ascertain definitely the secret of the success of the Spanish missionaries in inducing forest-loving people to leave their ancient homes and ways and adopt a life of dependence, political, economic, and religious, and I have arrived at the following conclusions, based on the information furnished me by the conquistas, both those who are still living under the effective control of the Government and those who have returned to their primitive haunts.

(1) In a great many regions the first factor of success is the personal equation. Some of the missionaries, notably Urios and Pastells, must have been men of wonderfully winning ways and of deep tact, if I am to believe my informants. In districts such as the upper Sálug, where many of the Christianized Debabáons had retired for many years, I was told stories of the wonderful condescension of Urios, and of his understanding of Debabáon ways and customs. The pagans present on one occasion assured me that if Urios were to visit them, they would all be baptized. In other districts I heard other missionaries spoken of whose names were so garbled that I have been unable to identify them. In most of the districts there were kind inquiries for one or another of the missionaries and expressions of regret that they could not see them again.

(2) In other regions (upper Umaíam, upper Argáwan, and others) the chief means used were threats of extermination, and, in cases, armed expeditions were actually sent out to overcome opposition to the adoption of Christianity. I base this statement on the testimony of conquistas who asserted that they were acquainted with the facts, and who went into such minute details as to lead me to believe that they were telling the truth. How far such action is due to irresponsible and overzealous officers leading these expeditions I am unable to say, but the impression given me by my informants invariably was that such expeditions were planned by the missionaries for the purpose of forcing Christianity upon the pagans. Bisáyas were frequently in charge of native soldiers and for commercial reasons were interested in the conversion of the mountain people to Christianity, so that it would not be surprising if they took unauthorized measures to effect the Christianization of the pagans.

(3) The third factor of success was the distribution of presents and alms by the missionaries. Frequent mention is made of this throughout the Jesuit letters. It undoubtedly did a great deal toward attracting the pagan people and convincing them of the friendship, from their point of view, of the missionaries toward them. It has been my experience that with a people of this stamp one present has more persuasive force than ten thousand arguments. It opens the way to conviction more readily than kind words and condescending manner, as it puts the tribesmen under a feeling of obligation.

(4) The fourth factor was the general policy adopted by the missionaries of posing as mediators between the Government and the pagans. This, coupled with a previous general knowledge of the conditions of the country, and of the customs and language of the people, and accompanied by a dignified but condescending and genial manner, enabled the missionaries to ingratiate themselves at once into the favor of the people they were visiting.

(5) The next and last factor in the conversion of the pagan peoples was the religious character of the men who undertook it. Religion appeals strongly to all primitive people and especially to the peoples of eastern Mindanáo, in which, as will be seen in the fourth part of this monograph, there seems to occur periodically a religious movement that for the time being subverts the ancient religious beliefs. It is natural then, that the pomp and glitter of Catholic ceremonial appealed strongly to the Manóbo. I can not say, from my observation, that he became a very devout worshiper in his new faith. In fact, I know that the average Christianized Manóbo understands little, and practices less, of the Catholic doctrines. In so far, however, as the imposition of the doctrine was a means to an end, namely, to radicate[sic] him in selected centers where he fell within social and governmental control, it can not be criticized. On the other hand, the effect of the change was, I am inclined strongly to believe for the worse, for he lost that spirit of manliness and independence that is a characteristic of the pagan, and he became a prey to the more Christianized people within whose sphere of influence and exploitation he fell. I have always been struck by the differences, moral, economic, and even physical, between the debt-ridden, cringing conquistas, and his manly, free, independent, vigorous pagan compeer. One-half of the conquista's time is consumed in contracting debts to the Bisáya trader, and the other half in paying them. His rice is sold before it is harvested. His abaká patch often is mortgaged before the planting is completed. He is an economic serf to an inconsiderate taskmaster.⁴²

⁴⁰A public square.

⁴¹This means in Spanish "little governor," and was the name given to the chief executive of a municipality in Spanish days. It corresponds to "mayor" at the present time.

⁴²The special government established in the subprovince of Butuán took immediate steps toward ameliorating the condition of the conquistas by opening trading posts on the lower and middle Agúsan, so that the above observations refer to the period preceding the formation of the special government.

EXPLANATION OF PLATES

PLATE 1. a, b, Manóbo women. Lankilaan, upper Agúsan. Note tattooing. c, Forearm of woman in d. d, Mandáya woman. Compostela. Note shaven eyebrows and personal ornaments.

PLATE 2. a, Mañgguáñgan man and Manóbo woman. Jativa, upper Agúsan. b, Debabáon man and Manóbo woman. Upper Agúsan. c, Manóbo woman. Tagusáb, upper Agúsan. d, Mandáya man. Compostela, upper Agúsan.

PLATE 3. a, Manóbo man. Tagusáb, upper Agúsan. b, Manóbos. Ihawán River, Agúsan Valley.

PLATE 4. a, Manóbo women. Umaían River, Agúsan Valley. b, Manóbo house. Moncayo, upper Agúsan. Note thatched roof, notched pole, and opening around the sides above the walls.

PLATE 5. a, Manóbo house, built for defense. Near Veruéla, upper Agúsan. b, Manóbo house, Gandia, upper Agúsan. Note notched pole, numerous posts, smoke vent, gable pieces, thatched roof, and bamboo shingles.

PLATE 6. a, Typical Manóbo house. Near Compostela. b, Manóbo house. Central Agúsan. Built on a tree stump for defense. Such houses are now very rare.

PLATE 7. a, Armor coat made of abaká, with war chief's red jacket inside. Upper Agúsan Manóbos. b, Manóbo abaká skirt, woven in red, white, and black. This is the only lower garment worn by women. It serves at night as a blanket. c, White trousers made of abaká. Central Agúsan. d, Trousers made of blue cotton cloth. Upper Agúsan. e, Mandáya abaká skirt. Worn by Manóbos when obtainable. The design is produced by the tie and dye process.

PLATE 8. a, b, Women's jackets of cotton and abaká, embroidered with red, yellow, white, and black cotton yarn. Upper Agúsan. c, War chief's red jacket. Insignia of bagáni-ship used by Manóbos of the upper Agúsan. d, War chief's red headkerchief. This indicates that the wearer has killed at least three people. e, Hat of sago palm bark. Middle Agúsan. f, Man's jacket worn by wild Manóbos of the eastern and central Cordilleras. g, Man's jacket. Upper Agúsan style. h, Central Agúsan style. i, Hat worn in the Agúsan Valley south of 8° latitude. j, Woman's jacket. Central Agúsan. k, Ihawán and Baóbo style. l, Manóbo-Mañgguáñgan style. m, Manóbo betel-nut bag. n, Betel-nut bag made of Mandáya abaká and cotton cloth.

PLATE 9. a, Cage for keeping the sacred omen bird. b, d, Bamboo guitars. c, Wooden two-stringed guitar. e, f, h, Bamboo flutes. g, Bamboo jew's-harp. i, Drum with head of deerskin. j, l, m, n, Fish traps and fishing line. k, o, p, q, r, Rattan baskets. s, t, Women's incised bamboo combs. u, z, cc, Bead necklaces, worn by Manóbo men and women. v, y, Seed and shell necklaces, worn by Manóbo women. w, aa, bb, dd, ee, Women's incised bamboo combs. x, Woman's silver breastplate. Made by Mandáyas out of coins; worn by upper Agúsan Manóbos. ff, ll, rr, Nito bracelets, worn by Manóbo men and women. gg, ii, kk, Shell bracelets, worn by Manóbo women. hh, jj, Beaded girdles made of nito and human hair, worn by Manóbo women. mm, nn, oo, pp, Wooden ear disks and pendants. qq, Black coral bracelet, bent by heating. Worn by Manóbo men and women. ss, Nito armlet, worn by Manóbo men. tt, Bear's bracelet, worn by Manóbo men and women.

PLATE 10. a, Fish spear. Central Agúsan. b-f, Fishing bows and arrows. The arrows have detachable points. g, Mandáya spear used by Manóbos of upper Agúsan. h, Central Agúsan spear. i-k, Manóbo bow and arrows. l, Manóbo shield. Upper Agúsan. m, Mandáya shield. n, Shield. Central Manóbo. o-r, Mandáya daggers and sheaths, used by Manóbos. Upper Agúsan. s, Mandáya betel-nut knife, used by Manóbos. t-v, Manóbo bamboo lime tubes. w, Moro brass box, used by Manóbos. x, y, Manóbo work bolo and sheath. z, aa, Mandáya war bolo and sheath. Highly prized by Manóbos.

PLATE 11. a, Mandáya woman in a dancing attitude that is characterisitc of Manóbos. Compostela, upper Agúsan. b, Men of the mixed Compostela group in a dancing attitude that is characteristic of the Manóbo war dance.

PLATE 12. a, Altar house, used during the greater sacrifices. Upper Agúsan. b, Religious house. Lankilaan upper Agúsan. Note superiority of this house over the ordinary dwelling house. This kind of house was built by the Manóbos during the great religious movement.

PLATE 13. a, Sacred image and offering stand. Note the egg on the stand. Gerona, upper Agúsan. b, c, Sacred posts with offering trays for the Magbabáya, used on the upper Agúsan during the great religious movement.

PLATE 14. a, d, Ceremonial birth canoes. b, c, Blood oblation trays, used by warrior priests and for invoking the spirits of blood. e, Ceremonial stand, offering plate, and rice paddle. f-i, Sacred images, used to attract Manóbo divinities. j, Sacred shield. k, l, Sacred jars. m, o, Wooden stands used on the upper Agúsan during religious ceremonies. n, p, War chief's charms, worn during war raids. They contain magic herbs. q, Ceremonial birth offering stand. Middle Agúsan. r, Ceremonial ladder for a religious house, ceremonial chair, and sacred image. Bamboo guitars like that shown were used constantly during the great religious movement. Upper Agúsan. s, Bukídnon man. Silay, Bukídnon subprovince.

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